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THE JOURNAL OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL 
INSTITUTE OF AMERICA 



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iSlrcliaeohigical Jtuitttute ot iSbnerica 

American 
Journal of Archaeology 

Iketonb #erie< 

Thb Journal of thd: Archaeological 
Institute of America 

VOLUME xxra 

1919 



CONCORD, N. H. 

rUBUSBSD FOR THS UrSTITUn BT 

tE|)e Slumf orb Ij^tM 

NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 
LONDON: MACMILLAN A CO., Ltd. 



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L.:cc. I Zr . w 

< t . I 

American Journal of Archaeology 

SECOND SERIES 

The Journal of the Archaeological Institute of America 
Vol. XXIII, 1919 

Cbttonal ftonxh 

Editor-in-Chief 
JAMES MORTON PATON 

Associate Editors 
GEORGE H. CHASE (far the American School at Athena), 

Profeasor in Harvard^University. 

ALLAN MARQUAND (far Mediaeval and Renaieeance Archae" 
ology), 

Professor in Princeton University. 

FREDERICK H. STERNS (far American Archaeology), 
Associate in Harvard Umversity. 

WILIJAM N. BATES, 

Professor in the Univ«wty of Pennsylvania. 

Honorary Editors 
JAMES C. EGBERT (President of the Institute), 
Professor in Columbia University. 

EDWARD CAPPS (Chairman of the Managing CommiUee of the 
School at Athens), 

Professor in Princeton University. 

JAMES A. MONTGOMERY (Chairman of the Managing 
Committee of the School in Jerusalem), 

Professor in the Philadelphia Divinity School. 

Cbttotial Centrilmtiiri 

Professor Carroll N. Brown, Professor Arthur S. Pease, 

Classical Archaeology. Classical Archaeology, 

Miss Mart H. Buckingham, Professor Samuel Ball Platnbb, 

Classical Archaeology. Roman Archaeology. 

Dr. Theodore A. Bxtenger, Professor John C. Rolfe, 

Classical Archaeology, Roman Archaeology. 

Dr. Lacet D. Casket, Dr. John Shaplet, 

Classical Archaeology. Christian and Mediaeval 

Professor Harold R. Hastings, Archaeology. 

Classical Archaeology. Professor Arthur L. Wheeler, 
Professor Elmer T. Merrill, Numismatics. 

Numismatics. 
Professor Lewis B. Paton, 

Oriental Archaeology. 



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CONTENTS 



PAOa 

Abchaeological Institute of America: 

Samuel E. Bassett — ^The Palace of Odysseus 288 

Additional Note on the Palace of Odysseus 413 

Joseph Breck — ^Two Carolingian Ivories 394 

L. G. Eldridoe — ^An Archaic Greek Statue 270 

Arthur Fairbanks — ^An Ionian Deinos in Boston 279 

Ella Sharples Hoghton — Two Marbles in the Museum of Fine Arts, 

Boston 219 

Roger Sherman Looms — ^The Allegorical Siege in the Art of the Mid- 
dle Ages 255 

Stephen Bleecker Luce — ^The Diphilos-Dromippos Lec3rthi and 

their Relation to Mr. Beazley's Achilles 

Master 19 

Note on Etruscan Architectural Terra- 
cottas 161 

Eugene S. McCartney — Canting Puns on Ancient Monuments . . 59 

C. R. MoREY — Pseudo-Gothic Ivories in the Heam Collection ... 50 

The Silver Casket of San Nazaro in Milan 101 

Phila Calder Nye — The Oblong Caskets of the Byzantine Period . 401 
Bertha Knickerbocker Straight — ^The Decorative Qualities of 

Florentine Quattrocento Relief 126 

R Douglas Van Buren — Terracotta Revetments from Etruria . . 157 

Margaret C. Waites — ^The Meaning of the "Dokana" 1 

Oliver M. Washburn — The Origin of the Triglyph Frieze .... 33 

Notice 312 

American School op Classical Studies at Athens: 

L. R. Dean — Latin Inscriptions from Corinth, II 163 

Kendall K. Smith — Greek Inscriptions from Corinth, II 331 

Archaeological News and Discussions (July, 1918-June, 1919). 

— William N. Bates, Editor 

NOTES ON recent excavations AND discoveries; OTHER NEWS . . 75,313 

Oriental and Classical Archaeology: — General and Miscellaneous, 

75, 313; Egypt, 77; Greece, 79, 314; Italy, 80, 315; Spain, 84, 318; 

France, 84, 318; Holland, 85; Northern Africa, 85, 318; United 

States, 86, 320. 
Early Christiany ByzardinCy MediaeMj and Renaissance Art: — 

Palestine, 322; Greece, 88; Italy, 89, 323; Spain, 92, 325; France, 

92, 325; Austria, 93; Great Britain and Ireland, 93, 326; Northern 

Africa, 96; United States, 96, 328. 
American Archaeology: — General and Miscellaneous, 330. 
summaries of original{articles chiefly in current periodicals, 175, 415 
Oriental and Classical Archaeology: — General and Miscellaneous, 

175, 415; Egypt, 177, 417; Babylonia and Assyria, 179, 418; 

Syria and Palestine, 180, 420; Asia Minor, 420; Greece, 181, 420; 

(Sculpture, 181, 420; Vases, 182, 421; Inscriptions, 183, 423; Coins, 

V 



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vi CONTENTS 

425; General and Miscellaneous, 183, 426) ; Italy, 183, 427; (Sculp- 
ture, 183; Vases, 427; Inscriptions, 184, 427; Coins, 428; Gen- 
eral and Miscellaneous, 185, 429); Spain, 433; France, 185, 433; 
Northern Africa, 433. 

Early Christiany Byzantine, and Mediaeval Art: — General and Mis- 
cellaneous, 186, 434; Italy, 189, 435; Spain, 190, 436; France, 191, 
437; Belgium, 192, 437; Germany, 192; Sweden, 192; Great 
Britain, 193, 438. 

Renaissance Art: — General and Miscellaneous, 195; Italy, 195, 438; 
Spain, 201, 443; France, 202, 445; Belgium and Holland, 203, 445; 
Germany, 204; Great Britain, 204. 

American Archaeology: — General and Miscellaneous, 447. 

BiBUOGRAPHT OF Archaegloqical Books: 1918 

WiLUAM N. Bates, Editor 207 

General and Miscellaneous 207 

Eg3rptian Archaeology .' . . 210 

Oriental Archaeology 211 

Classical Archaeology 212 

Greek and Roman 212 

Greek, 212 (I, General and Miscellaneous, 212; II, 
Architecture, 213; III, Sculpture, 213; IV, Vases, 213; 
V, Inscriptions, 213; VI, Coins, 214); 
Roman, 214 (I, General and Miscellaneous, 214; II, 
Vases, 214; III, Inscriptions, 215; IV, Coins, 215). 

Christian Art 215 

(I, General and Miscellaneous, 215; II, Early Christian, 
Byzantine, and Mediaeval, 216; III, Renaissance, 217). 
Abbreviations used in the News, Discussions and Bibliography .... 99 

Pbocbedings op the Twentieth General Meeting op the Archaeo- 
logical Insttfutb op America at Columbia Untversity, 
New York, December 26, 27, 28, 1918 66 

Preliminary Statement 65 

Abstracts and Titles of Papers Read: 
Principles of Greek Design as Illustrated by Pottery and 

Bronzes in America. — ^Jay Hambidgb 65 

Some Black-Figured Vases in the Stoddard Collection, Yale 

University.— Paul V. C. Baur 66 

Notes on the Technique of Greek Vases. 

— Gisela M. a. Richter 67 
The Erechtheum as a Christian Church.— James M. Paton 67 
Some Balkan and Danubian Connections of Troy. 

—Ida C. Thallon 67 
Study in the Mayence Languages. — ^Wiluam Gates .... 68 
The Bennington Pottery and the Early Red Ware of New 

England. — Florence Paul Berger 68 

The Beginnings of Sculpture in Colonial America. 

— FiSKE Kimball 69 



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CONTENTS vil 

Two So-called Early Christian Monuments. 

— Chables R. Morey 69 

Problems of Gothic Form. — John Shaplet 69 

The Transformation of the Classical Pediment in Roman- 
esque Architecture. — ^Leicbstbr B. Holland 70 

The Decoration of the Ceppo Hospital at Pistoria. 

— ^Allan Mabquand 70 
The Future Protection of the Historical Monuments of 

Nearer Asia. — ^Howard Crosby Butler 70 

Some Art Treasures of Redeemed Italy. 

--Chables Upson Clabk 70 
The Nature of the Lares and their Representation in Roman 

Art. — Maboabbt C. Waitbs 70 

The Origin of the Triglyph Frieze. — Oltvtbb M. Washbubn . 70 
Architectural Refinements in Mediaeval French Cathedrals 
as Related to the Question of Repairs or Restoration in the 

War Zone.— W. H. Goodybab 71 

The Origin of the Roman Forum. — Nobman W. DeWitt . . 72 
The Oblong Ivory Caskets of the B3rzantine Period. 

— Phila C. Nye 72 
Notes on Women in Attic Inscriptions. — Helen McClees . . 73 
Notes on the Portals of Santiago de Compostella. 

— Geobgiana Goddabd King 73 

PLATES 



I. Bust of a Youth, Shaw Collection, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. 
II. Bust of a Youth, Shaw Collection, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston: Full 
Front and Profile, 

III. Bust of a Roman Emperor, Shaw Collection, Museum of Fine Arts, 

Boston. 

IV. The Castle of Ladies. Tapestry of the Sixteenth Century. 



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ILLUSTRATIONS IN TEXT 



PAOB 

Votive Relief of Argenidas: Verona 1 

Relief in Sparta 2 

Terracotta Relief: Tarentum 3 

Cretan Ring with Shrine 4 

Coin of Cyprus 5 

Dioscuri Joined by Bar 7 

Dioscuri Joined by Two Bars 7 

Dioscuri with Heads Joined by Bar 7 

Dioscuri and Thunderbolt 11 

The Borelli Lecythus: Philadelphia 20 

Lecythus in Athens, No. 1629 22 

Lecythus in Athens, No. 1628 23 

Palmette on Shoulder of Lecythus 24 

The Spinelli Lecythus: Boston 25 

The Lichas Lecythus: Boston 29 

The Hygiainon Lecythus: Worcester 30 

Church in Cochiti Pueblo 35 

Origin of the Doric Frieze: von Reber 38 

The Primitive Doric Entablature: Choisy 39 

Origin of the Doric Frieze: Durm 40 

Origin of the Doric Frieze: Noack 41 

Church in Acoma Pueblo . . . / 43 

Plan of Megaron and Temple: Tiryns 45 

Origin of the Doric Frieze: Beam-Ends as Metopes 46 

Triptych from the Hearn Collection: Providence 50 

Ivory Diptych: Hearn Collection 51 

Coronation of the Virgin: a, Hearn Collection; b, Louvre 52 

Virgin and Child: a, Hearn Collection; b, Villeneuve-l^-Avignon ... 53 

Virgin and Child: a, Hearn Collection; b, Chartreuse de Champmol 54 

Apollo and Daphne: Hearn Collection 55 

Ivory Polyptych: a, Hearn Collection; b, Louvre 56 

Pedestal of Polyptych, Figure 7, a 57 

The Festival Hall of Amenhotep III 78 

Gold Vase from Nuri 79 

The Golden Fleece: Via Praenestina, Rome 82 

Diadumenus: Via Labicana, Rome 83 

Groom and Wounded Horse: Philadelphia 87 

Wounded Horse: Philadelphia 88 

Saint Stephen by Giotto 90 

Cassone Panels by Cosimo Roselli (?) : a, Property of Mr. Chamberlain; 

B, National Gallery, London 95 

Christ Enthroned: Cover, Casket of San Nazaro 102 

Adoration of the Magi: Casket of San Nazaro 103 

Judgment of Solomon: Casket of San Nazaro 103 

Daniel and the Elders: Casket of San Nazaro 105 

viii 



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CONTENTS ix 

f 

The Three Hebrews (?): Casket of San Nazaro 105 

Casket of Projecta: British Museum 107 

Hercules ascribed to Bertoldo: Berlin 117 

Heraldic Figure: Morgan Collection 117 

The Entombment: Plaquette, Bardini Collection 119 

The Casket of Brivio: Louvre 121 

Tomb of naria del Carretto by Jacopo della Querela (?) : Lucca .... 128 

Saint George and the Dragon by Donatello: Orsanmichele, Florence 132 

Saint John on Patmos, MedaUion by Donatello: San Lorenzo, Florence 133 

Assumptionof the Virgin by Donatello: Naples 135 

Angels by Luca della Robbia: Impruneta 138 

Archangel Michael by Agostino di Duccio: San Bernardino, Perugia . 140 
Chastity and Musical Angels by Agostino di Duccio: San Bernardino, 

Perugia 141 

Tomb of La Beata ViUana by Bernardino Rossellino: Santa Maria 

Novella, Florence . 144 

Wreath-Bearer, Marsuppini Tomb, by Desiderio: Santa Croce, Florence 147 

Madonna Panciatichi by Desiderio 148 

Eleanor of Aragon (?) by Laurana: Palermo 149 

Bust of Unknown Woman by Verrocchio: Florence 151 

Tuscan Renaissance Ornament: Detail 154 

Construction of Pent-Roof with Ridge Wall 162 

Latin Inscription from Corinth, No. 5 164 

Latin Inscription from Corinth, No. 6 167 

Latin Inscription from Corinth, No. 7 168 

Latin Inscription from Corinth, No. 8 168 

Latin Inscription from Corinth, No. 9 169 

Latin Inscription from Corinth, No. 10 169 

Latin Inscription from Corinth, No. 11 170 

Latin Inscription from Corinth, No. 12 170 

Latin Inscriptions from Corinth: a, No. 13; b, No. 14 171 

Latin Inscriptions from Corinth: a, No. 15; b, No. 16 173 

Statuette of one of the "Souls of Pe" : New York Historical Society . . 176 

Statuette of a Negro Captive: New York Historical Society 177 

Greek Statue in the Style of Phidias: Ashmolean Miiseum, Oxford . . 181 

Roman Bust: Milan 184 

Madonna del Soccorso: Nicol6 da Foligno 187 

Lunette in Santa Maria Maggiore, Rome 196 

Madonna: Stroganoff Collection, Rome 197 

Detail from the Madonna of the Bower: Perugia 198 

Matteo Palmieri by A. Rossellino: Bargello 221 

Pietro Mellini by Benedetto da Maiano: Bargello 222 

Filippo Strozzi by Benedetto da Maiano: Louvre 224 

Rinaldo della Lima by Mino da Fiesole: Bargello 225 

Giovanni dei Medici by Mino da Fiesole: Bargello 226 

Piero dei Medici by Mino da Fiesole: Bargello 228 

Bishop Salutati by Mino da Fiesole: Fiesole 229 

San Giovannino by Desiderio: Widener Collection 232 

Bujst of Rinaldo della Luna and the Shaw Bust from behind 233 



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X CONTENTS 

Portrait of a Woman by Mino da Fiesole: Bargello 241 

Aurelius Caesar by Mino da Fiesole: Bargello 242 

Profile of Frame of the Shaw Belief of an Emperor 243 

Caesar (?) by Desiderio da Settignano: Louvre 244 

Madonna by Mino da Fiesole: Bargello 249 

Madonna (Tondo) by Mino da Fiesole: Bargello 250 

Marcus Aurelius by Agostino di Duccio: Bargello 251 

Siegeof the Castle of Love: Ivory Casket: Victoria and Albert Museum 257 

Siurender of the Castle of Love: Victoria and Albert Museum .... 258 

Departure from the Castle of Love: Liverpool 259 

The Castle of Love: Peterborough Psalter, Brussels 260 

The Castle of Love: Lutterell Psalter, British Museum 261 

The Castle of Love: De Oj^i« Ae^m, Christ Church College, Oxford . -262 

Attack on the Castle of the Church by the World 263 

TheTentof Venus and the Castle of the Virtues: Tapestry: Nuremberg 264 

The Castle of the Virtues: Tapestry: Town Hall, Ratisbon 267 

StageDiagramfor "The Castle of Perseverance" 268 

Statue in New York: a. Front; b, Left Side 271 

Statue in New York: a, Right Side; b, Back 273 

Preparation of a Drink Ofifering: Ionian Deinos, Boston 280 

Ritual Dance: Ionian Deinos, Boston ,282 

Fragments from Naucratis: A, No. 171; B, No. 172: Boston 284 

The Palace at Tiryns 290 

The Palace at Mycenae ^ 291 

The Palace at Gha ' 292 

The Homeric Palace: Jebb 294 

The Homeric Palace: Leaf 301 

The Palace of Odysseus: Dickins 307 

Proposed Plan of the Palace of Odysseus 309 

Ivory Comb: Carthage .319 

Polyclitan Hermes: Cyrene 319 

Fragment of a Relief: Boston 320 

Mosaic Pavement: Deir Dakleh 322 

Byzantine Standard: Avellana 323 

Holy Family by Pedro de Moya: Madrid 326 

Thirteenth Century Embroidery: British Museum 327 

Greek Inscription from Corinth: No. 61 334 

Greek Inscription from Corinth: No. 62 337 

Greek Inscription from Corinth: No. 63 341 

Greek Inscription from Corinth: No. 65 343 

Greek Inscription from Corinth: No. 8 347 

Greek Inscriptions from Corinth: Nos. 67, 68 349 

Greek Inscriptions from Corinth: Nos. 66, 69 353 

Greek Inscription from Corinth: No. 70 354 

Greek Inscription from Corinth: No. 71 358 

Greek Inscription from Corinth: No. 72 359 

Greek Inscription from Corinth: No. 73 360 

Greek Inscription from Corinth: No. 74 361 

Greek Inscription from Corinth: No. 75, General View 362 



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CONTENTS xi 

Top of No. 75 / 363 

Greek Inscription from Corinth: No. 75, Inscribed Face 364 

Greek Inscription from Corinth: No. 76 372 

Topof No. 76 373 

Greek Inscriptions from Corinth: Nos. 77, 78, 79 374 

Greek Inscription from Corinth: No. 80 375 

Greek Inscriptions from Corinth: Nos. 81, 83 376 

Greek Inscription from Corinth: No. 82 377 

Top of No. 82 377 

Greek Inscription from Corinth: No. 85 379 

Greek Inscriptions from Corinth: Nos. 86, 87 381 

Greek Inscriptions from Corinth: Nos. 88, 91 382 

Greek Inscription from Corinth: No. 90 .... 383 

Greek Inscriptions from Corinth: Nos. 92, 94 386 

Greek Inscriptions from Corinth: Nos. 93, 95 386 

Greek Inscriptions from Corinth: Nos. 96, 97 38S 

Greek Inscriptions from Corinth: Nos. 98, 102 389 

Greek Inscriptions from Corinth: Nos. 84, 99, 100 391 

Greek Inscriptions from Corinth: Nos. 101, 11, 2^29 392 

Christ Eiithroned; Carolingian Ivory Plaque: Metropolitan Museum . 395 
The Virgin and Child Enthroned; Carolingian Ivory Plaque: Metro- 
politan Museum 396 

Back of Plaque, Figure 1; probably Coptic, VI-VII Centuries .... 398 

Back of Plaque, Figure 2; probably Coptic, VI-VII Centuries .... 399 

The Cranenburg Casket: Metropolitan Museum 402 

"Joshua" Panel: Metropolitan Museum 404 

Second "Joshua" Panel: Metropolitan Museum 405 

Third "Joshua" Panel: Metropolitan Museum 406 

Morgan Casket, No. 3: Metropolitan Museum 407 

The Hoentschel Casket: Metropolitan Museum 408 

The Oppenheim Panel: Metropolitan Museum 409 

Pulsky Panel: Metropolitan Museum 410 

Second Pulsky Panel: Metropolitan Museum 410 

The Sacred Casket: Metropolitan Museum 411 

Bronze Statuette in its Mould 418 

A Copy of the Athena Parthenos 421 

Terracotta Funerary Mask: Sardinia 432 

The Death of Actaeon: Italian Majolica 440 

Relief by the Master of the Marble Madonnas 443 

Paintings by Mayner and de Aquilis: Alhambra 444 

Madonna and Child: Van Dyck 446 



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jartfiaeologual 
iMtitntt 
of iamertta 



THE MEANING OF THE "DOKANA'' 



Plutarch introduces his discourse "On Brotherly Love" by 
the following statement:^ ''The ancient models of the images of 
the Dioscuri the Spartans term '66Kava,' Now the dokana con- 
sists of two parallel beams joined by two others placed across 
them, and the common and undivided nature of the offering seems 
appropriately to express the brotherly love of the gods." 



Figure 1. — Votivb Reubf op Abgenidas: Verona. 

In the Etymologicum Magnum, p. 282, 5^ dokana are described 
as "certain tombs in Lacedaemon." The writer derives the 
term from bk^axTQaiy "because they received the sons of Tynda- 
reus," and adds that they looked like open tombs. 

This definition not unnaturally led Ernst Curtius' to conjec- 
ture that the dokana were the doors of the shrine of the Dioscuri 

1 Dc Fraiemo Amare, p. 478 A. tA raXatd rwv AtoaKSfxav i^iSpitfiara 2xap- 
rtarai 66Kapa* xaXoDcri* Icrri Sk 50o {6Xa irap&WrjXa dvcl irXayloii hnj^tvyfikt^af xal 
SoKti T(fi ^iXadkXtfxfi tG>v OeSiv cintiov tlvai, tov iivaB'iitxaTos t6 KOivdp xal iiSialptTov. 

^ AdKOPal rh^K)^ rivki kv AoKcSaufioi'l^' rapd t6 5k^a<T$ai Toin (Itbri tAs) Tw5a- 
pldaij ^oin-aaLav Ixoi^w (libri kxoOaas] Petersen ^xo'^o) t(u^v 6LV€(arYp,kv<av. 

» PdoponnesoSy II, 316 « 

American Journal of Archaeology, Second Series. Journal of the -i 

Archaeological Institute of America. VoU XXIII, (1919), No. 1. ^ 



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2 MARGARET C. WAITES 

which might to ancient thought appear at once as a temple and 
as a grave. 

The hypothesis has met with considerable opposition.^ Never- 
theless, as I shall hope to show, Curtius was quite right in recog- 
nizing the importance of the statement in the Etymologicum 
with its hint that the dokana might have a chthonic si^ificance. 
The dokana which Plutarch saw, however, could hot have 
looked like open tombs. The erection must have resembled 
rather an h with a double crossbar, H,^ a figure which at once 
reminds one of the zodiacal sign of the Gemini.* 

The same symbol, though with a single crossbar, is repeated 

(H H) on the great votive relief of Argenidas* in Verona (Fig. 1) 

which Furtwangler^ assigns to some Laconian 

coast-city and dates tentatively in the second 

century B.C. 

Other varieties of the dokana agree rather 
with the description in the Etymologicum 
than with the symbols on the offering of 
Argenidas. For example a relief of bluish 
marble in the Sparta Museum (Fig. 2)*' shows 
''two broad parallel vertical beams on each 

Figure 2.— Relief ^^^^ ^^ ^^^^^ ^ * ®^^^® curling upwards. 
IN Sparta. These are joined at the top by a broad 

horizontal beam whose rounded ends over- 
hang, and are decorated with a hand-Uke floral ornament : in its 
centre is a lotus-bud. At half their height the vertical beams are 

* Perhaps most forcibly expressed by Bethe in Pauly-Wissowa, ReaJi-Ency- 
clopOdie, 8.V, 'Dioskuren,' p. 1089. 

' Or possibly TT, as on the Spartan reliefs. 

» For the various ancient forms of this sign see Bouch^-Leclercq, UAstrologie 
grecque, p. 136; Winckelmann, Gesckichle der Kunst dea AUerthums (ed. 1882), 
p. 19. 

* The repetition of the sign may be due merely to symmetry. Perhaps the 
artist felt that, corresponding to the two amphorae, each brother should have 
his H-symbol. See W. H. Ward, SedlrCylinders of Western Asia, p. 87. 

* Roscher, Lexikon, «.». 'Dioskuren,' p. 1170. Tod and Wace, Catalogue of 
the Sparta Museum, pp. 113 ff., fig. 14, give the shape as H TT. With this 
Welcker, Aeschylische Trilogies pp. 224 f., n. 389, agrees. Rendel Harris, 
however, pubUshes in his Cxdt of the Heaoenly Twins a photograph, here re- 
produced, evidently taken directly from the original as it bears the museum 
number. The relief is broken at this ccnner, but it seems fairly dear that 
the figures had no bar across the top and so Harris interprets them (p. 145). 

^ Tod and Wace, op. cii. p. 193, no. 588. 




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THE MEANING OF THE "DOKANA'* 3 

joined by a narrow horizontal crossbeam. From this spring two 
parallel and equidistant narrow vertical beams joining the top 
horizontal beam either side of the lotus." 

The ball-players who erected a votive relief to the Dioscuri* 
were familiar with this shape. ''A tall amphora with a conical 
lid stands on a square base between them (the Dioscuri), while 
above it, and apparently resting on its handles, are the Wicava. 
These consist of two vertical joined by two horizontal beams in 
the middle and at the top. The uppermost horizontal beam, 
which projects beyond the vertical ones, is decorated with an 
egg between two snakes." 

Sometimes the central crossbeam could be omitted. So 
on terra-cotta votives found at 
Tarentum^ the Dioscuri are rep- 
resented as standing on either 
side of a table-Uke object inter- 
preted by Petersen' as a develop- 
ment of the dokana. I reproduce 
perhaps the best example (Fig. 3), 
showing the brethren riding in 
their chariot past the dokana on 
which stand two amphorae. 

This shape, more than those 
previously discussed, resembles an 
open gate or doorway,* and re- 
minds one not only of the Etymo- 
logicum but of the tH)\<u KaaropLdes 

at Gythium,^ of the fact that a shrine of the Dioscuri was called 
GaXttAial,* "The chambers" (?) (at Thalamae the Dioscuri were 

1 Wace, BJ3.A, XHI. 1906-7, pp. 213 fif. 

* See Petersen, 'Dioskuren in Tarent,' R6m. MiU., XV, 1900, pp. 7 f., Section 
A, Abb. I, 2, and II, 3, with which compare the table with altar before it and 
amphorae upon it in the Argenidas relief. 

» Op. cU, pp. 42 £f. 

^ Professor Frothingham calls my attention to the resemblance between the 
dokana and the dty-gate, comparing an \um from Volterra with the scene of 
the Attack on Thebes (Alinari, photo- 8734). "Here note the uprights and 
crossbar of the city door inside the arched gate — and, above, one of the 
Dioscuri heads. ..." 

» Pausanias, III, 21, 9. 

• Cf. Photius: 80X^^01 * <U Karaii/ffHs' QttKafAol (^aXd/uot ?) 5k r^nros Itpds rC^ 
Aio<rKobp<aw. 




FiGUKE 3. — Tbrba-cotta Reuef: 
Tarbntum. 



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4 MARGARET C. WAITES 

born),^ and that according to tradition the twins had possessed 
a " house ^' in Sparta.* 

The gateway form suggests many parallels, best collected by 
A. B. Cook in his interesting discussion of the dokana in connec- 
tion with Etruscan mirrors'. A sacred tree is often provided 
with a door-shaped shrine consisting of pillars placed on either 
side of the trunk and connected by an arch or epistyle.^ 

Cretan art affords many examples^ of shrines both of the TT 
variety (Fig. 4) and of a type resembling the fl form of the 
dokana. They protect trees, pillars or other sacred objects, 
such as the "horns of consecration." 

Further analogies may be drawn on the one hand from mega- 
lithic trilithons, on the other from the first gate of the temple at 

Jerusalem described 
in the Wars of the Jews 
as having no doors, 
'* for it symbolized the 
heavens, every way 
open and everywhere 
visible."® One may 
compare also the 
gate-ways of the 
Indian topes or relic- 

FiouRE 4.-CRETAN RiNG WITH Shrine. shrincs, for instance 

the north gateway of 
the tope at Sdnchi which is largely devoted to tree-worship.^ 

1 Paus., Ill, 1, 4; 26, 2. 

« Paus., Ill, 16, 2. 

» ZeuSf A Study in AnderU Religion, p. 767^ 

* BStticher, Baumktdlus der HeUenen, p. 155. 

» Evans, Mycenaean Tree and PiUar CuU {^J.H.S. XXI, 1901, pp. 99 fif.), 
figs. 53, 55, 56, 58. Cf. Evans, p. 83 (-181): "To this day the traveller in 
the Caucasus may see outside the Ossete houses a rude arch or gateway placed 
beside the stump which represents the ancestral tree of the household.'' 

• Josephus, Wars of the Jews V, 5, 4, translated in Fergusson, The Temples 
of the Jews, p. 151. The Talmud, Middath of the Mishna, 3, 7 and 8, explains 
the structure of the gate: **The Gates of the propylon were forty cubits in 
height and twenty cubits broad, and above these were five richly carved beams 
of ash or oak. . . . Between each beam there was a row or course of 
stones. Transverse beams of cedar were carried from the wall of the Temple 
to this portico or propylon to support it. ... A golden vine was spread 
over this gateway of the Temple, and was carried upon the supporting beams.'' 
(Translation in Fergusson, op. cit. pp. 151 and 152.) 

' Fergusson, History of Indian and Eastern ArchHecture, I, pi. 38. 



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THE MEANING OF THE *'DOKANA" 5 

Similar gate-ways are found in Korea, China, and Japan. As 
Fergusson explains,^ although in India they have lost their 
original sepulchral meaning, in China they are still used as 
honorific monuments for the dead. 

Suggestive of the H-type of dokana are the representations on 
Cyprian coins of the temple of Aphrodite at Paphos (Fig. 5).* 
Here the central portion of the edifice 
has the H-shape.' 

Still simpler than the dokana as a 
symbolical gateway would be the erec- 
tion of two pillars without the crossbar.^ 
In BriL Mus. Caial. of Coins, Phoenicia, 
pi. XXXIII, 15, are represented the 
"Ambrosial Rocks" with the sacred 

olive-tree of the Tyrian Melkart between ^ . ^ 

xi XI. r 1 , t^ rw Figure 6. — Coin op 

tnem. In front of the altar of Zeus Cyprub. 

Lycaeus, Pausanias saw two pillars upon 

which were gilded eagles.^ A pair of pillars wreathed with ser- 
pents enclose the busts of Tanit and Ba^al-hamm&n on a silver 
diadem from Batna in Algeria.* Two large brick columns stood 
on either side of the gateway into the court outside the temple 
area of Nippur.^ In this connection, too, one recalls the pil- 
lars Jachin and Boaz set up by Solomon in the porch of the 

* History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, II, p. 476. 

* Daremberg et Saglio, s.v. 'Aphrodite/ fig. 361. A simpler type appears on 
a bronze coin of Vespasian, Brit. Mils, Catal. of Coins, Cyprus, pi. XV, 4. 
The coin is thus described: "Temple of Aphrodite at Paphos; garland 
hanging above the two crossbeams; at sides, slender colunms (candelabra); 
in front semicircular court enclosed by lattice fence; the cone has a double 
flat top and a star on each side." 

'Mr. A. B. Cook very courteously permits me to refer to his unpublished 
theory that such gateways or arches as the dokana seem to rejpresent "at first 
denoted the sky itself resting on its side-supports." The dokana "are seen 
to be simply the 'beams' of the world— its piUars and ceiling." Such an 
hypothesis would explain shape TT, but not shape H where the side posts are 
higher than the central bar. 

* When the sacred pillars had become deified, the actual gateway shape, H, 
may have seemed more appropriate than this simpler form as the symbol of 
the Dioscuri, because, as Plutarch points out, the crossbeam would empha- 
size the close connection between the twins. See Usener in Strena HeCbigiana,, 
p. 319. 

» Paus., VIII, 38, 7. 

* Cook, Zeus, pi. XXVI. 

' Jastrow, Retigian of Babylonia and Assyria, p. 624. 



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6 MARGARET C, WAITES 

temple/ the pairs of obelisks in front of the colossi at the 
entrance of Egyptian temples, and the limestone obeUsks 
placed with apotropaic purpose to right and left of the stelae 
at the entrance of Egyptian tombs as eariy as the end of the 
Third Dynasty.* The shrine of Aphrodite at Paphos contained 
free-standing columns in the side-wings. Of similar construction 
was the dove-shrine represented on a gold plaque from Mycenae.' 
A sardonyx in Berlin shows two pillars, each surmounted by a 
globe with a star above it. Between them is a tripod with a 
crescent over it, and on each pillar hang a sword and lance.^ 
At Edessa twin pillars represented the assessors of HeUos.* 
Finally one may mention the pillars set up by Tiberius at 
Antioch before the temple of Dionysus in honor of the twins 
Zethus and Amphion.* 

Sometimes sacred posts are connected, though not by an actual 
crossbeam, in such a way as to suggest the dokana. On bronze 
Oscan coins of Capua stand two sacred stones with a fillet above.^ 
The coins of Magnesia on the Maeander show two conical stones 
woimd with snakes which incline toward one another in the space 
between and hold a garland.^ Here also belong various gems, 
such as the chalcedony scaraboid figured by Furtwangler* show- 
ing two pillars connected by a loosely hanging garland. 

If the interpretation of the dokana implied in the foregoing 
paragraphs is correct, the Dioscuri at an early stage of their 

1 1 Kings, VII, 21. 

* Maspero, Manual of Egyptian Archaeology (1914), pp. 121 f. Of the tomb- 
obelisks Maspero says: (They) "were regarded as possessing magic powers 
that enabled them to protect the building before which they were placed from 
aUevil. . . ." 

* Cf . also on Carthaginian stelae the obelisk flanked by two smaller pillars, 
sacred to Tanit. Evans, Tree and PiOar CvU, fig. 22. 

* Furtwangler, Die antiken Gemmen, pi. XXIX, 44. In all these examples, 
beside the thought of a S3rmboUcal gateway, considerations of symmetry were 
doubtless influential. 

* According to Harris, Boanerges, ch. 24 and Dioscuri in Christian Legends, 
ch. 2. Cf . the twin phalli said to have been erected by Dionysus in the vesti- 
bule of the temple at Hierapolis, Lucian, De dea Syria, 16 and 28. 

* John Malalas (Corpus Scnp. Hist, Byz., Vol. XIV, Bonn, 1831) Bk. 10, 
V, 99 B. 

' Brit, Mus. Catal. of Coins, Italy, p. 83, no. 15. 

•Usener, Strena Helbigiana, p. 319; Imhoof-Blumer, Choix de monnaies 
grecques, pi. IV, no. 123. 

•Furtwangler, Ant. Gem., I, pi. XIII, 29; cf. Id. Beschreibung der geschnit- 
tenen Steinen im Antiquarium, Nos. 6464, pi. 45, and 305, pi. 6. 



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THE MEANING OF THE "DOKANA" 



FlOUBE 6. — DiOBCXTBI JOINED BY 

One Bab. 



Figure 7. — Dioscuri Joined by 
Two Bars. 



complicated development were the uprights of a sacred door 
or gateway. This hypothesis receives confirmation from a 
series of Etruscan mirrors on which the Dioscuri appear in 
human form, but so connected by crossbars as to represent 
each of the three main types of 
the dokana, TT, TT, and H. Out 
of a great number of exam- 
ples, I reproduce one of each 
class (Figs. 6, 7, and 8). 
Fig. 8 is particularly inter- 
esting, as it presents the 
twins leaning upon the sacred ' 
posts from which they were 
developed. 

That the Dioscuri were par- 
allel posts, guardians of some 
shrine, sacred tree, or pillar, ex- 
plains their subordinate char- 
acter, — ^the fact that they are 

often merely assessors to a ^ « ^ „ 

_x X J -x J -x- Figure 8. — Dioscuri with Heads 

more important deity or deities. Joined by Bar 



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8 MARGARET C. WAITES 

It explains too their frequent use at the entrances of temples* 
and at city gates. 

The nature of the central deity to whom the twin gods* were 
assessors can also be determined. Several mirrors present evi- 
dence of the cult of a sacred plant in connection with the Dioscuri. 
In Gerhard's Etruskische Spiegel, pi. 48, 4 and 5, the brothers 
stand in their usual stiff position, forming supporters for the 
central feature, a highly simplified and conventionalized plant. 
Between the twins of pi. 46, 8 rises a curious palm-like stalk on 
top of which perches a small bird. A pediment with a star in 
the middle connects the heads of the twins and below this are 
two larger stars. On pi. 47, 1, the Dioscuri lean against their 
ancient pillars, with their shields behind them. Between the 
pillars grows a low plant naturalistically rendered by the artist. 
Above are two parallel dofcoTwi-beams and the space between 
them is decorated with a pattern perhaps derived from the 
sacred plant. 

In connection with this evidence, mention should be made of 
late coins from Gythium showing a tree between the Dioscuri,' 
of the plane-tree in Sparta consecrated to Helen by the inscrip- 
tion: akffov fi'- *E\kvas <t>vT6v elfii^, and of Helen Dendritis, wor- 
shipped in Rhodes.^ 

Intermediate between a sacred tree and a sacred pillar is the 
lotus-column which rises between its assessors on pi. 46, 9. On 
pi. 46, 4 a pillar supports the table-Uke crossbeams of the dokana. 
The thighs of the Dioscuri are joined by the crossbeams in pi. 
253A, no. 3. Upon the beams rests a banded colunm and upon 
that again a pediment.* 

Various coins offer comparisons. On a coin issued at Sagalas- 
sus in Caracalla's reign,^ the two circular altars of the Dioscuri, 

1 Pliny, AT. i/., XXXIV, 79; Suetonius CaLigvla, 22; Dio Cassius, LIX, 28, 
and compare the twins Tammuz and Gishzida who keep the gates of the Baby- 
lonian heaven, Jastrow, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, pp. 646 fif. The 
Dioscuri were found in front of the temple in the forum of Assisi. As guard- 
ians of gateways, they appeared on the jambs of the dty gate at Thessalonica; 
they flank Jupiter over the Porta Marzia at Perugia, Frothingham, Roman 
Cities in Italy and Daimatia, pp. 137, 182. 

* Not necessarily the Dioscuri, but of similar character. 
» J,H,S. VII, 1886, p. 66 (Geta). 

* Theocritus, XVIII, 48. 
» Pans., Ill, 19, 10. 

* Cf. also pi. 253A, no. 2. 

^ Brit. Mus. Catal. of Coins, Lyda, Pamphylia and Pisidia, p. 243, no. 20 and 
cf. nos. 23 and 24. 



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THE MEANING OF THE "DOKANA'' 9 

each adorned with a crescent and surmounted by a star, stand 
under an arch supported by columns. Between them rises a 
tall Corinthian colunm on a base. 

It is not a far cry from this tree-pillar to the pillar-like goddess 
who often appears between twin supporters.^ So on a gable- 
topped stele in the museum at Sparta^ a female figure clad in a 
long, stiff chiton stands facing the spectator. "On her head she 
wears a kind of basket, broader at the top than the bottom, and 
decorated with horizontal lines." In each hand she holds a 
fillet wreath. Flanking her stand the Dioscuri in profile, each 
wearing pileus and chlamys. Coins of Acalissus' figure a like 
idol, veiled, with a crescent on her head, standing between the 
Dioscuri who are armed with spears and accompanied by their 
horses. In another instance* a crescent alone appears between 
the twins whose pilei are surmounted by stars. 

The goddess between the twin supporters is a lady of many 
names. Worshipped at Sparta as Helen, adored under the name 
of Cybele at Pergamum, Pessinus, Metroon in Bithynia, Tomi, 
and Callatis,^ she appears at TripoUs in Phoenicia and elsewhere 
as Astarte, "queen of the heavens."® Twins also escort Hera 
Urania seated on her lion.^ Here perhaps belongs the curious 
passage in Apuleius's description of the mime representing the 
Judgment of Paris where the Dioscuri are the companions of Juno.* 

But twins were also, as Harris hfl« proved,* universally re- 
garded as Sons of Thunder, and they became therefore naturally 

* Most of the examples are given by Petersen, ' Dioskuren auf Monte Cav- 
aUo,' Rdm. Mitt, XV, 1900, pp. 337 f. 

* Tod and Wace, Catalogue, no. 201, and cf. 202 and 203. 

» BrU. Mu8. Catal. of Coins, Lycia, etc., p. 40, 1 (Gordian III); cf. p. 211 for 
similar coins of Codnila (Caracalla). For Termessus Major, cf. p. 270, no. 24 
(Antonines). 

* Ibid.f p. 234, 1, a coin of Pednelissus (Antoninus Pius). 

» Graillot, *Les dieux tout-puissants Cybele et Attis,' R. Arch. 1904, 1, pp. 
345 ff. 

* Brit. Mus. Caial. of Coins, Phoenicia, 213, 215, 218 f . The twins and 
Astarte are found also in Orthosia (Caria), Berytus, Tyre, Laodicea (Phrygia), 
Adia Capitolina (Judaea), and Philadelphia. See lajard, Recherches sur le cuUe 
de Mithra, pp. 627 ff . Of course there were other reasons for the association of 
the Dioscuri and similar twins with deities like Astarte. I argue only that 
one reason for such a combination may be foimd in my interpretation of the 
dokana. 

' Furtwangler, Ant. Gemmen, pi. LXV, no. 54, and vol. II, p. 303; Graillot, 
Z.C., p. 347. 

■ Apuleius, Metam. X, 31. 

* Boanerges, passim. 



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10 MARGARET C. WAITES 

assessors of thundering Jove. They guarded the entrance of the 
temple of Jupiter Tonans at Rome^; on a paste of late Roman 
work^ they flank the figure of Zeus who leans against the pillar 
which in more primitive days had itself received worship; they 
are found with Zeus Sabazius in Phrygia,' with Ba'al-samin, 
Lord of Heaven, at Setif in Africa*; their caps represent them 
beside the. figure of Zeus Adad.^ 

That the connection between the goddess and her twin guard- 
ians and the god with his assessors was not remote we may 
infer from coins representing an androgynous Zeus apparently 
worshipped in Caria/ His emblem, the double axe, carries us 
back again to Crete and reminds us that^ "on the reverse of the 
coins of Tenedos, as on so many Carian types, the old double axe 
form of the divinity is still preserved, while on the obverse ap- 
pears its anthropomorphic equivalent in the shape of a janiform 
head, which has been identified with Dionysus and Ariadne."^ 
On some of these coins the pilei of the Dioscuri appear with the 
axe.* 

Here I think I can add another to Harris's series of reasons for 
associating the twins with the thunder-god. I have tried to adduce 
evidence that such a symbol as the dokana proves the Dioscuri and 
similar pairs to have been the posts of a sacred doorway. Now 

^RrNum.y 1838, p. 13. 
2 Cook, Z&U8, p. 35«, fig. 8. 
»Zcu«, pi XXVII. 

• CJ.L, VIII, 8443, 8444, 8451, 8463; Graillot, I.e. p. 347. On coins of 
Tarsus the Dioscuri or similar figures support a canopy covering the pyre of 
Sandan, Brit. Mus. Catal. of CoinSj Lycaonia^ laawria, and CUiciay p. 221, no. 
293. Cf. Milani, Studi e Materiali, II, p. 56, fig. 213a and h; I, p. 48, figs. 
16, 17. The arch here doubtless represents the vault of heaven (so Milani, p. 49, 
and cf. Cook's theory, p. 5, note 2.) 

« Cook, Zeus, fig. 451. 

• Cf . Foucart, Dea associations rdigieuses chez les GrecSy p. 106 f . on a coin of 
Mylasa of the time of Geta, representing Zeus Labraundos in a tetrastyle 
temple: ''II est barbu et coiff6 du modius; son corps se termine par une gatne 
couverte de bandelettes, au-dessus desquelles on voit deux mamelles; de ses 
bras descendent des chatnes qui paraissent sceU^es dans le sol; comme d'ordi- 
naire, la main droite tient une bipenne, et la gauche une haste.'' 

' Evans, Tree and Pillar Cult, p. 10. 

• In the Orphic Hymn, frg. 238, 5, Zeus is called tirjTpoT&T<ap. On a vase 
from Vulci (Mon. deW Inst. VIII, p. 24) he bears an androgynous sceptre. 
See Usener, Strena HeUtngiana, p. 329; Num. Chron., 1887, pi. II, no. 25. 

» Brit. Mus. Catal. of Coins, Troas, Aeolis, and Lesbos, p. 93, nos. 25, 26, 29; 
and Imhoof-Blumer, Monn. gr., p. 269, nos. 206 and 203. 



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THE MEANING OF THE "DOKANA" 11 

the thunder-stone, celt, or double axe, being very important as a 
charm against lightning, is often placed at the door of a dwelUng. 
So Blinkenberg^ tells us that in Snedsted parish, Denmark, thun- 
der-stones are still placed in stable-windows and over stable- 
doors. While in East Prussia they are hurled against the door 
to keep ofif thunder, in Poland they are laid under the threshold 
and in Scotland over the door for good luck.^ The Slavs call 
stone axes sky-arrows,' and in this connection it is interesting 
to note that on one side of a bone arrow-head from Vimose the 
swastika and the figure H are 
carved/ That the axe-symbol 
was used in very ancient days 
in association with the door, 
the great prehistoric palace at 
Cnossus proves. Evans says of 

it^: "It was itself the 'House of I 

the Double Axe,' and the Palace 
was at the same time a sanctu- 
ary. The chief corner-stones and 
door-jambs, made of huge gyp- 
sum blocks, are incised with the 
double axe sign, implying con- 
secration to the Cretan Zeus.'' fjoure 9.-DioscurI and 
One of the Etruscan mirrors Thunderbolt. 
(Fig. 9) illustrates the worship 

of the thunderbolt with the twins as its assessors. The inter- 
pretation of this mirror I owe to Cook.* 

Perhaps a trace of the ancient belief in the effectiveness of 
twins as guardians of dwellings is evinced in the selection at Ath- 
ens of a common priest for the Anakes and the hero Epitegios 
("protector of the house -roof "?).7 

But if the structure of the dokana was derived from a sacred 
gateway, why to the writer of the definition in the Eiymologicum 

* The Thunder-Weapon in Religion and Folklore, p. 74. 
« Blinkenberg, pp. 96 if. 

» Blinkenberg, p. 100. 

^ Blinkenberg, p. 85. 

» Tree and PiUar Cult, p. 12. 

• Zeusy p. 770. 

^ C.I. A., Ill, 290; cf. 195, and Pauly-Wissowa, a. v. 'Epitegios.' 



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12 MARGARET C. WAITES 

had it a chthonic significance, so that it suggested open tombs?' 
The tomb of Adonis at Byblos, of Aphrodite at Paphos, of 
Zeus in Crete, the omphalos at Delphi, which became the tomb 
of Dionysus, are all proofs of the transition in popular behef by 
which the aniconic image of a god became his burial-place.^ 

An image shaped like a gateway, however, was particularly 
Ukely to be connected with the underworld. We have already 
seen the use of the gate in China as an honorific monument to 
the dead. In ancient fancy, the doorway of the house was the 
boundary between the safe, firelit world of home and the vague 
"Outside'* where spirits lurked.' 

The Greeks, believing that "white thorn or buckthorn fastened 
to a door had power ... to exclude spirits,"^ hung branches 
before the doors when the dead received sacrifice. Pythagoras 
recommended the hanging of sea-leeks over the door contra mcd- 
orum medicamentorum introitum} To exclude striges threshold 
and doorposts must be struck three times with arbute-branches 
and the entrance sprinkled with water.^ 

* The use of the plural r<i^ot is noteworthy. Unless we suppose that the 
duplication H H which occurs on the relief of Argenidas was common in Laconia, 
an idea contradicted by the other reliefs on which the dokana appears, I think 
we must assume the definition to describe not any one particular structure, 
for instance near Therapne as Bethe suggests (Pauly-Wissowa s.v. * Dioskuren,' 
§9), but symbols commonly to be seen in Lacedaemon, &<t>i6p0tiaTa of an original, 
as Plutarch tells us. In favor of the duplication might perhaps be cited the 
passage (V. 75) in which Herodotus remarks that one of the T3nidarids and 
one king must be left behind when the army marches forth from Sparta. It 
is of course possible as Dr. Paton suggests to me, that the "tomb'* or under- 
ground dwelling of the Dioscuri at Therapne may have had the form of the 
dokana. As, however, the evidence I have previously given has, I hope, shown 
that the origins of the dokana must be sought in the sacred door or gateway 
whose sideposts are the Dioscuri themselves, we must, if Dr. Paton's con- 
jecture be correct, carry our question one step further back, and ask : "Why 
at Therapne had this sacred door or gateway a chthonic significance so that 
it could be described as the tomb of the Dioscuri?" 

2 Evans, Tree and Pillar CuUy pp. 21 ff. 

3 See M. B. Ogle, 'House-Door in Greek and Roman ReUgion and Folk- 
Lore,^ A J, Ph. XXXII, 1911, pp. 251 S. Cf. Frazer, Golden Bough, XI, 
pp. 175 f. In Borneo after a funeral, the mourners creep through a ''gate" 
made of a V-shaped stick to rid themselves of the ghost. Meanwhile they 
say a few words to a cross which has been erected near the "gate." This 
cross they call "the wall which separates the living from the dead." 

* Frazer, Golden Bough, II, p. 191. 

* Pliny, N. //., XX, 101; cf. XXX, 82, and see Ogle, op. cit., for many addi- 
tional references. 

« Ovid, Fasti, VI, 155 fif. 



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THE MEANING OF THE ''DOKANA'' 13 

In Jerusalem evil spirits haunt "the threshold of the house, 
and indeed all doorways and entrances."^ According to German 
belief, a door must not be slammed, ^^denn das wiirde dem Geiste, 
der dazw. dtzi wehe tunJ^^ In the Asturias it is not right to 
slam doors or windows for fear of disturbing some soul doing 
penance which might tarry there. Care too must be taken in 
throwing water from the door, for fear of drenching the spirits 
hovering near by. In upper Franconia one must not step on 
the threshold of a new house, because the act hurts the "poor 
souls" beneath. To cure fever in the Upper Palatinate, a magi- 
cian lifted the threshold and banished the spirit hiding under it.' 

Often it is considered unlucky to step on a threshold.* "He 
who strikes his foot against the threshold should turn back" 
says the Pythagorean precept.^ So the Roman bride was lifted 
over the threshold of her new dweUing and required to smear 
the doorposts with oil and fat and bind them with woolen fillets.^ 
At Erd61y in Hungary the mother spits upon the newborn child 
to protect it when she carries it across the threshold. 

In fact the door or gate is a dangerous spot. Among certain 
African tribes,^ "to stand upright in the doorway or inside is 
unlucky, and will bring cattle thieves." At the other end of the 
world^ in Worcestershire, "to say goodbye at a gate foretells 
that you will be parted from your friend. To go back over your 
doorstep for anything forgotten is unlucky; you should sit down 
to break the spell."^ 

^ A. Goodrich-Freer, 'Powers of Evil in Jerusalem/ Folklore^ XVIII, 1907 
p. 58. 

*Samter, Gehurty Hochzeit und Todj p. 141. The following references are 
also taken from Samter, I.e. 

* Many classical cures are connected with the threshold. To cure porrigo, 
e.g.f the patient is to stand on the threshold to take his medicine, ^idque iriduo 
Jaciat,* Marcellus Empiricus, IV, 27. Cf. Ps. Apul. de medic, herbj 7, where, 
as Ogle remarks, the presence of spirits at the threshold is indicated by the 
warning "Look not behind you." 

* H. C. Trumbull, The Threshold Covenant^ pp. 10 ff., contains numerous 
•examples. 

» Frg. Gr. PhU. (Mullach) I, p. 510. 

* The Hindoo bride must step across, not on^ the threshold. The custom, as 
Trumbull shows {Covenant, pp. 37 fif.), is widespread. 

' Review of M. W. H. Beech, The Suk: Their Language and FolJdoref in 
Folklore, XXIII, 1912, p. 401. 

» S. O. Addy, 'Scraps of English Folklore, III (Worcestershire),' Folklore, XX, 
1909, p. 346. 



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14 MARGARET C, WAITES 

Often the perilous boundary must be avoided at any cost. 
Diarmuid O'Duibhne was forbidden to pass through a wicket- 
gate and leaped over rather than break his geasa} An interest- 
ing parallel is the tale of the Marquesan chief who with all his 
family "scorned to pass a gateway which is ever closed, or a 
house with a door. . . . Often have I seen him walk the 
whole length of our barrier, in preference to passing between 
our watercasks; and at the risk of his life scramble over the 
loose stones of a wall, rather than go through the gateway/'^ 

Sometimes men try by a clever deception to avoid the unde- 
sired presence of the dead about the door. One such invention 
was the "corpse-door," a special opening made through the wall, 
just large enough to admit the passage of a coffin. As soon as 
the procession had started for church, this opening was bricked 
up to prevent the spirit of the dead from finding its way back to 
the house.* This curious custom is widespread. It was prac- 
ticed by the Ojibway Indians; it appears in Swabia, Iceland, 
Greenland, Denmark, Italy, among the Slavs in Russia, among 
the Siamese, East Indians, Chinese, Hottentots, and Caribees. 

On the other hand, a man falsely declared to have died in a for- 
eign land, says Plutarch,* must not on his return home enter 
through the door, but through the roof. 

The thunder-stone, or the axe which represented it, was not 
only a charm against lightning but a protection against invading 
ghosts. In Masuria in East Prussia, at the boundary of a 
peasant's dwelling toward the street, two axes were laid cross- 
wise and over these the corpse must be carried. Elsewhere in 
Masuria an axe was laid for a similar purpose on the threshold. 
In China men beat on the ground with a hammer to drive away 
spirits.^ Trolls and nightmare are avoided by the use of the 
thunder-stone.' One recalls also the three guardians who pro- 
tected mother and newborn child from Silvanus by patrolling 

1 E. Hull, 'Old Irish Tabus/ FoUdore, XII, 1901, p. 61. 

* D. Porter, Journal of a Cruise made to the Pacific OceaUj II, 65, quoted by 
Frazer, Oolden Bough, III, 254 f. 

«H. F. Feilberg, 'The Corpse-Door: A Danish Survival,' Folklore, XVIII, 
1907, pp. 364 fif.; see Threshold Covenant, pp. 23 ff. 

*Qua€stiones Romanae, 5. In primitive Scandinavia the inmates of the 
house of an enemy must be attacked through the roof, not through the door, 
Threshold Covenant, p. 7. 

* Samter, op. cit. p. 45. 

* Blinkenberg, op. dt. p. 122. 



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THE MEANING OF THE "DOKANA'* 15 

the hoxise at night, beating on the threshold with axe and pestle 
and sweeping it with a broom.^ 

If then a gate or doorway was regarded as actually the abiding- 
place of the spirits of the dead, the sacred symbols representing 
such an entrance might naturally be associated with the under- 
world.2 

In conclusion I should like, in view of my hypothesis concern- 
ing the dokana, to discuss a few possible parallels. 

Horatius, in expiation of the murder of his sister, was led be- 
neath the tigiUum sarorium. The analogy between this structure 
and the dokana has been already noted.* Most writers describe 
it as a single beam supported on either side by the street walls,* 
although Festus (p. 297) speaks of its construction as duo Ugilla 
iertio superiecto. At any rate it served the purpose of a gateway, 
for beneath it Horatius was driven as a symboUcal offering to 
the shades below.* 

I may quote a parallel from the Middle Ages, probably refer- 
ring to an ordeal. "The suspected person was to swallow a 
mouthful of consecrated bread. If he could not do so, he was 
to be dragged out alive under the doorstep and then put to death.''* 

* Augustine, De Civ, Dei, 6, 9. 

^ Perhaps a modem representative of the dokana exists in the lich-gate of an 
English churchyard, through which the corpse must be carried. I owe this 
suggestion to Professor Neilson of Mt. Holyoke College. 

» Cook, Zeu8, p. 7671. 

< livy, I, 26; Dion. Hal. Ill, 22; Schol. Bob. ad Cic. pro Milone, 3, p. 277, 
OreUi. 

'According to Fowler, CI. R. 1913, pp. 48-51, and Frazer, Golden Bough, XI, pp. 
193 £f., the object of the ceremony was to cleanse Horatius of guilt and to enable 
him to escape the ghost of his sister, just as in their view the passage of a con- 
qiiered enemy beneath the iugum was intended ''to rid the foe of some uncanny 
powers,'' or meant as a kindness, to enable him to escape the angry ghosts of 
slaughtered Romans. Is it not much more probable that the ceremony rep- 
resents a symbolical death or deliverance to the world of ghosts, whereas in 
older, more cruel days an actual execution was the only fate of captive or mur- 
derer? Compare the devotiOf involving the burial of an image of the devoted 
person in case he did not fall in battle. As to the triumphal arch, I should 
agree with Frazer and Fowler that the passage beneath it was intended to rid 
conquering troops of the ghosts of foemen. In that case the arch faces the 
other way, as it were, to the world of the living, from the world of the dead. 
The porta triumphalis at Rome is, moreover, apparently the only instance in 
point, as most so-called "triumphal arches" were not erected as part of a 
triiunph. Cf. Ciu^is, 'Roman Moniunental Arches,' Supplementary Papers of 
the American School in Rome, II, p. 29. 

• FeUberg, I.e. p. 373. 



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16 MARGARET C. WAITES 

Beneath the iigillum were erected the altars of Janus CurioHus 
and Juno Sororia, So at many a gate was to be seen the image 
of Janus set up between the posts. We have noted the double 
"thunder-axe'' in the same position and at times in its place a 
double-headed, double-sexed image. Have we not here the 
•explanation cf the two heads of Janus?^ 

Under the tigillum, however, in Ueu of the two-headed god 
appeared his altar with that of his other (perhaps not better (!)) 
half, his "sister" Juno.^ Cook' connects the tigillum, provided 
with its two side-posts and its horizontal bar, with the triple- 
headed Janus.* More natural would be the derivation of such a 
triple deity from the original thunder-god and his twin supporters, 
raised at last to virtual equality with the greater divinity. Com- 
pare Cautes and Cautopates, the twin torch-bearers of Mithras, 
whose names are also found as mere epithets of the greater god 
worshipped as Mithras triplasios.^ 

' Since completing this paper, I note that Milani, Stttdi e Materiali di Arch- 
^ologia e Numismalicaf I, pt. 2, pp. 197 if. has also conjectured the derivation 
of Janus from the double axe. 

* The fact that the double axe, though originally regarded as androgynous, 
had come to be considered especially the symbol of the thunder-god would 
lead to the duplication of the male element. Perhaps we may see a similar 
emphasis on the female half of the combination in the double female heads on 
coins of Rhegium (Brit. Mus. Catcd. of CoinSy Italy, pp. 381 f., Nos. 89-94). 
For other examples cf. Lampsacus {ibid. Mysta, pp. 79 f., nos. 10-22; pi. 
XVIII, nos. 9-12; pp. 82 f., nos. 32-45, 50-2; pi. XIX, nos. 10, 13) and Ath- 
•ens {ibid. Attica, p. 5). See also the as of Thessalonica {ibid. Macedoniay p. 
112, Thessalonica, no. 32) after 88 B.C., on the obverse of which appears the 
head of Janus, while the reverse is occupied by the Diosciui on horseback. 
In connection with Juno Sororia, the association of the Dioscuri with Jutuma, 
wife of Janus, should not be forgotten, Amobius, adv. not. Ill, 29. The gate- 
shrine once established for the axe-god who was also the sky- or thxmder-god, 
may have been speciaUy perpetuated because some of its forms suggested the 
arch of heaven. 

» CI. R. 1904, p. 369. 

* Represented e.g. on a "middle brass of Hadrian." Cook, I.e. 

' Cumont, Textes et Monuments figuris relatifs aux mystbres de Mithraj p. 
208. Cf . the visit of the three angels to Abraham (Genesis 18), a story which 
Harris has shown to be full of "Dioscuric" features. One wonders in fact 
whether the triplets of the tigiUumreiory may not originally have been twins. 
An interesting feature of the legend concerns the close relationship of the con- 
tending parties. Dionysius, III, 13 and Zonaras, VII, 6, report that the moth- 
ers of the triplets were twin sisters. Columella's accoxmt. III, 8, 1 (eximiae 
Jecunditatis Albanas Curiatiae familiae trigeminorum matres) would imply a 
tradition deriving both families from Alba. 



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THE MEANING OF THE "DOKANA" 17 

To Harris's investigations we owe the proof of the interest of 
the Heavenly Twins in ploughs and yokes.^ Even without the 
tale of the TigiUum we should suspect a relation between the 
dokana and the iugum beneath which conquered troops passed.* 

Not only at gates and doors but at crossroads men feared the 
spirits of the dead. In Greece an offering for the soul was made 
at crossroads'; in Germany, when the funeral arrived at a cross- 
roa,d, a heap of straw was laid down that the dead when he re- 
turned might rest there/ In German E!tst Africa "lost spirits" 
receive sacrifice at crossroads*; elsewhere in Africa twins are 
buried at crossroads, " like ... a man struck by Ughtning.*'* 
To deceive the dead the implements which he used are broken 
at the crossroads to hinder his return. In the Middle Ages, one 
called upon the devil at crossroads, and evil spirits were there 
most Hkely to be met.^ Can we find at crossroads any structure 
analogous to the dokana? 

Since in this paper I prefer to avoid the vexed question of a 
possible connection between the Dioscuri and the Lares, to which 
at some time I hope to devote a separate discussion, I should like 
merely to make, without drawing inferences, the following state- 
ments: 

I. The TigiUum Sororium was placed over or near a crossroad, 
for the calendar of the Arval Brothers describes it as od com- 
piturn Acili, 

II. Diana, worshipped at crossroads, is, like Juno and Juturna, 
a feminine counterpart of Janus.^ 

III. The compita or shrines of the Lares Compitales at cross- 
roads, are said by the scholiast on Persius (4, 28) to resemble 
towers, pertusay quia per omnea quattuor partes pateant Here, he 
explains, farmers place broken plough-yokes. 

IV. The Lares Compitales were twins and were assessors of 
the Genius of the Emperor. 

* Boanerges J ch. XXIII and p. 341. To the legends of warriors anned for 
batUe with ploughshares or yokes, add an Etruscan relief on an urn in the 
Museum at Volterra, Dennis, Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria (Everyman 
Edition), II, p. 155. 

« See p. 16.» 

* Samter, op. cU. p. 145; cf. Schol ad Aeschyl. Choeph. 97. 

* Samter, p. 146. 
» Samter, p. 146. 

* BoanergeSj p. 97. 

^ Maury, La Magie et VAstrologie dans VAntiq, et au Moyen Age, p. 177.* 

* Cf. Cook's equation, CI R, 1904, p. 368. 



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18 MARGARET C, WAITES 

V. To propitiate Tacita, mother of the Lares, an old woman 
places with three fingers three dabs of incense beneath the 
threshold.^ 

I have tried to connect the sanctity of the dokana with the 
sanctity of the gateway and to show how, like the posts of the 
gateway, the Dioscuri or human side-posts may have stood as 
guardians between two worlds, — protectors of the living, com- 
panions also of the dead. 

Innumerable links connect this symbol of the Heavenly Twins 
with other features of their worship. To such features I have 
been able only briefly to refer. The main interest of the dokana 
lies in the glimpse the symbol gives us of a very primitive stage 
in human thinking. 

Margaret C. Waitbs. 

Mount Holyoke College, 
South Hadlet, Mass. 

1 Ovid, Fasti, II, 573. 



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THE DIPHILOS-DROMIPPOS LECYTHI, AND THEIR 

RELATION TO MR. BEAZLETS "ACHILLES 

MASTER/' 



In 1916, the University Museum in Philadelphia acquired a 
very important Attic white lecythus, Inv. no., MS. 5463 (Fig. 

1) bearing the inscription kAAOC * ^* ^ *^ '^^'^^ *^^ ^ 
the subject of this paper, as it seems to me to be a "missing 
link" that binds the Diphilos group to the other white lecythi 
correctly assigned by Mr. J. D. Beazley to his "Achilles Master.'** 

This vase, before coming to Philadelphia, was in the Borelli 
Bey collection, which was dispersed in Paris in 1913; in the sale 
catalogue of that collection it was given the number 223. In 
referring to it, therefore, I shall speak of it as "the Borelli lecy- 
thus."^ It is 0.385 m. in height. The mouth, handle, upper 
part of the neck, and lower part of the body are covered 
with the black glaze; the foot and upper end of the lip are left 
in the color of the clay; while the rest of the body is covered with 
the firm, hard, cream-colored slip, characteristic of the earUer 
white lecythi. It is said to have been found in Athens. 

In another place' I have described the subject of this vase, and 
shall take the liberty of quoting from that description. 

"The subject is of great beauty, simplicity, and restraint. At 
the left sits a woman (Fig. 1, a) with a circle of beads in her hands; 
she is evidently stringing them for use as a necklace. The chair 
in which she sits is of a graceful and beautiful design, and is drawn 
in a black wash on the cream-colored background. Her hair is 
rendered in the same manner. She is wearing two garments, a 
chiton and' a himation, the chiton being the under-garment. 
This is rendered in a chalky white, much of which has flaked off, 

1 J.HJ3, XXXIV, 1914, pp. 179-226, and especially pp. 219-222. 
' It is published in the sale catalogue, pi. XXIII, and also in the Mitsevm 
Journal of the University Museum, VIII, 1917, pp. 21-25, and figs. 3 and 4. 
* Museum Journal, L c. p. 22. 

American Journal of Archaeology, Second Series. Journal of the -i r\ 

Archaeological Institute of America. Vol. XXIII (1919) , No. 1 . 1 ^ 



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20 STEPHEN BLEECKER LUCE 



A B 

Figure 1. — The Borelli Lecythus: Philadelphia. 

the idea being in this manner, perhaps, naturalistically to show 
the brilliant white of clean Unen. The himation, being a shawl- 
like wrap of a heavier material, was rendered in the color of the 
background. Flesh parts are in this same chalky white, in a 
manner which, as will be shown, is peculiar to the maker of this 



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THE DIPHILOS-DROMIPPOS LECYTHI 21 

vase. Above her, in the field, are hanging a mirror, and a long 
pouch, drawn together with strings, called by archaeologists a 
'sakkos.' 

"In front of her stands another woman (Fig. 1, b), in a long, 
simple chiton, without sleeves. In her left hand she carries a 
large tray or basket, from which hang three fillets of white, and 
two longer ones of red, and Which is filled with offerings of vari- 
ous sorts. Her right arm and hand hang at her side, and are 
most beautifully rendered. Above her, in the field, hangs an 
exquisite little pitcher. Between the two women is inscribed 
the dedicatory inscription, AI4>IA0^ KAAOC." 

The existence of a group of vases with the *faX6s-name Diph- 
ilos, and all by the same hand, was first definitely shown by Mr. 
R. C. Bosanquet.^ In an able article he grouped together twelve 
vases as being by the same master, four of which have the name 
Diphilos, three Glaucon, two Dromippos, and one each, Lichas, 
Alcimedes, and Axiopeithes. This last is the famous *'Spinelli" 
lecythus (Fig. 5), now in the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, 
and a very important vase in the theory which it is my hope to 
prove in this article. Another vase with the name of Lichas, 
also in Boston, should be included with these vases of Bosan- 
quet's (Fig. 6)*. 

Mr. Bosanquet proves, with what seems to me absolute cer- 
tainty, that this group of vases should be dated at about 466 B.C. 
This date he obtains both on grounds of technique, and because 
it seems possible to hnk one of the /caX6s-names (Lichas) with 
an historical character.' 

It is not my intention to furnish a complete list of Diphilos 
vases, but it will be worth while to see what new ones have come 
to light since Bosanquet's article. \ Klein* adds one (in the Museo 
Artistico Industriale at Rome) to Mr. Bosanquet's list, and Mr. 
Bosanquet's No. 7, which was in the trade in Paris when he wrote 
his article, is located by Klein in the Tyszkiewicz collection.* 

> J,H^, XVI, 1896, pp. 164-177, and pis. IV-VII. See also Weisshauepl, 
Aih. MiU. XV, 1890, pp. 49 f. 
« JJI.S. 1 1, pp. 167-168, footnote 6. 
» J. H. S, I c. p. 167. 

* lAebUrigsinsckriftenf ». v. 'Diphilos,' pp. 159-160. 

* I was at first tempted to believe that the Borelli vase might be the same as 
the Tyszkiewicz vase; but a reference to Fairbanks (see next note) proves 
that they are different. 



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22 STEPHEN BLEECKER LUCE 

Dr. Fairbanks^ adds no new vases to the regular Diphilos group, 
but he cites a vase with this name, of a technique which he 
considers later, now in the Museum of Berlin. ^ He says that this 
is perhaps a different Diphilos from the one referred to above, 
although he is inclined to believe that it is the same, as the 



Figure 2. — Lecythus in Athens, No. 1629. 

vases are almost contemporaneous. This vase has since been as- 
signed by Mr. Beazley to his Achilles master.' 

Mr. R. C. McMahon, writing in 1907, almost at the same time 
as Dr. Fairbanks, declares that he has seen eleven lecythi with 
the icaX6$-name Diphilos.* Most of these must have been in 

1 Athenian White Lekythm, vol. I (Univ. of Mich. Humanistic Series, vol, 
VI), pp. 161-164. I shall in future refer to Fairbanks, vol. I or vol. II as the 
case may be, not to the numbers of the volumes in the Michigan series. 

« L. c. pp. 222-23, no. 44, Berlin, Inv. 3970. 

*J.H£. XXXIV, 1914, p. 221, no. 7 bis. 

« A J A. XI, 1907, p. 18, footnote 1. 



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THE DIPHILOS-DROMIPPOS LECYTHI 23 

Athens, as Nicole's supplementary catalogue gives us six new 
Diphilos vases, and two new ones with Dromippos.^ 

The best place to study the Diphilos-Dromippos group is now 
in Riezler's Weissgrundige Attische Lekythen, the plates of which 
admirably reproduce the salient features of these vases.* It was 
to these plates and the article of Bosanquet that I turned in 
trying to identify the BorelU lecythus in Philadelphia as a bona 
fide member of the Diphilos-Dromippos group. 



Figure 3. — Lecythus in Athens, No. 1628. 

Although there are certain differences that make it a variant 
from the normal Diphilos type, I shall try to prove that this vase 
is a work of the same hand as the regular vases of the group. 
The two most important differences are that the palmette design 
on the shoulder seems to be of a slightly different order from 
most of the vases in Bosanquet's list, and that the patronymic 
MEAANOPO is omitted from the icaXos-name. I shall return to 
the palmette-design later; about the patronymic, it is sufficient 
to say that many other Diphilos vases also omit it. 

1 Diphilos, nos. 986-991; Dromippos, 992, 993. No. 990 is published in 
•E^. 'Apx. 1906, pi. I; no. 991, ibid. pi. II. 

* Pis. II-IX. Plates X and XII seem to me also to belong in this group, al- 
though they have no KaX6s-names. 



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24 STEPHEN BLEECKER LUCE 

Turning now to points of similarity, I would refer, for an 
earlier and almost exact, although artistically not as beautiful, 
replica of the Bor^lli vase, to a lecythus in Athens (Fig. 2).^ 
The resemblance there is so close that they can only be by the 
same hand. If further proof be needed, another lecythus in 
Athens will provide it (Fig. 3).* The figure on the right is 
almost identical with the corresponding figure on the Borelli 
vase (Fig. 1, b). 

When we add that practically the same color schemes as well as 
artistic technique are employed, particularly the same use of 
white overcolor for flesh parts and details of drapery, it seems to 
make the attribution indisputable. When we add further that 

on the shoulder of the Philadel- 
phia vase is painted a palmette- 
design identical with one repro- 
duced by Mr. Bosanquet (Fig. 
4),' it seems to add a finishing 
touch, although we have noticed 
that this shoulder-design is also a 
point of divergence. On a later 
page I shall discuss this matter 
at some length. Suffice it to say 
at this point that Mr. Bosan- 

_ ^ -, ^ quet considers it the latest of the 

Figure 4. — Palmette on Should- ^. , . . i . i . , 

ER OF Lecythus. three designs tnat ne copies, and 

thinks that it came at the end 

of the period of "white flesh technique'' already mentioned as a 

peculiarity of this group of vases. 

I have now shown, and, I trust, without question, what, after 

all, would be the natural conclusion to reach; namely, that the 

BoreUi lecythus in Philadelphia is by the same hand as the rest of 

the Diphilos-Dromippos group. The harder task remains; i.e., 

to attempt to prove that this group is by the so-called "Achilles 

master," so successfully identified by Mr. Beazley.* I should 

1 CoUignon-Couve, 1629, Inv. 1023. Illustration from Eiezler, pi. VII. 
Fairbanks, I, p. 162, no. 12, where a bibliography will be found. Bosanquet, 
I c. p. 166, no. 6. 

« CoUignon-Couve, 1628, Inv. 1963. Illustration from Riezler, pi. IV. For 
a reproduction in colors, see ibid. pi. IV a. Fairbanks, I, c. p. 161, no. 10. 
Bosanquet, I, c, p. 165, no. 5. 

» L. c. pp. 174-177, and especially fig. 5, form C, here reproduced. 

< J.H.8. XXXIV, 1914, pp. 179-226. 




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THE DIPHILOS'DROMIPPOS LECYTHI 25 

add, in support of my attempt, that Mr. Beazley himself has 
already granted that "many of the other lecythi with Diphilos 
bear a strong resemblance to our group" (that of the Achilles 
painter). 1 I believe that this is because they are actually by 
the same hand. 

In 1899, Mr. Bosanquet pubUshed^ a second article on the sub- 
ject of white lecythi, in which he groups together twenty-one 
vases as by the same hand. These he calls the "Hygiainon 



' Figure 5. — The Spinelli Lecythub: Boston. 

group," from the leading icaX6$-name found among them. 
Among these vases he includes the "Spinelli" lecythus,* and 
therefore, as he considers them of later date, removes it from the 
Diphilos-Dromippos group, although he declares that it forms a 
connecting Unk between the two types. Mr. Beazley includes 

» L. c. p. 220, footnote 35. The reason for the word ''other'* is because he 
believes th^ vase in Berlin with the name of Diphilos to be by the Achilles 
pudnter. See p. 22, and footnote 3 above. 

» JJI.S, XDC, 1899, pp. 169-184, and especiaUy pp. 178-181. 

» L. c. p. 180, vase B. 



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26 STEPHEN BLEECKER LUCE 

nineteen of Mr. Bosanquet's list in his catalogue of white lecyijhi 
by the Achilles master,^ among. them the SpinelU lecythus.* 

It is plain that the points of resemblance between the Spinelli 
vase and the Diphilos-Dromippos group, as well as the points of 
divergence, are just as obvious now as when Mr. Bosanquet 
wrote his first article. I would, therefore, suggest that he is 
right in grouping it with this class of vases, and at the same time 
not wrong in assigning it to the Hygiainon group, which, in 
turn, is, as we have seen, given by Mr. Beazley to his Achilles 
master. In other words, I believe that the vases of the Diphilos- 
Dromippos group are early works of the Achilles master, and 
that the lecythus in Philadelphia is the missing link that binds 
them together. 

Through the courtesy of the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, 
I am enabled at this point to insert photographs of the Spinelli 
lecythus (Fig. 5), which has already been published and de- 
scribed many times.' This vase, acquired by Boston in 1913, 
has the inventory number 13.187. It is justly regarded as one 
of the finest white lecythi that has come down to us. 

A hint that we are dealing with the same man who produced 
the Diphilos-Dromippos group, is afforded by the KaX6s-name, 
where we find, as in that group of vases, the rather unusual 
addition of the patronymic, written aTOLxrj86vy in letters of 
almost identical form. A comparison of these various KoKds- 
inscriptions will be found below.^ 

In the Borelli lecythus in Philadelphia, the patronymic is 
omitted, but the inscription, is otherwise written exactly as in 

the other Diphilos-Dromippos vases, i.e., kAAOC ' ^^^^ 

1 Two of them, Bosanquet J and T, he does not include, and Bosanquet P 
(Beazley 37) he includes "with some hesitation" (l. c. p. 222, footnote 36). 

2 This vase is Beazley 36. 

» Fairbanks, I, p. 215, no. 32; II, p. 249, no. 32, pi. XL; Rdm. MiU. 1887, pi. 
XII, 5, etc. 

* Spinelli Usual Diphilos, Usual Dromippos, 

vase: e.g., Riezler, pi. V. e.g., Riezler, pi. II. 

AEIOrEI[eH]^ A I4>IA0^ APOMIPPO^ 

KAAOC KAAOC KAAO^ 

AAK I M A-h[0] MEAANOrO APOMOK A E I AO 

For other xaX^-names in this group see Bosanquet, J.H.S. XVI, 1896, 
p. 165. A white lecythus with the name Alcimachus, father of Axiopeithes, 
and probably by the same hand, is in Athens (Riezler, pi. Ill); see also Klein, 
lAeblingainackr.f pp. 165-166. 



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THE DIPHILOS-DROMIPPOS LECYTHI 27 

including the quasi-lunatc sigma in KaX6s, common to many of 
the Diphilos vases and to the Spinelli lecythus,^ and to another 
lecythus with the name of Axiopeithes, also in Boston.^ On 
epigraphical grounds, therefore, it is very tempting to assmne 
that aU of these vases are by the same hand; but this is extremely 
unsafe, as the hand that painted the inscriptions may not have 
been the hand that actually painted the designs on the vases. 
We can only say that it proves at most that the' inscriptions 
must have been done by one man, and that, therefore, the ''white- 
flesh technique '* of the Diphilos-Dromippos group is contempo- 
raneous with the different technique of the Hygiainon class. In 
any case, however, the epigraphy would point to all of these 
vases coming from the same workshop. 

Another reason to think this to be true has already been touched 
upon. We have seen that there is a lecythus with the name 
Diphilos, in Berlin, which has been assigned by Dr. Fairbanks to 
the Hygiainon group, and by Mr. Beazley to the Achilles master. 
Dr. Fairbanks considers that it is highly probable that the Diph- 
ilos on this vase may refer to the same Diphilos as the other vases, 
and it seems to me that this is almost surely the case.^ 

Coming now to questions of technique, let us compare the 
seated figures on the Borelli lecythus in Philadelphia (Fig. 1, a) 
and the Spinelli lecythus in Boston (Fig. 5). With the exception 
of the fact that the Philadelphia vase employs the "white-flesh 
technique,*' there is very little difference between the two. They 
are, indeed, identical, even in the manner of the treatment of the 
drapery, the pose of the arms and hands, the dressing of the hair, 
the position of the feet, and the slight flare of the chiton at the 
ankles. The chair, too, is painted in exactly the same manner, 
with the cross-pieces of the seat indicated by groups of three 
lines placed at equal distances from each other. It is perhaps a 
little more carefully rendered in the Philadelphia lecythus, which, 
indeed, is the more carefully painted of the two, although the 
excellent preservation of the colors and the rich texture of the 
white slip on the Boston vase make it the more pleasing today. 

1 E.g., Nicole, 994; 'E^^. 'Apx- 1905, pi. I; Riezler, pis. V, VII, and perhaps 
IX. 

* Beazley, 35. Fairbanks, I. c. II, p. 249, no. 32 a, pi. XLI. 

» Fairbanks, I, pp. 222-223, no. 44. Beazley, /. c. p. 221, no. 7 bis. Unfor- 
tunately, this vase is unpublished, and I have not seen it. There seems to be 
no way under present conditions of securing a photograph of it. 



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28 STEPHEN BLEECKER LUCE 

In the field, in each vase, is hung a mirror, an oenochoe, and a 
aakkos. In the Borelli lecythus, the mirror and sakkos are over 
the seated figure, the oenochoe above the standing; in the Spin- 
elli, it is the mirror and oenochoe which are at the left, and the 
sakkos at the right. 

I think that anybody who, with an open mind, compares these 
two seated figures carefully, will agree with me that only one 
hand could have produced them both. In the face, I have only 
to call attention to the profile of the lips, and the firm, round 
chin of both figures, to prove this. It is unfortunate that in the 
Philadelphia specimen the ** white flesh technique " was employed ; 
for, when it flaked off, it took with it many details that I am con- 
vinced would have shown the same method of treatment which 
we see in the Spinelli vase, as, for instance, the treatment of the 
eyes — a most important item, as all students of Greek vases 
know — ^and of the mouth. Still, it seems to me that enough is 
left to make my attribution absolutely certain. 

It will, however, be said in objection, "But your right-hand 
figure in the Spinelli vase (Fig. 5) is superior to anything in the 
Diphilos-Dromippos group." This is true; in the freedom of 
the pose, and in such details as the drawing of the feet, for in- 
stance, a great advance has been made. But it is also true that 
we can see this advance in the seated figure on the Borelli vase, 
where the feet are properly drawn, and we have shown that this 
Borelli vase must be classed with the other Diphilos-Dromippos 
specimens.^ On the other hand, a glance at some of the plates 
and figures of "Achilles" vases in Beazley's article^ shows that 
this master was very uneven, and that his treatment of the foot 
can be just as bad as on some of the Diphilos-Dromippos vases, 
so that this is not a good criterion. Furthermore, he always 
draws the foot in full front exactly as it is drawn in the Diphilos 
vases. Moreover, apart from the increased freedom of pose, 
the profile and other details show the same tendencies in this 
right-hand figure in the Boston lecythus that we find in the 
Diphilos specimens. 

Two vases that can be compared with each other to supple- 
ment and confirm this theory of mine, are the lecythus in Bos- 

* For the drawing of the feet on the Diphilos-Dromippos vases, compare the 
illustrations from Riezler reproduced above (Figs. 2 and 3). 

> L. c, especially pis. XIII and XIV, and figs. 3, 4, 5, 8 a, 13, 14, 15, and 
23. 



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THE DIPHILOS'DROMIPPOS LECYTHI 29 



Figure 6. — The Lichas Lecythus: Boston. 

ton already referred to, with the iicaX6s-name Lichas (Fig. 6),^ 
a work of the Diphilos-Dromippos group, and the beautiful 
Hygiainon lecythus in the Art Museum of Worcester, Mass. 
(Fig. 7),* already assigned by Mr. Beazley to his Achilles 

1 Published, Riezler, text, p. 18, fig. 11; Fairbanks, I, p. 165, no. 15. 
* Published, Fairbanks, I, p. 217, no. 35, and pi. IX, 1. 



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30 STEPHEN BLEECKER LUCE 

master.^ Here again, I think that the Boston vase is an early 
work by the same hand.^ 

A small detail, but one that adds cumulative evidence that 
brings with it a weight of its own to prove all this, is the fact that 



Figure 7. — The Hygiainon Lecythub: Worcesteb. 

the decorative patterns above the designs on these vases are 
strikingly alike in nearly every case. They are identical on the 

1 L. c. p. 221, no. 24. 

' An even better example is British Museum, D50, published by Bosanquet, 
J.//..S. XVI, 1896, pi. VI, also a Lichas vase. 



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THE DIPHILOS-DROMIPPOS LECYTHI 31 

Borelli and Spinelli vases, and also on the Worcester* vase and the 
Lichas lecythus in Boston. This is, of course, a small point, but 
of a very special importance, as the patterns used on the Borelli 
and Lichas vases seem to be favorites of the Achilles master. 

Another significant feature is the palmette-design on the 
shoulder (Fig. 4). Mr. Bosanquet, in his first article, says he is 
ignorant of any of the Diphilos-Dromippos vases with this design. 
His exact words^ are as follows: — "Of Form C (Fig. 4 of this 
article) I cannot give an instance among the twelve vases of our 
series. On No. 1 1,^ where we should expect to find it, the shoulder 
pattern is obhterated; on No. 12 (the Spinelli vase) I have no 
information. We find it for the first time on the Boston Lichas- 
vase (Fig. 6 of this article) . . . which is among the latest 
instances of the use of white for women's flesh. Broadly 
speaking, Form A* disappeared at the same time as this white- 
flesh technique, and was replaced by Form C." 

Now we find that the Borelli vase in Philadelphia has this 
Form C, that it has the KaX6s-name Diphilos, the "white-flesh 
technique," and is obviously by the same hand as the other vases 
of the Diphilos-Dromippos group, and that not only on grounds 
of technique, but on the cumulative evidence offered by the 
decoration, it should be put late in that group. Furthermore, 
the Hygiainon vases collected by Mr. Bosanquet in his second arti- 
cle all seem to have this shoulder design,* and since the acquisition 
of the Spinelli lecythus by the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, 
it has become clear that it, too, has the same arrangement of 
palmettes, thereby helping to prove that the Borelli lecythus in 
Philadelphia is a "missing Unk" that binds the two groups 
(Diphilos-Dromippos and Hygiainon) together, and points to all 
being works of the "Achilles master." 

We have now approached the problem from three points of 
view. First of all, there was the epigraphy of the vases, in which 
we saw that the nature of the inscriptions, the manner of their 
writing, and the forms of the letters were identical in both groups, 
suggesting that they all came from the same workshop. In the 

1 J.H.5. XVI, 1896, p. 175. 

> This ia Oxford, 266, P. Gardner, Catalogue of Ashmolean Museum, pi. 
XX, and Bosanquet, /. c. p. 165. It has the inscription AAKIM(H)AHS 
KAAO^ AI^+YAIAO. 

» Bosanquet, I. c. p. 175, fig. 3. 

< J.HJ5. XIX, 1899, p. 179, fig. 5. 



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32 STEPHEN BLEECKER LUCE 

second place, and most important of all, we took up the subject 
of artistic technique, and tried to show that, from that angle, 
both groups were works of the same hand. Finally, we have 
studied the decorative patterns, such as the borders and shoulder 
decorations, and found that the borders used are found in the 
known works of the Achilles painter, and that the palmette- 
design on the shoulder of the Borelli vase is of great importance, 
as it provides the link that binds the two groups together. From 
all these points of view, I can arrive at but one conclusion: 
namely, that in future, among the works of the Achilles master, 
we must include, as early works, the white lecythi of the Diphilos- 
Dromippos group. The large number of vases already known to 
be by his hand indicates that his work extended over a long period, 
and therefore this conclusion is entirely justifiable.^ 

Stephen Bleecker Luce. 
University Museum, 
Philadelphia, Pa. 

* I wish to thank several people at this point for various kindnesses for which 
I am extremely grateful. First of all, I want to thank my old teacher, Pro- 
fessor George H. Chase, of Harvard University, without whose encourage- 
ment I should probably not have w;ritten this paper. To Dr. G. B. Gordon, 
my chief in the University Museum, I am indebted for permission to publish 
the lecythus in Philadelphia, and for many other courtesies. To Dr. Arthur 
Fairbanks and Dr. Lacey D. Caskey, of the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, 
I am indebted for permission to republish the Spinelli vase, and for a generous 
collection of photographs of vases in their possession of which they permitted 
me to make any use I pleased. I owe the same debt to Miss Gisela M. A. 
Richter of the Metropolitan Museum in New York. To the authorities of the 
Worcester Art Musevmi I am greatly indebted for photographs of the Hygiai- 
non lecythus in their possession. 



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THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIGLYPH FRIEZE 



Since the days of Vitruvius at least it has been the belief of 
most of those who have given attention to the matter that the 
triglyph frieze in Doric architecture arose from construction in 
wood. On this assumption our histories of architecture well nigh 
imiversally maintain that the triglyph represents the sheathed 
beam end of such primitive buildings, and that the metopes 
represent filling of what were originally openings through the 
frieze. I have elsewhere^ sought to show how insecure is om* 
groimd for the belief in open friezes and I now presume to ques- 
tion the accuracy of the belief that the triglyph represents the 
original beam end. 

The source and the chief sponsor of the prevailing theory is 
Vitruvius, who sets forth his argimient for the identification of 
the triglyphs as beam ends in his De Architecturaj IV, 2, 4: non 
enim quemadmodum nonnuUi errantes dixerunt fenestrarum ima- 
gines esse triglyphos, ita potest esse, quod in angvlis contrague te- 
trantes columnarum triglyphi constituuntur, quibus in lads omnino 
non pdtitur res fenestras fieri, dissolvuntur enim angvlorum in 
aedifidis iuncturae, si in ts fenestrarum fuerird lumina relicta, 
eiiamque uhi nunc triglyphi constituuntur, si ibi luminum spatia 
fuisse iudicabuntur, isdem raiionibiLS denticuLi in ionids fenes- 
trarum occupavisse loca videbuntur, utraque enim, et inter denticu- 
los et inter triglyphos quae sunt intervaUa, metopae nominantur. 
oiras enim Graeci tignorum cvbictda et asserum appellanty uti nostri 
ea cava columbaria, ita quod inter duos opas est intertignium, id 
fjL€Toirrj est apud eos nominata. [Krohn.] 

This passage is usually accepted with implicit confidence as the 
final word on the subject. No one, so far as I am aware, has ever 
seen fit to inquire into the possibility of Vitruvius having chosen 
the wrong side of the argument, even though it is perfectly clear 
that he is here debating a matter in which he found some real 
difiference of opinion among his sources. Let us therefore order a 
review of the case and see if errors of fact and of method do not 

1 AJ.A, XXII, 1918, pp. 434 ff. 

American Journal of Arohaedogy, Second Series. Journal of the qq 

Archaeological Institute of America, VoL XXIII (1919) , No. 1'. *>^ 

4 



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34 OLIVER M. WASHBURN 

exist in sufficient numbers to justify grave doubts as to the cor- 
rectness of his conclusions. 

We notice first of all that, in his discussion of the theory he re- 
jects, Vitruvius assumes that the frieze developed in the perip- 
teral temple or, at least, that it was used constructionally in it. 
In this he shows his fallibility, for we now know that buildings of 
the type which, in all probability, gave rise to the Greek temple 
existed at Troy and perhaps at Dimini and Sesklo some 1500 to 
2000 years before the first peripteral temple. 

It would simplify matters for us if we knew just what our 
author is attempting to translate from his Greek sources hyfenes- 
trarum imagines. He apparently uses fenestra in a literal sense 
as "a permanent opening to admit light," for only a real opening 
of some sort would justify his argument as to the weakening of 
the corners; and we may at once concede our approval of his con- 
clusion that, in the finished building the frieze was never left 
open.^ But the word he found may not have meant a permanent 
opening, although Guadet and Holland take it so and proceed to 
the reconstruction of an elaborate open frieze in which the roof is 
supported on pillars, the later triglyphs.* It seems on the whole 
simpler to assume that some of the authors on whom Vitruvius 
draws asserted that the metopes represented the beam ends and 
that in consequence the trigjyphs must have been ** spaces'' 
{K€vdy dwaiy TrapaSvpiSia) , Such an expression need not have 
meant that the spaces were functional, but Vitruvius evidently 
so understood and he chose the very best word to convey his 
meaning. It is true that we have no contemporary examples 
of owaL in the sense of ^^ fenestras ^^^ but the word is so used 
in the days of Constantine and these are in no case ordinary 
windows. 

Another possibiUty to be reckoned with is that the term is 
merely a late deduction from the word yLtTbirt], for one might 
argue that if a fxeTowrj is a '* surface between openings," the tri- 
glyphs must represent the openings. This leads, of course, to 
the possibility that the ^^nonnulW^ were nothing more than ety- 
mologists of the type of. Varro. Some importance attaches to 
this possibility by reason of the esteem in which Varro was held 
by Vitruvius and by the fondness of the age for such explanations. 

1 Cf . Noack, Jh. KL Alt. I, 1898, pp. 656 ff. 

* They assume that the TpiyXiHtxws of the source had reference to the whole 
frieze, as in Bacchae 1214. 



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THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIGLYPH FRIEZE 35 

Vitruvius argues that triglyphs cannot represent openings be- 
cause they come at the corner of a building and, in that case, 
there could be no ** joints" at that point. Aside from the fact 
that one cannot argue origins from peripteral temples, it is some- 
what surprising that our author, who is so fond of citing parallels, 
should have overlooked the obvious parallel of the Ionic dentils. 
What he apparently does is to assume that in every case the open- 
ing must go clear through the frieze. There is, nevertheless, an 
intervallum if not a fenestra at the corner of the Ionic moulding, 
and some such solution as the Ionic architect devised for turning 
the corner, when he did face the construction of the peripteral 



Figure 1. — Church in Cochiti Pueblo. 

temple, must have been adopted for that purpose in the Doric 
frieze. Since, however, in our earliest extant remains the frieze 
is purely decorative and no longer constructional, we have to 
reckon with the fact that it may never have been more than 
decorative in any stone example. 

In connection with the primitive temple, attention is called to 
the accompanying drawing (Fig. 1) of the Spanish-Indian church 
in Cochiti Pueblo, New Mexico. Save for its balcony and its 
round turrets this church represents far better than the well- 
known **Peasant^s House in Persia" of Dieulafoy the probable 
appearance of the primitive megaron of sun-dried brick and 
wood. It will be seen that the beams of the portico of the church 



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36 OLIVER M. WASHBURN 

do not come at the corners, but at those points are "voids'' filled 
with clay. Still, no one would be likely to call this construction 
weak. 

The second item which Vitruvius adduces against our theory 
has to do with the placing of the triglyph directly over the centre 
of its supporting column (contra tetrantes columnarum). Our 
illustration may again serve to show how this is possible for, 
although there are five columns in the Cochiti fagade, in no in- 
stance does a ceiling beam centre with a column; in fact, in three 
of the five examples, a "void" appears above the column. 

The final argument of Vitruvius is somewhat more compli- 
cated: he tells us that the Greeks called the beds of timbers and 
of beams 6tAs, for which the Latin equivalent is columbaria. 
The filling (intertignium) they called lurbira^, and this is true of 
both the Doric frieze and the Ionic dentils. In regard to the 
latter he observes that the theory he combats would make open- 
ings of the derUiculi. Vitruvius is not altogether consistent in his 
use of terms, for he first says that the spaces (intervalla) between 
the dentils are called metopae and then it is the filling between the 
dentils (intertignium) which receives that name, while in III, 5, 11 
he uses intersectio of the same element in the moulding. It would 
be superfluous to introduce an argument to show that a void can- 
not be referred to in Greek as a iurbin), although it would be easy 
to find many recent examples of the barbarism. It is probably 
true that the face of the filling did receive that name, so that iTvier* 
tignium is the correct Latin equivalent.^ But it does not follow 
that openings are necessary in order to have a facing, even with 
the word fAirdTrj. 

A good example of what I have in mind is the fjutrcjirov of 
classical writers and architects. This word, if it means "space 
above the eyes," "forehead," is evidently a compound derived 
from /Lt€rA and &^, but it is used, without implication of eyes, of 
the face of a wall (Thuc. III. 21); of^the exposed surface of the 
riser in a stairway ('E<t), 'Apx- 1900, p. 94, line 47) ; of the face of a 
pyramid (Herodotus, II. 124). Now in the famous arsenal of 
Philon we have a fjLkrcjwov which has a doorway on either side,' 

*The definition of intertignium as a "sjwice between beams" in Harper's 
Dictionary is incorrect, for the word cannot mean a "space" or "void" in this, 
the only passage cited, " quod inter duos opas est intertignium.** 

*Caskey and Hill, A J. A. XII, 1906, p. 192, err in deriving /u4T«xov = "the 
space between the eyes" from M^rd, dr^, and they force the Greek too far in 



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THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIGLYPH FRIEZE 37 

but the doorway is not necessary to the term,^ although we might 
BO infer had we only the last cited instance of it. It is in this 
sense of "facing'' that I understand /Lt€r6in? used of the filling 
between the dentils of the Ionic moulding.* We are unfortunate 
in that the word is found only in the De Architectural and that we 
are deprived of means of verifying Vitruvius' use of it, as we are 
of knowing what other shades of meaning it may have had. 

But we are not reduced to conjecture to show that our author's 
explanation is untenable: it forces us to believe that the metope 
got its name only when the frieze came to be made of stone, for 
surely no one would think that in simple construction of sun-dried 
brick and wood the filling was put in place upon the architrave 
before the ceiling beams were laid. Doerpfeld has shown that 
the names of other details of the temple, such as T\lvd<K and 
dpSoffriLTai, originated with the humblest materials. Is it then 
likely that the metope was rechristened when stone supplanted 
wood and when the triglyph frieze had become purely decorative? 
Indeed, at this time the ceiling beams were placed at a higher 
level than the frieze; there were no longer dwal out of which 
lurdTai could be made. 

If "metope" means a filling between openings it must be a 
name growing out of a purely temporary condition in the process 
of temple construction. Once the frieze was done we should 
have in the word the best possible example of a lucus a non lucendo, 
as Keil has so aptly suggested.' 

It may not be out of place at this point to call attention to the 
fact that should we, in spite of all these difficulties, adhere to 
Vitruvius' explanation, we must give up Winckelmann's theory 
of the open frieze based on Iphigenia Taurica 113 f. It is my be- 
lief that both views are wrong but, at any rate, we cannot have 
them both, for one excludes the other. 

msisting that rd /jLirtava (1.59) must include the walls marked M' M" in their 
figure 3. Cf . Keil, Hermes, XIX, 1884, pp. 159 ff. It may be possible that 
the use of the term fxkrwirop in military matters influenced the connotation of 
the word even in architecture. If «Ij yikTwirov ffrijvai (Xen. Cyr. II, 4, 2-4) 
means "to stand in line" may not the metopon of the arsenal have received its 
name because it was to stand in line with the main walls? 

^ In spite of Ebert, FachausdrOcke des griechischen Bauhandwerks, p. 30. 

*The best authenticated term for our "metope" is neither ukrawop nor 
Mer&wri but iier&iru>v (J.G. II, 1054b, p. 227, 31, 39; cf. also Hesychius, b.v. 

* Hermes, XIX, 1884, p. 159, note 2. 



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38 OLIVER M. WASHBURN 

Of modern theories regarding the origin of the Doric frieze 
nearly all assume that the triglyph is sheathing for an original 
beam end. Chipiez* based his reconstruction largely on an ala- 
baster slab which was discovered many years ago in Tiryns. 
Since, however, Frickenhaus has shown^ that the slab had nothing 
to do with any part of the superstructure, this attempt need not 
detain us. 

Another reconstruction is that of von Reber,' which is repro- 
duced herewith (Fig. 2). It assumes a pitched roof, ceiling beams 
all running across the building in the same direction, and rather 
useless duplication of beams in th^ epistyle. Von Reber also 



Figure 2. — Origin of he Doric Frieze: von Reber. 

makes use of the alabaster slab of Tiryns as an element in the 
construction of the triglyph. The spaces between the ceiling 
beams he leaves open to supply light to the interior of the 
building. 

There are numerous interesting items in Choisy's reconstruc- 
tion (Fig. 3).' In it the frieze is apparently developed along the 
side of the peripteral temple, since the drawing shows a column 
and, above it, a pitched roof. On the architrave are placed at 
intervals transverse planks that project both at front and rear; 

* Perrot and Chipiez, Art in Primitive Greece^ II, pp. 146 flf. 
« Tiriffis I, p. 37. 

*Ahh. hayr. Akad, Hist. CI., XXI, 1898, pp. 475 flf. 

* Histoire de V architecture j I, pp. 287 flf. I know this reconstruction only at 
second hand. 



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THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIGLYPH FRIEZE 39 

then come the heavy ceiling beams, resting upon the planks. 
The beams are faced with slabs, the trigylphs, which are held in 
place at the top by mortises cut in a heavy beam that parallels 
the architrave, while at the bottom they are pegged through the 
planks. The rafters are heavy planks which are set fairly close 
and are joined on the under side by short, transverse pieces that 
later become the mutules. Questionable in this reconstruction 
are: (1) the planks on which the ceiling beams rest, since they serve 
so far as one can see, only to motivate the triglyphs, regulae, and 
guttae, and have no real constructional purpose; even in a wall of 
sun-dried brick such pieces would serve no useful purpose, as 



Figure 3. — ^The Primitive Doric F^ntablature : Choisy. 

would a continuous plank running with the wall and distributing 
the weight of the roof evenly upon its top; (2) there is no justifi- 
cation for facing the ends of the ceiling beams; (3) the reconstruc- 
tion fails to account for taeniae above and below the frieze and 
for the abacus of metopes and triglyphs; and finally (4) the use of 
material is, as has been pointed out, extravagant for the purpose 
illustrated. 

Guadet's reconstruction^ is so arbitrary and fanciful as to 
need little comment. It is based on the pitched roof and de- 
velops the triglyph, not from a ceiling beam, but from short posts 
which resemble a portion of a child^s outfit of building blocks. 

1 Sl&ments et thiorie de V architecture, I, pp. 342 ff. Cf. A. J. A. XXI, 1917, p. 
140, Fig. 9. 



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40 OLIVER M. WASHBURN 

The frieze is left open, and neariy all its details, as also those of 
the cornice, appear as pure ornament rather than as organic parts 
of the' construction. 

Holland,^ after showing that we are not to seek the details of 
the frieze in Minoan-Mycenaean construction, endeavors by a 
painstaking study of the proportions of extant early Doric build- 
ings to derive the frieze from a combination of small pieces of 
wood and sun-dried brick. The result is ingenious but not con- 
vincing. He has failed to take account of the finds in Troy, 



Figure 4. — Origin op the Doric Frieze: Dttrm. 

Dimini, and Sesklo, and overlooks the invaluable work of Noack 
cited below. Furthermore, the construction appears imsound in 
that the slender piers of sun-dried brick which form the triglyphs 
would be unable to bear the weight that is laid upon them, es- 
pecially in a land of earthquakes which were violent enough to 
throw down even sturdy buildings of stone ;^ and, finally, it de- 
velops the frieze along the side of the building where it almost 
never appears in the non-peripteral temple. 

^AJA. XXI, 1917, pp. 117-158, Plate VII. 

* It is true that construction somewhat like that which Holland proposes was 
in use in the walls of Athens (cf. Caskey, A. J. A. XIV, 1910, pp. 298-309) 
but the size of the supporting piers of the walls is unknown and, in any case, 
the span covered by the roof need not have been more than ten feet. 



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THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIOLYPH FRIEZE 41 

Durm/ basing his work on Vitnivius, the vase paintings, and 
the necessities of construction, has given ns a valuable conception 
of a primitive temple (Fig. 4). He is conmiendably cautious, 
but fails to explain how it happens that we have no tiles from these 
primitive buildings, or why it should be necessary to face the beam 
ends. Nevertheless, his work commands our respect and, granted 
that Vitnivius is right and the vase paintings trustworthy, it is 
about as satisfactory as we can find among the more conservative 
writers. 

Most satisfactory of all suggested reconstructions is, however, 
that^of Noack.* After commenting on von Reber's proposals. 



FiouBB 5. — Origin of thb Doric Fribzs: Noack. 

Noack presents us with an illustration of his own reconstruction 
(Fig. 5). He assumes, first of all, a flat roof of clay, which is 
necessary to justify the large dimensions of triglyphs and 
metopes. The beams of the faQade he places parallel to the 
long axis of the building, thereby removing certain complications 
in von Reber's work. As facing for the beam ends to produce 
the triglyph he uses a modified form of the alabaster slab 
already mentioned, stating, however, that the slab was not the 
original facing, but itself copied from an earlier form in wood. 
The facing is held in place at the bottom by pegs driven 
thiough a regula and a plank that serves as motive for the later 
taenia. A mortised plank resting along the top of the ceiling 
beam explains the upper border of the triglyph. The general 
conception of place of development, flat roof, and dimensions of 
parts is correct. Noack fails to justify the facing of beam ends 

* BaiLkunst der Griechen^* p. 375. 
« Jh. U, AU. I, 1898, pp. 654-668. 



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42 OLIVER M. WASHBURN 

and he gives no theory of development of the cornice, but his 
work is throughly done and clearly and convincingly stated. 

It is now time to inquire whether it may not be possible to 
suggest a reconstruction which will obviate the difficulties of 
previous attempts and, at the same time, give due credit to the 
sources on which reconstructions must be based as well as to the 
necessities of the technique of sun-dried brick and wood. It will 
not be possible to settle definitely the question of flat roof versus 
pitched roof, although the finds in Troy II, the absence of early 
roof tiles, and the presence of a horizontal as well as a raking 
cornice in historic architecture are strong evidence in favor of the 
former. The vase paintings, et dona ferentesy are contradictory 
and, in the nature of things, sketchy and altogether untrust- 
worthy as regards detail. Vitruvius, who lived in the Age of 
Augustus, must not be overlooked but, in view of his distance 
from the beginnings as well as of the methods of research practised 
in his time as against the careful studies that have, in our own 
day, been made of the extant remains, it will not be justifiable to 
look upon him as an oracle or, in fact, to give him more credence 
than is due a conscientious modern authority. Vitruvius un- 
doubtedly had some sources that fail us, but no one, probably, 
ever wrote a history of architecture before the fourth century 
B.C. Aside from that, a man is not infallible simply because it 
was 2,000 years ago when he took sides in an argument in which 
we are interested. 

An attempt will be made to do away with the unnecessary 
facing of beam ends and with the breaking up of one panel, the 
beam end, only to immediately construct a similar one beside it. 
Our reconstruction also makes it clear why, in historic times, the 
triglyph was gradually narrowed at the expense of the metope. 
All the ornament of the historic entablature will be accounted for 
on constructional grounds, although it would be foolish to insist 
that in a matter which must needs be so largely speculative there 
are no errors of detail. 

We may begin our proposed reconstruction by assuming an 
embryonic stage in which our building was of the type of the 
church in Cochiti Pueblo (Fig. 1). This church is built of sun- 
dried brick and wood, and has a flat roof of clay supported by 
heavy beams which extend from side wall to side wall, both ends 
being in plain view from without. In a new building of this type 
the beam ends are flush with the face of the wall; they are cut 



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THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIGLYPH FRIEZE 43 

square off and are not supplied with any sheathing. To cover 
the portico, however, the roof beams are laid parallel to the long 
axis of the church. They are supported in the facade by an 



Figure 6. — Church in Acoma Pueblo. 

architrave, which runs from wall to wall and is further held up by 
two columns in antis (the third column in our illustration being 
added to remedy a break). Upon the roof beams and at right 
angles to them smaller timbers of wood are laid in close order, as 
is shown in the drawing of the interior of a similar church at 



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44 OLIVER M. WASHBURN 

Acoma Pueblo (Fig. 6). Next above the ancient Greeks may 
have placed a bed of reeds, straw, or the like; such a bed would 
help protect the timbers from moisture and decay, and would, 
further, make an even coating for the heavy layer of clay which 
topped the whole. 

Now there is a serious drawback to a roof of the type described, 
and it is not that it demands constant attention and repair, for 
it is a simple matter to carry up a few buckets of clay after a 
heavy rain to replace what has inevitably washed away, just as 
it is no hardship to repair in a similar way the washing of the 
side walls ;^ but even the heaviest and firmest roof beams draw 
moisture from the walls in which they are bedded and inevitably 
decay. When this occurs the necessity arises of removing all the 
roof and replacing the beams with others, or of building over the 
roof and one lateral wall so as to make use of the sounder por- 
tions of the beams. This latter solution necessitates a reduction 
in the width of the church, but oiu: illustration of the Cochiti 
church shows that it is one which is actually adopted. In fact 
we may see in it a possible explanation of the change in Greece 
from walls constructed of sun-dried brick to walls constructed 
throughout of stone. 

If such be the case, the old temple at Tiryns, whose scanty re- 
mains Frickenhaus has so admirably published,* may assume 
great importance in the history of architecture. We can now 
account for the shifting of its longitudinal axis so far to one 
side (Fig. 7), for at least the foundation along the east side of 
the megaron could be utilized in the new building and possibly 
some of the ceiling beams could be used again. Frickenhaus 
seems to imply that the later temple had no interior colunms 
supporting the roof, but the evidence for the reconstruction of 
everything save the plan is very slender and uncertain. It is, 
however, surprising that two colunms of the cella as well as 

* The pleasing, rounded contours of the new building of the School of Amer- 
ican Archaeology at Santa Fe are said to be due to imitation of Spanish-Indian 
construction of the neighborhood, and to go back ultimately to the effect pro- 
duced by years of weathering of the adobe coupled with years of continued 
repair. The repairs are conducted largely or altogether by women, who apply 
the soft adobe by hand to such cracks and crevices as have developed in the 
roof and walls. A good deal of the material falls to the ground and piles up 
there, but the rain is, of course, responsible for the rounding of roof edges and 
piers. 

* Tiryns I, pp. 2-13. 



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THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIOLYPH FRIEZE 



45 



one of the facade of the old megaron should be found precisely 
in the axis of the building. The walls of the later temple are 
thought to be too frail to support a flat roof, and this is prob- 
ably true if there were no interior supports, but these walls were 
two feet thick and presumably of stone, so that with the help 
of interior colunms they would do very nicely. If the building 
had a continuous history of several centuries, the fragments of 
terra-cotta and the stone capital, which was found near by, may 
well be assigned to a still later restoration when a pitched roof was 
employed. 

Should the above surmise not seem too hazardous we may as- 
sume that interior colunms, such as are indicated for the temple 




FiouBE 7. — Plan op Megaron and Temple: Tiryns. 

of Artemis Orthia at Sparta and the temple in Thermos, are evi- 
dence for a flat roof of clay, rather than for a pitched roof of wood 
and tile. The change from a double row of columns to a single 
row would be easily accounted for, since in every case where the 
single row occurs the narrowness of the buildmg is marked. I 
cannot believe that the Greek architect was so helpless as to re- 
sort to interior columns to support the peak of his pitched roof, 
unless the columns were already in position when he began his 
remodeling. 

We have seen that the greatest defect in a flat roof of the New 
Mexican type lies in the certainty of unventilated beams decaying 
at the ends where they rest in the wall. The climate of Greece 
diflFers but slightly from that of our southwest and the tendency 
to decay is pre8um3.bly about the same in both countries. To 
avoid this I assume that the Greek architect sought to ventilate 
his beams and timbers, and make my proposed reconstruction of 



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46 OLIVER A/. WASHBURN 

the prehistoric megaron-temple as illustrated in the accompany- 
ing drawing (Fig. 8). What is represented is a portion of the 
anterior fagade of such a building. The architrave rests upon 
the walls and upon columns. Next comes planking upon which 
rest the heavy ceiling beams, or, if one prefers, a rail, pegged fast 
to the upper edge of the architrave.^ This planking or rail is 
represented in later stone construction by the taenia; the ends of 



Figure 8. — Origin of the Doric Frieze: Beam-Ends as Metopes. 

the ceiling beams become metopes. Above the beams, and pro- 
jecting slightly, is one of two or more narrow planks, the edge of 
which supplies the ground for a maeander band in later periods. 
Then comes a series of transverse pieces projecting sufficiently 
to protect the fagade from the drip and tilted forward for the 
same purpose. The whole is surmounted by a heavy beam which 
runs along the edge of the roof and serves to keep in place the 

* Holland's remarks {I.e. p. 147) on the difficulty of producing planks in 
antiquity seem to be thoroughly sound. 



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THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIOLYPH FRIEZE 47 

thick bed of clay at its back. To prevent this ridge beam from 
being crowded out of place it is pegged securely from below, the 
heads of the pegs being the prototype of the historic guttae, just 
as the planks through which the pegs pass reappear as mutules. 
To fill the spaces between the ceiling beams the builder employed 
for each space three pieces of wood with chamfered edges, form- 
ing the triglyph. The triglyph is no longer a useless covering for 
the beam end, but even in its details it shows a constructional pur- 
pose, for it is made in three pieces rather than in one in order to 
prevent its warping and because such pieces are far easier to pro- 
duce than a single broad member would be. A notch at the top 
of each slab receives the decorative band, as is shown in the lower, 
left-hand example. This band may have originally passed across 
a similar band upon the metope, in which case the upper end of the 
triglyph slabs could easily be fastened to it. Just as simple a 
way would be to make the band for both triglyphs and metopes 
of a single, properly mortised, and continuous piece. The lower 
ends of the triglyph were fastened through the regulae and 
taenia from below, the heads of the pegs appearing as guttae. 
The reason for six of these beneath each triglyph is at once ap- 
parent. 

Objection may be raised to the size of the ceiling beams in our 
conjectural restoration, and to one who is not farailar with the 
flat roof they do seem unreasonable. But when one realizes that 
such beams must sometimes carry twenty or twenty-five inches 
of clay, the necessity of strength begins to be realized. It will 
not do for those who beUeve in the triglyph as representing the 
end of the ceiUng beam to raise this objection, however, since it 
is a disputed question whether metope or triglyph was wider in 
the primitive building, the evidence inclining even toward the 
triglyph, for as one traces proportions of triglyph and metope 
backward from the fourth century temple in Epidaurus to the 
sixth century temple D in Selinus he finds them change from 
11 :16 to 14:16. How much farther need one go to find them equal? 
Holland (Z.c. p. 146) deduces the width of the triglyphs in the 
Heraeum to have been 0.77 m. on centres of 1.50 m., — that is to 
say they may have been even larger than the metopes. In the 
early vase paintings the two members appear of about equal 
width. 

The changes required in adapting the entablature to stone 
were few and slight. Although in the earlier periods there was 



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48 OLIVER M. WASHBURN 

no regularity in centring beam ends or " voids " above the columns, 
it now becomes the rule, for aesthetic and other reasons, to place 
the triglyph above columns and in the centres of intercolunmia- 
tions. That exceptions were made is suggested by the vases and 
proved by the early round building in Delphi.* The triglyph 
was set back slightly and became somewhat narrower as time 
went on, for, with the abandonment of the triglyph and metope 
as constructional parts of the building, the architect was free to 
change their proportions, and this he would be led to do by the 
fact that, to the eye, the triglyph "picks up** the vertical lines of 
the column which were interrupted by the horizontal lines of the 
architrave. Now there are much larger spaces occupied by the 
intercolumniations than by the columns, and to match these pro- 
portions the metopes must be broadened at the expense of the 
triglyphs. It is not surprising that this change came, but that 
it came so slowly. The mutules also were spaced and their 
guttae increased in number, and, finally, the introduction of a 
pitched roof of tile gave a different appearance to the upper edge 
of the cornice. 

The frieze was developed m our reconstruction on the facade 
of a templurh in antis. Similar construction may have been 
employed along the sides of the cella, although it seems more 
likely that only the heads of the beams appeared there or a con- 
tinuous sheathing of beam ends and spaces. It is known that in 
historic buildings of stone the ceiling beams always came at a 
higher level than the frieze. This was because the invention of 
roof tile and the introduction of the pitched roof made it possible 
to save material and labor by placing them on the wall rather 
than in it. The reason for this change has not heretofore been 
sufficiently emphasized. 

The peripteral temple was probably a later development than 
the pitched roof; it need not have been much later, but that it 
came after it rather than before it is indicated by the negative 
evidence of its absence from Mycenaean construction, by the 
presence of a frieze in the pteron of peripteral temples, and by 
the difficulties of spacing the triglyphs with regard to the corner 
columns. Had the frieze been truly constructional in the perip- 
teral building the inconsistences of spacing, while just as marked, 
would not have been so keenly felt. The same argument may 
be used with regard to a flat-roofed building to indicate that the 

1 Laum, Jh. KL AU, XXIX, 1912, p. 638, note 1. 



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THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIGLYPH FRIEZE 49 

frieze did not develop on all sides of the building at once but at 
most on but two opposite faces. 

The difficulties of adapting the Doric frieze to peripteral tem- 
ples ended with the general abandonment of the order in such 
buildings. Had the difficulties existed from the beginning, we 
may be sure that the type of frieze we know would not have come 
into being. 

Oliver M. Washburn. 

University op Calipornia. 
Berkeley, California. 



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PSEUDO-GOTHIC IVORIES IN THE HEARN 
COLLECTION 



Were it not for the fact that one of the ivories of the former 
Hearn Collection achieved publication in the last issue of the 
Journal (pp. 428-433), this note would probably have never 
seen the light, but in view of the erroneous conclusions which 
might be drawn from such monuments when they are given char- 
acter by publication, it may be useful to point out the dubious 
authenticity of this and other ivories in the collection which pur- 
port to be mediaeval originals. 

I am sure that enough evidence was produced by the writer 
who published the ivory (Fig. 1) to convince most students of 



Figure 1. — Triptych from the Hearn Collection: Providence. 

mediaeval art that it was not done in the Middle Ages. It was 
pointed out, for instance, that the reliefs were very unintelligent 
imitations of two well-known monuments of dififerent dates, — 
the tympanum of the Virgin Portal of Notre Dame at Paris, and 
the choir reliefs of the same cathedral. I say unintelligent imi- 
tations, because the iconography is confused in a manner in- 
conceivable on the part of a mediaeval copyist, who would 
scarcely have omitted two of the figures in the Appearance to the 

American Journal of Archaeology, Second Series. Journal of the prrv 

Archaeological Institute of America, Vol. XXIII (1919), No. 1. ^^ 



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PSEUDO-GOTHIC IVORIES 51 

Holy Women, or reduced the apostles to five in the Resurrection 
of the Virgin. And it is quite too much to ask us to suppose* that 
a Gothic artist of the fourteenth century would have turned an 
Incoronata into God the Father, and would have added a beard 
to a candelabrum-bearing angel! 

The ivory is suspicious on its face for the awkward faire of the 
architectural detail, the superficial incision of the draperies, the 
squat proportions of the figures, and the air of niggling hesitancy 
which pervades it as a whole. Something of the same uncon- 
vincing style and iconography can be found in its companion 
piece in the sale (No. 13 of the catalogue of 1908; No. 1002 of the 
sale catalogue), where we have a pair of Magi added to an already 



Figure 2. — Ivory Diptych: Hearn Collection. 

complete Epiphany in the central panel, and a wholly un-Gothic 
figure in the boy with a lamb in the low^r panel of the right wing. 
The ivory published in the Journal is not the only one to 
copy well-known monuments. One or two of these imitations 
are noted in the catalogues, such as the "reduction" of the ivory 
panel in the British Museum representing the '^Apotheosis of 
Marcus Aurelius" (Cat. 1908, No. 1; sale cat.. No. 892). There 
is a very attractive, but hardly mediaeval, replica of one of the 
Virtues on Strassburg cathedral in the statuette listed as No. 924 
in the sale catalogue (Cat. 1908, No. 34). The most amusing 
pasticcio in the collection is perhaps the diptych (Fig. 2; Cat. 
1908, No. 14; sale cat.. No. 1046), in which a complicated frame 
of no consistent style incloses four scenes, one of them a Noli 
Me Tangere with the Dove (!) descending from above, another 
an imitation of some Franco-Flemish Annunciation, and still 



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52 C. R. MOREY 

another an abbreviation to three figures of no less a composition 
than Raphael's Transfiguration. The diptych is ascribed in the 
catalogue to the fourteenth century ! 



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Several pieces in the collection may I think be ascribed to a 
single modern carver, who is perhaps the worst sculptor that ever 
desecrated ivory. He was a copyist pure and simple, and worked 
mainly in the Louvre and the Troead^ro, to judge from his 
models. His ** Coronation of the Virgin" (Fig. 3, a. Cat. 1908, 



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PSEUDQjQOTHIC IVORIES 53 

No. 29b; sale cat., No. 953) reduces to a single piece the well- 
known ivory figures of the Louvre (Fig. 3, b), and purports to be 
ol the "thirteenth century/' Suspicion is aroused at once by 

the unusual preservation of the 
color in the ornaments on the 
robes, and this impression is not 
remedied by the evident lack 



A B 

Figure 4. — Virgin and Child: A, Hearn Collection; B, Villeneuve- 

Lfcs- Avignon. 

of ease with which the workman tries to adapt his group to the 
dimensions of his block, or by the awkward postures and the 
impossible proportions. The same hand is evidently responsi- 
ble for the imitation (Fig. 4, a Cat. 1908, No. 29a; sale cat., 



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54 C. R. MOREY 

No. 952) of the beautiful Virgin of Villeneuve-lds-Avignon (Fig. 
4, b) which Molinier dates toward the end of the thirteenth 
century.^ Its style is far more developed than that of the 
Louvre Coronation, but our copyist reflects little trace of the 
difference, mishandling the graceful rhythm of the later figure 



A B 

Figure 5. — Vircin and Child: A, Hbarn Collection; B, Chartreuse 

DE Champmol. 

with the same raideur which marks his imitation of the Corona- 
tion, with whose Romanesque stiffness his own limitations have 
a faraway affinity. But he is no blind worshipper of the High 
Gothic; we find him next attacking a work of a hundred years 
later (Fig. 5, a; Cat. 1908, No. 29, c; sale cat.. No. 996), and 
confining to his block in the same awkward manner the ample 
1 Molinier: Hist, des Arts appUquSs: IvoireSj p. 187. 



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PSEUDa<X)THIC IVORIES 55 

proportions of Jean de Marville's Madonna which stands over 
the portal of the Chartreuse de Champmol at Dijon (Fig. 5, b). 
To her he gives again the slit eyes, long neck, and sharp feat- 
xu'es which belong to the thirteenth century, and retains in the 
Child the stififness with which he rendered Him in the copy of 
the Virgin of Villeneuve. One needs but to compare the lower 
profile and the creased neck of the 
Virgins in all three of his productions 
to see that the same hand is responsi- 
ble for the ugliness of the head in 
every case. The Madonna of Dijon ^ 
is dated in the closing years of the 
fourteenth century; if our sculptor 
were a real Gothic artist, he could 
have worked no earlier than 1400. 
Can one believe that an artist of the 
fifteenth century executed the Hearn 
Coronation and the copy of the Virgin 
of Villeneuve? The one essential 
feature of his style, if style it can be 
called, is timidity of handling; if we 
assume that he is a mediaeval work- 
man, this characteristic would point 
to the thirteenth century, rather than 
a later date. 

The reader will probably find such 
considerations rather academic, for one 
attributes with difficulty to a fifteenth 
century hand such impartial copying 
as this. It is quite in character with 
a modern imitator, however, and I 
think that our sculptor went even 

further afield in his search for models, Figure 6. — Apollo and 

... , ^, ' Daphne: Hearn Collec- 
smce it seems to me very likely that tion. 

we can hold him responsible for that 

awful parody on Bernini which appeared in the sale as "Apollo 

and Daphne'' (Fig. 6; Cat. 1908, No. 155; sale cat.. No. 847), 

and possibly also for the "Diana and Bacchus" (Cat. 1908, No. 

165; sale cat.. No. 1063). 

I hesitate somewhat to add to the csuvre of our dubious genius 

the imposing polyptych (Fig. 7, a) figured in the sale catalogue 



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56 C. R, MOREY 



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PSEUDO-OOTHIC IVORIES 57 

as No. 959 (Cat. 1908, No. 53), partly because I have not seen 
the original, which may bely the poor reproduction given in the 
catalogue, and partly because the general appearance of the poly- 
ptych is fairly good. But even from the reproduction one gets 
a distinct impression that the Child in the central panel is a 
repHca of that in the copy of the Villeneuve Virgin; the pose of 
head, body, legs, and foot is almost exactly the same in each case, 
and the same formula is followed for the drapery. Similar folds 
are found in the lower drapery of both Madonnas, and- the Virgin 
of the triptych seems to have the creased throat that appears as 
a mannerism of our copyist when he is engaged with Gothic 
models. Otherwise the polyptych seems to be drawn largely 
from a well-known example of the fourteenth century in the 
Louvre (Fig. 7, b)^ From 
this our carver has taken 
four panels and reduced 
them to two, thus achieving 
a very crowded Nativity in 
the upper right panel of the 
left wing, and a similarly 
awkward Presentation in 
the lower right panel of the 
right wing. Left to his own 
resources in the other pan- 
els, he becomes quite un- Fiqxjre 8.-Pedbstal op Polyptych, 
Gothic in his iconography; Figure 7, A. 

in the left upper panel of 

the right wing the second Magus is uncrowned and does not 
conform in pose and gesture with the usual type, which 
requires that he should turn his face in profile to the Magus 
behind him, and that his arm should cross his body with the 
hand pointing upward. In the panel next to the right, what 
was apparently meant for a Coronation of the Virgin is upset 
by the introduction of a female figure. Elsewhere the subjects 
are incoherent, as in the two lower panels of the left wing. 
Lastly, assuming that the base (Fig. 8) belongs to the polyptych, 
the artist has used in the Tietk which adorns it a type that is a 
himdred years later than his style. 

I shall leave to others better versed than I in this regard the 
question of the paintings on the back of this polyptych. It 

^Mu84e du Ixmvre: Cat. des Ivoires (Molinier), No. 66. 



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58 C. R, MOREY 

would be interesting, but hardly profitable, to investigate the 
other doubtful-looking ivories of the mediaeval section; as I 
have had to deal only with reproductions, and these other pieces 
are not so patently imitations, it has seemed best to limit this 
note to the ivories discussed above. 

C. R. MOREY. 
Princeton University. 



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CANTING PUNS ON ANCIENT MONUMENTS 



Puns are so predominantly verbal in their character that one 
is apt to forget that they may be pictorial as well, and hence make 
their appeal through the eye rather than the ear. Illustrated 
puns may still be seen on concrete remains of ancient life, such as 
coins, vases, benches, and gravestones. Literary sources inform 
us of the existence of still others on monuments which have long 
since perished. Such plays, which are restricted to the names 
of persons and places, may be aptly described by the heraldic 
term "canting." 

An extremely clever use of this type of pun is recorded by Pliny, 
H.N. xxxvi, 42. When Saura and Batrachus, the architects of 
the Porticus Octaviae, were denied the privilege of commemorat- 
ing their names in an inscription, they resorted to the subterfuge 
of carving on the columns a lizard (crabpa) and a frog (/Sdrpaxos). 
Among the many ancient columns preserved in the church of San 
Lorenzo outside the walls of Rome is one of the Ionic order on 
the volutes of which are sculptured a lizard and a frog. One 
writer believes that the in spirts of Pliny's description refers to 
volutes, and concludes that the column was the work of Saura 
and Batrachus.* 

Puns of this type are employed in miscellaneous ways. On a 
certain occasion Cicero made a votive offering of a silver cup. He 
had his praenomen and nomen inscribed in the usual fashion, but 
for his cognomen he substituted in repouss6 an kpkpLvdoSf i.e., a 
ctcer.^ In the Naples Museum there are three benches decorated 
with heads and hoofs of vaccae. Upon the benches is the inscrip- 
tion, M. NIGIDIUS VACCULA P. S.^ One is tempted to regard 
as an instance of the punning instinct the selection of Tyche by 
the sculptor Eutychides as a subject for his chisel. 

On the central slab of the eastern frieze of the Parthenon is 

* See Winckelmann, Mon. Ant. Ined. II, p. 269 and text. 

* Plutarch, Maralia, p. 204 f. (Apoph. Cic. 2). 
» See II Real Museo Barhonico, II, PL 54. 

American Journal of Archaeology, Second Series. Journal of the er/\ 

Archaeological Institute of America, Vol. XXIII (1919), No. 1. 0\f 



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60 EUGENE S, McCARTNEY 

sculptured a priestess facing two attendants, each of whom bears 
on her head a four-legged stool or table. The attendants may. 
perhaps, be symbolic of a ritualistic /c6<r/i7;<ri$ Tfjs rpairk^ris, 
Miss Jane Harrison,^ however, relying on Harpocration's explana- 
tion of the word TpaTe^o<l>6pos^ is inclined to call them Tpaxcf ci> 
and Koafxd), Table and Adornment. 

Grave monuments, although they are the last place to look for 
intentional levity, afford a fine opportunity for illustrated puns. 
Many of the ancients had names derived from those of animals, 
and it happens naturally that most of the sculptured punning 
figures on graves are those of animals. The best known Roman 
example is the cippus of the mensor aedifidorum, T. Statilius 
Aper, now in the Capitoline Museum.' At the feet of the de- 
ceased rests a boar. Two mice are represented on the tombstone 
of P. DECVMIVS M. P. V. L. PHILOMVSVS MVS (C.I.L. VI, 
16771). In like manner a bull is depicted on the urn of a certain 
P. AELIVS AVG. LIB. TAVRVS.* 

The most elaborate cippus is that of Tiberius Octavius Diadu- 
menus in the Vatican. "The principal relief exhibits a decora- 
tive reproduction of the famous Diadumenos of Polycleitos, 
representing a youth binding a fillet round his head. The selec- 
tion of this subject was probably dictated by the fact that the 
person to whom the tombstone was erected bore the cognomen of 
Diadumenos. The inscription AD PINVM, on the right side, 
and the pine-tree on the left side, indicate the region in which 
Diadumenos dwelt, a region named after a pine-tree to be found 
there."*^ 

Beside Christian epitaphs, too, such puns are to be found. 
Upon the slab recording the name of Pontius Leo is cut the figure 
of a lion,® on that of Porcella a pig,^ on that of the illiterate Nabira 

1 'The Central Slab of the E. Parthenon Frieze,' CI R. Ill, p. 378. 

• AvKodpyoi iv tQ r€pl tijs Up€las- 5rt Upoa^vrfs 6i^fidi karip if TpaT€^oif>6po%' 5rt 
airr^ re Kal ij Ko<rn^ avi^Sikrovai T&pra t§ rijs 'ABrjPcLs Upti^ aOrds re 6 ^iirtap k» 
tQ ahrQ >Ay(fi MifXuKe Kal *I<rreoj h ly* tQ» 'AttucQv avpaywy&v, 

» Catalogue of the Ancient Sculptures of the Mueeo CapUolino, plate XV. For 
the inscription see CJ.L. VI, 1975, and Buecheler, Anthol, Lot. No. 441. 

• W. Altmann, Die Rdmischen GrabaUdre der KaiaerzcUy p. 244. 

• W. Helbig, Guide to the Public Collections of Classical Antiquities in Rome 
(1896), I, p. 77. See CJ.L. VI, 10035. 

• Marucchi, Epigrafia Cristianaf PL V, fig. 2; Northcote, Epitaphs of the 
CataambSf p. 156. 

» Northcote, Ic. 



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CANTING PUNS ON 'ANCIENT MONUMENTS 61 

(i.e. Navira) a boat.^ The dedication to Nabira is worth quot- 
ing, since it expiessly states that the ship is her signum, her badge 
or emblem: NABIRA IN PACE ANIMA DVLCIS QVI BIXIT 
ANOS XVI. M. V. ANIMA MELEIEA TITVLV FACTV A 
PARENTES. SIGNVMNABE. 

The Greeks were as fond of such sepulchral embellishments as 
were the Romans. A stele dedicated to Leon and representing a 
lion in reUef is shown in Gardner, Sculptured Tombs of Hellas, p. 
130. Simonides commemorated a lion recUning upon the grave 
of a man named Leon: 

Sripojv fiAv KkpTUTTfK kyd), Bvartav h* 6v kyu) vvv 
<l>povpco r<^€ r6.<txfi \alv(^ hyfiePaiK* 

*AXX* tl nil OvfiSvye' Akcav kfidv otvoyJi, r' tlxtv, 

Some scholars would associate this epigram with the tomb of 
Leonidas of which Herodotus (VII, 225, 2) writes: 6 6^ icoXwj'6$ 
iari kp T^ iff6d<^, 6kov vvv 6 \Wlvos Xkcav tarrjKe iirl Aeiavldjj. 

"A lioness without a tongue is said also to have stood on the 
tomb of Leaena, the Athenian courtezan who was a friend of 
Harmodius and Aristogeiton, and refused to betray the con- 
spirators against the Tyrants.*'' A heifer was placed upon the 
tomb of Boidion, concubine of Chares.* 

At the death of Diodotus, the rhetorician, Metellus Pius, a 
pupil, set up in his honor a stone crow, /c6paf \Wivosj evidently 
an allusion to Corax, the founder of the art of rhetoric*. 

On seals and signet rings also one might expect to find canting 
pims, since figures of animals are frequently engraved upon them. 
In the absence of the owner's name, however, it is impossible to 
prove in any particular instance that we have a canting pun. A 
ridiculous passage in Aristophanes (Eq. 951-4) is sufficient evi- 
dence as to " canting heraldry" on rings. Demus says: " It can't 
be that this ring is mine, since the device seems different, or can't 
I see?" On being asked what the device was, Arjnos replied: 
drjfiov Poeiov Bpiov k^cjiTTrjnkvov. 

In the case of coins the situation is different. Moneyers fre- 
quently placed upon them their symboles parlants or canting 

^ Northcote, op. cU,, p. 175. 

MnMoi. PoZ. VII, 344. 

» Gardner, op, cU., p. 131. 

* AfUhol Pal, Vll, 169, 

» Plutarch, Morcdia, 206 a {Apoph, Cic, 7). 



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62 EUGENE S. McCARTNEY 

badges. Thus we see the hammer of C. Publieius Malleolus, the 
adze of L. Valerius Aciseulus, the deformed foot of P. Furius 
Crassipes, the squilla of L. Lieinius Squillus, the todiUus of the 
gens Todiliay and the musca of the Semproniaj some of whom bore 
the cognomen Miisca,^ In the same way, at a later date, "Sir 
Martin Bowes, master of the mint under Henry VIII and Edward 
VI, sometimes placed a bow as a symbol on the coins for which he 
was responsible."* 

Instances of canting types are very numerous. "These types 
parlantSj to which the Romans were specially partial, and which 
the nature of the coinage favored, begin to show themselves at 
quite an early period, and they are fairly constant throughout 
the whole series even down to the time of the moneyers who served 
under Augustus. One of the earliest instances is that of L. Ap- 
puleius Satuminus, who depicts Saturn in a quadriga, L. Thorius 
Balbus gives a bull, C. Vibius Pansa, the mask of Pan, L. Lucre- 
tius Trio, a crescent moon, surrounded by seven stars (septem 
triones), L. Plaetorius Cestianus, an athlete holding a cestus, and 
Q. Pomponius Musa, representations of Hercules Musagetes and 
the nine Muses. Of those which occur at a later period may be 
mentioned the calf, vitulus, on the coins of Q. Voconius Vitulus 
and the flower on those of L. Aquillius Florus.'** 

There is an interesting coin of Julius Caesar representing an 
elephant trampling upon a dragon. One suspects that the beast 
is symbolic of Africa, but the coin is wiirth citing on account of a 
passage in Spartianus (Ael. Vet, II). He gives four etymologies 
of the word Caesar one of which is that it signified elephant in the 
language of the Mauri, and that it was bestowed as a surname 
upon one of the Julii who had killed an elephant.* 

On the coins of the Greeks "speaking types" are apparently 
limited to names of places. The following list illustrates how 
they employed representations of animals and objects in general 
to suggest names:* &7icupa, Ancyra; kyKusv (represented by a bent 
arm), Ancona; atf, Aegae, Aegira, Aegosthena, Aegospotami; 
6.\uyirri^, Alopeconnesus ; "ApTtfits, Artemidorus; d<rraic6$, Astacus; 

* See Coins of the Roman Republic in the British Mxiseunif I, Ixxxv. 
' Macdonald, Coin Types, p. 237. 

' Coins of the Roman Republic in the British Museum^ I, xcil. 
<Op.ci/. II, 390-1. 

' Some numismatists would attach a religious significance to a few of these 
examples. 



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CANTING PUNS ON ANCIENT MONUMENTS 63 

ic^Tos, Cetis; icpi^, Crithote; Kwl/k\ij, Cypeela; X^v, Leontini; 
fikTuTTaf Melitaea; ^jj}iov, Melos; Ildv (head of the god), Panti- 
capaeum; 7rp6{, Proconnesus; /^dSov^ Rhodes; aldrj, Side; <T<f>evd6vrfy 
Aspendus; raOpos, Tauromenium; rpdxcfa, Trapezus; ^o-tjXos, 
Phaselis.^ "At Laodicea in Phrygia the rivers Kapros and Lykos 
are represented by a boar and a wolf."* 

Even canting arms, the armoires parlants of the French, were 
not unknown in antiquity. Professor Chase notes a cylix found 
at Cometo which shows a swan {kOkvo$) as a device on a shield 
belonging to a warrior named Cycnus. He is inclined to believe 
that we have here an echo of a common practice in the ornamen- 
tation of shields.' 

Julius Caesar had a legion called by the Gallic name Alauda, 
which was composed of men from Tr$insalpine Gaul.* Pliny 
(XI, 121) informs us that the alavda was a crested lark. The 
cUauda of the legionaries was a decoration placed, in all probabihty, 
upon the helmet. 

What seems to be the clearest evidence that the Romans had 
armoires parlants in the strict sense of the expression is a passage 
in Suetonius {Caltg. 35, 1), which states that Caligula took from 
the noblest families their time-honored insignia, from Torquatus 
the torques y and from Cincinnatus the crines (i.e. cindnni). 

Among us a verbal pun upon a proper name is, to say the least, 
tactless. A pictorial pun is at times used as a trademark,' or as 
an emblem,^ but on anything so formal as a gravestone would be 
entirely out of place, and is unthinkable upon the coinage of a 

^ This list was compiled from Head, Historia Numorum and Macdonald> 
Coin Typesy p. 17-19. 

' Macdonald, op, cU, p. 39. 

» G. H. Chase, *The Shield Devices of the Greeks,' Harvard Studies, xiii, p. 90. 

< Suetonius, Jvl. 24, 2; cf. Cicero, ad AU, XVI, 8, 2. 

^Armoires parlants are extremely common in heraldry since knights and 
prominent families and cities seemed to prefer for their arms an object whose 
name bore some resemblance to their own: e.g., the colonna of Colonna, the 
orso of Orsini, the pignatle of Pignatelli, the lupo of Lupicini, the sccda of the 
Scaligers, the fiore of Florenza (Florence), the lion of Leon and Louvain, the 
pomegranate of Granada, the castle of Castile, the bear of Berne, the monk of 
Munich, the arondel (martlet) for the Duke of Anmdel, three fountains for 
Wells, the whirlpool (gttrges) for Gorges, the calf for Vele. 

• An instance that will occur to everybody is the bell of the Bell Telephone 
Company. 

' The banners of colleges frequently depict emblems suggested by their nick- 
names: e.g., Yale Bulldogs, Princeton Tigers, Rice Owls, Texas Longhorns, etc. 



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64 EUGENE S. McCARTNEY 

nation which recalled the Lincoln pennies inscribed with the ini- 
tials of the designer. Among the ancients, however, the very 
frequency of these canting puns proves that they were in good 
taste, and no doubt the possessor of a name that could be so 
punned upon regarded himself fortunate. 

Eugene S. McCartney. 
University of Texas, 
Austin, Texas. 



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Ituttitttte 
of jamedoi 

GENERAL MEETING OF THE ARCHAEOLOG- 
ICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA 



DECEMBER 2fr-28, 1918 
The Archaeological Institute of America held its twentieth 
meeting for the reading and discussion of papers at Columbia 
University, New York, December 26, 27, and 28, 1918, in con- 
junction with the American Philological Association and the 
Society of Biblical Literature and Exegesis. Three sessions for 
the reading of papers were held and there were two joint sessions 
with the American Philological Association. With one exception 
the abstracts which follow were furnished by the authors. 

Thursday, December 26. 3.00 p.m. 
1. Mr. Jay Hambidge, of New York, Principles of Greek 
Design as Illustrated by Pottery and Bronzes in America. 

The investigjition of the principles of symmetry disclosed the fact that there 
are, in nature, two types of proportion which may be useful to design. These 
are termed dynamic and static. The latter, probably, is but a special case of 
the former, as the circle is a special case of the ellipse. The double classifica- 
tion, however, is analytically useful. Static symmetry is spontaneous, no 
dedgn whatever being possible without its presence in some degree. It has 
been consciously used several times during history, books having been written 
upon the subject. It is observable in nature in crystals, radiolaria, certain 
flowers, cross-sections of seed pods, etc. The presence of this type in art is 
usually apparent by inspection. 

Dynamic symmetry is based upon shell growth and the law of leaf distribu- 
tion in plants. Its chief function seems to be the determination of the asym- 
metrical balance necessary to the inter-relation of elements in growth. It is a 
proportion of movement. This type produces a series of rectangles possessing 
curious and fascinating properties. If these rectangles are used intelligently 
in an artistic composition the result is a product of design possessing the quali- 
ties of a growing organism. After this type of symmetry had been worked 
out and the properties of the rectangles developed, it was found that classic 
Greek art and Egyptian art furnished the only products of design in which this 
83rmmetry appeared. 

It would require too much space to discuss the situation in detail but it 
may be said that very early in Egyptian history an empirical method of land 
survey was developed. This rule of thumb method of measurement was later 

American Journal of Archaeology, Second Series. Journal of tbb /> e; 

Archaeological Institute of America, Vol. XXIII (1919), No. 1. 00 



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66 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA 

used in temple cojastniction and its presence is detected in the pictorial com- 
positions of the bas-reliefs. Knowledge of this method of measurement was 
obtained by the Greeks sometime during the seventh or sixth century b.c. 
.In Greece one aspect of the idea became highly developed and has come down 
to us as Euclidean Geometry. The other aspect was as highly developed 
artistically but was later lost. The evidence that this is roughly the situation 
is furnished by the history of geometrical development in Greece and the 
remains of classic art. For example: the ground plan of the Parthenon is a 
simple rectangle. If the width of this plan, overall, and not the top step* or 
the middle step but everything including the levelling course, is divided into 
the total length, a ratio is obtained. This ratio is recognizable as belonging 
to dynamic sjrmmetry. Moreover, the rectangle divides itself in such a man- 
ner that all the details of the plan, column and angle column spacing, cella 
arrangement, also the elevation of the building and all its details are simply 
and logically established. Other Greek ground plans corroborate this. 

Further corroboration is furnished by Greek bronzes, pottery, and units of 
decoration. For two hundred or two himdred and fifty years it would seem 
that the designs of Greek pottery were laid out with the same care and in accord- 
ance with the same scheme as the plans of the temples. There exists over- 
whelming proof that this was so. So far over four hundred examples of good 
Greek pottery have been examined and the fact fixed that over ninety-five 
per cent, nm true, i.e., ninety-five per cent, of Greek pottery is as architectural 
as the best Greek buildings. Moreover, a fairly consistent history of the 
development of Greek design is being obtained from the numerous examples 
of pottery. Thanks to the alertness of Dr. L. D. Caskey of the Boston Mu- 
seum of Fine Arts and Miss G. M. A. Richter of the Metropolitan Museum of 
Art in New York, the labor of investigation has recently been much facili- 
tated. Last summer Dr. Caskey began a personal investigation of the pottery 
in his care and found that the situation was as described. The Metropolitan 
Museum is now following Dr. Caskey 's lead, using a checking system so that 
absolutely reliable material may be obtained. The results so far corroborate 
completely not only the writer's work but Dr. Caskey 's labor as well. 

2. Professor Paul V. C. Baur, of Yale University, Some Black- 
Figured Vases in the Stoddard Collection, Yale University, 

In this paper four black-figured vases were discussed. 

No. 111. A lecythus from Tarentum of Attic fabric dating from the end of 
the sixth century b.c. On the body is depicted the story of Admetus and 
the chariot drawn by four wild beasts, a lion, a panther, a boar, and probably 
a wolf. It is the earliest known representation of the subject. 

No. 230. An amphora of coarse brown clay. On the obverse, a lion, on 
the reverse, a fallow deer. Clay and technique so closely resemble the Clazo- 
menian sarcophagi that the writer is inclined to consider this vase a rare ex- 
ample of Clazomenian fabric, though Pharmakowski (Arch. Am. 1912, pp. 
334 f., fig. 21) calls this fabric late Milesian. 

No. 231. An amphora with cover. This is a typical example of liaio-Ianic 
fabric of the sixth century b.c. On the obverse a triton-like monster swim- 
ming in water indicated by a wavy line and three fish is attacked by a nude, 



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GENERAL MEETING, DECEMBER 1^6-28, 1918 67 

bearded man, perhaps Heracles. On the reverse a deer is attacked from either 
side by a wolf or jackal in a thicket. At this early period wolves are rarely 
depicted in Greek art. 

No. 232. An amphora of genuine Ionic workmanship. Encircling the 
body are athletic contests, a boxing-match, and a warrior, with loin-cloth, 
shield, and crested helmet, hurling a spear at a target. Two examples of 
this rare fabric are in the Metropolitan Museum, New York; elsewhere the 
writer knows of no other vases of this style. 

3. Miss G. M. A. Richter, of the Metropolitan Museum, New 
York, Notes on the Technique of Greek Vases. 

The first part of this paper discussed the theory of the addition of red ochre 
to Athenian clay to deepen the color. Practical experiments have shown 
that the addition of ochre to the clay did not have the desired result, but that 
the effect could be obtained by subjecting the vases to a higher temperature. 
Pliny's and Suidas's accounts, therefore, of the addition of ochre must refer 
to the red wash spread, after firing, over the surface of Athenian vases. In 
the second part of the paper the endeavor was made to show that Athenian 
vases were manufactm^d for practical use, and to disprove the arguments 
advanced at various times against this view. Finally, in support of the 
theory recently proposed by Mr. Jay Hambidge that Athenian pottery was 
designed on certain geometrical principles, stress was again laid on the fact 
that these vases were "jiggered" as well as "thrown," and could, therefore, 
be made to very exact measurements. 

4. Dr. James M. Paton, of Cambridge, Massachusetts, The 
Erechtheum as a Christian Church. 

It has long been agreed that the Erechtheum was at one time transformed 
into a Christian church and that this church had the typical form of a small 
basilica with narthex and apse. A close examination of the evidence makes 
possible a somewhat more detailed restoration. It seems probable that the 
nave and aisles were separated by low walls on which stood colunms, and that 
the intercolumniations were filled by slabs which at the same time provided a 
barrier to communication and a back for the seat in the nave formed by the 
low wall. The remaining slab of the iconostasis bears a geometric decoration 
which finds its best parallels in such buildings as Santa Sophia at Constan- 
tinople, San Vitale and Sant' ApoUinare at Ravenna, and St. Demetrius at 
Salonica. The crude execution, however, indicates that this slab is later than 
these churches, probably belonging to the late sixth or even the seventh cen- 
tury. It is by no means impossible that the little basilica represents a second 
stage in the destruction of the Greek temple, and that the first stage was its 
transformation into a simple "hall church" or perhaps a secular building. 

5. Miss Ida C. Thallon, of Vassar College, Some Balkan and 
Danvbian Connections of Troy. 

As early as the neolithic period there existed in the Near East four culture 
areas: (1) Aegean, (2) Thessalian, (3) Upper Balkan and Danubian, (4) South 



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68 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA 

Ru8Bian and allied. The fourth, ^vdiich is distinguiahed by polychrome painted 
pottery with spiral motives, included the Dnieper and Dniester valleys and the 
districts drained by the northern tributaries of the Danube as far as Austria, 
and was separated from the Aegean area by the broad diagonal line of the 
Balkan-Danubian group which extended from Bosnia to Troy and beyond. 
The third area came into contact with the fourth in Bulgaria, but with the 
first only sporadically and very late in the Bronxe Age. Although both recti- 
linear and spiral motives characterise this group the painted technique is 
practically non-existent, and a dose family resemblance can be traced from 
Bosnia through Serbia and southern Bulgaria into Troy and past there via 
Yortan, southern Pisidia, and Lycia even to Cyprus. The archaeological 
connections between Troy and the Balkan-Danubian district coincide with 
Homer's statements about the Thradan and Paeonian allies of the Trojans 
who came from the valleys of the Hebrus (Maritza), Strymon, and Axius 
(Vardar). Connection with the Danube was by way of the Morava where 
plentiful remains exist in Serbia, and down the rivers mentioned. The Trojan 
allies came from the districts to the north of those inhabited by the Greeks who 
had by that time encountered the declining Mycenaean civilization and were 
influenced by it to a far greater degree than the inhabitants of Troy, where 
only the sixth city affords remains of Mycenaean culture. Her connections lie 
rather with Anatolia and very particularly with the Balkan-Danubian area 
from neolithic times (Troy I and II) until the Early Iron Age (Troy VII). 
Dr. Leaf has demonstrated the importance of the control of the Dardanelles 
in the greatness of Troy and the strategic point of Salonica appears also to 
have been within her sphere of influence. 

6. Mr. William Gates, of Baltimore, Study in the Mayence 
Languages. 
No abstract of this paper was received. 

Friday, December 27. 9.30 a.m. 

1. Mrs. Florence Paul Berger, of the Wadsworth Athenaeum, 
Hartford, The Bennington Pottery and the Early Red Ware of 
New England. 

To the late Albert Hastings Pitkin, whose collection of Bennington and 
Red Ware has recently been presented to the Morgan Memorial in Hartford 
by Mrs. Pitkin, we owe much interesting and valuable information regarding 
pottery making in New England from the end of the eighteenth to the middle 
of the nineteenth century. This information he had gathered during many 
years of collecting with the intention of eventually publishing it. He was 
prevented from doing this by his sudden death last year; but Mrs. Pitkin has 
since then edited and published his notes, adding lists of the Bennington and 
Red Ware, with marks and numerous illustrations. 

The records of early pottery-making in the colonies are very meagre, yet 
there is no doubt that bricks, roof tiles, and common household pots were made 
from the early part of the seventeenth century. Late in the seventeenth 
century the Pennsylvania Germans began the redware industry in the neigh- 



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GENERAL MEETING, DECEMBER gO-eS, 1918 69 

borhood of Philadelphia, but the earliest piece that bears a date was made in 
1733. In the latter half of the eighteenth century small potteries sprang up 
in Maine, Massachusetts, Vermont, and at Hartford, Norwalk, Norwich, and 
other towns in Connecticut. Both stoneware and redware were made, usxially 
in the form of jars, jugs, pitchers, and plates. Seth Goodwin, Thomas O'Hara 
Goodwin, Goodwin and Webster, and Daniel Goodale are some of the names 
connected with Hartford. 

At Bennington, Vermont, Captain John Norton of Goshen, Connecticut, 
was a pioneer potter, starting his salt glazed stoneware business in 1793. His 
son, Judge Luman Norton, succeeded him and introduced Rockingham in 
more ornamental forms. When Christopher Webb Fenton entered the firm 
about 1839, he brought with him a practical and technical knowledge of the 
industry which resulted in still finer products, — the Parian, cream ware, scrod- 
dkd, and the brilliantly glazed and colored flint enamelled ware for which 
Bennington is perhaps best known. 

2. Professor Piske Kimball, of the University of Michigan, 
The Beginnings of Sculpture in Colonial America. 

Protestantism and pioneer conditions restricted sculpture in Colonial Amer- 
ica even more than the other arts, and until the eve of the Revolution works 
of sculpture here were almost entirely imported. The first to come (1728 ff.) 
were casts and copies of antique works, imported by artists for models, and 
later by Southern planters for decorative use. Ori^pnal works first appeared 
(ca. 1750) in connection with marble mural monuments ordered from England 
by wealthy members of the Anglican church. The first statues commissioned 
as public monuments were those of Pitt in New York and Charleston, and the 
equestrian figure of George III in New York, all authorized in 1766, executed 
by Joseph Wilton in London, and set up in 1770. Closely following was the 
statue of Governor Berkeley at Williamsburg, Virginia, voted in 1771, carved 
in London by Richard Hayward, and erected in 1773. All these illustrate 
the various successive phases of contemporary British sculpture, from the 
record of classicism. The earliest native sculptor, Mrs. Patience Wright of 
Bordentown, New Jersey, executed portraits in wax for some years prior to 
her removal to London in 1772. Her marble bust of Thomas Penn, sent from 
London to Philadelphia in 1773, may stand as the earliest extant work of an 
American sculptor. 

3. Professor Charles R. Morey, of Princeton University, Two 
SoHXiUed Early Christian Monuments. 

This paper will be pubUshed later in the Journal. 

4. Dr. John Shapley, of Brown University, Problems of Gothic 
Form. 

The appearance of Wilhelm Worringer's book, Problems of Gothic Fonrif chal- 
lenges the validity of many current ideas in art history, art theory, and art 
practice. This paper offered an extension and application of the viewpoints 
it expresses and carried its arguments to their logical conclusion. 



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70 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA 

5. Mr. Leicester B. Holland, of the University of Pennsyl- 
vania, The Transformation of the Classical Pediment in Roman- 
esque Architecture. 

This paper will be published in full in a later number of the 

JOUBNAL. 

(5. Professor Allan Marquand, of Princeton University, The 
DecoraUon of the Ceppo Hospital at Pistoia, 

Recent investigations by Mr. Rufus G. Mather, of the Ceppo Hospital 
archives throw much needed light on the authorship of the hospital decorations. 
To Benedetto Buglioni may now be definitely attributed the Coronation lu- 
nette (1510) over the entrance of the old building; also a coat of arms of the 
hospital on the right short side of the frieze. To Giovanni della Robbia be- 
longs the series of medallions in the spandrels of the arches of the portico (1525- 
1529). The frieze representing the Seven Corporal Works of Mercy was 
entrusted to Santi Buglioni (1527-1529). He accomplished six of the panels; 
the seventh, possibly correctly attributed to Filippo di Lorenzo Baladini, was 
executed in stucco in 1585. 

Friday, December 27. 8 p.m. 
Joint Session with the American Philological Association. 

1. Professor Howard Crosby Butler, of Princeton University, 
The Future Protection of the Historical Monuments of Nearer Asia. 

Professor Butler pointed out the great need of protection for the important 
remains of antiquity still existing between the Tigris and the Aegean, but 
likely to be destroyed as a result of changed political conditions. He urged 
the ''internationalization'' of all historic monuments with an international 
commission having power to make all necessary regulations in control. The 
need for immediate action was emphasized. 

2. Professor Charles Upson Clark, of the American Academy, 
Rome, Some Art Treasures of Redeemed Italy. 

No abstract of this paper was received. 

Saturday, December 28. 9.30 a.m. 

1. Dr. Margaret C. Waites, of Mount Holyoke College, The 
Nature of the Lares and their Representation in Roman Art. 

This paper will be published in a later number of the Journal. 

2. Professor O. M. Washburn, of the University of California, 
The Origin of the Triglyph Frie:^e. (Read by Dr. J. M. Paton.) 

This paper is published in this number of the Journal (pp. 



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GENERAL MEETING, DECEMBER 26-28, 1918 71 

3. Mr. W. H. Goodyear, of the Brooklyn Museum, Archi- 
tecturcU Refinements in Mediaeval French Cathedrals (w Related to 
the Qitestion of Repairs or Restoration in the War Zone. 

In 18d5 the Trustees of the Brooklyn Institute Museum organised a research 
and investigation as to the use of -architectural refinements in mediaeval cathe- 
drals. As the result of various expeditions to Italy, Northern Europe, and 
Constantinople, many observations have been made, and much evidence has 
been collected on the subject. The evidence is in the shape of seventy meas- 
ured surve3rs, and over eight hundred enlarged photographs, most of which 
represent original observations. Selections from this collection were shown 
at Rome in 1904, at Edinburgh in 1905 and in Dublin in 1914. The purpose 
of this paper is to call attention to such refinements as have been discovered 
by the Brooklyn Museum research in the French cathedrals in the war zone, 
with reference to the question of the repairs and restorations which may be 
planned, debated or undertaken in the immediate future. 

The most widely diffused refinement in French cathedrals is a system of 
delicately widening the nave in the upward direction. A cross-section of the 
nave thus resembles a delicately attenuated horseshoe form. The construc- 
tion sometimes slopes the piers outward from the pavement up, as in Rouen 
Cathedral, and the crossing piers of Notre-Dame. Sometimes the piers are 
perpendicular and the outward slope begins at the arcade capitals. This 
arrangement is found at Rheims and at Amiens, and has the optical effect of 
vertical curvature. Sometimes the piers diverge outward in delicate curves 
beginning near the bases, as in the Cathedral of Noyon. The total amounts 
of divergence at the height of the clerestory when compared with the distance 
between piers at the bases are inconspicuous in fact and in effect, but greater 
than might be supposed when the habitual oversight of the facts by antiqua- 
rians and experts, as well as by casual visitors and spectators, is considered. 
The total maximum divergence at Noyon is about 8 inches. In Rouen Cathe- 
dral it is about 24 inches, and it is about the same at Rheims. At Amiens It 
is about 20 inches. Approximately the same divergence occurs in the crossing 
piers of Notre-Dame. The habitual oversight of the arrangement mentioned 
is largely due to the convergence of vertical perspective, and partly due in 
many cases to the delicate vertical curvatures, or bends having the effect of 
delicate curvature, by which the total divergence is obtained. 

An even more delicate refinement of the same description is usuaUy found 
in the side aisles where the widening effect is confined to the exterior sides. 
At Amiens the aisle responds of the chapel walls have an outward curvature 
of only 3 inches deflection in a height of 40 feet. The facts here are only dis- 
coverable by plumb-line sighting, and cannot be verified by the unassisted eye. 
This, in fact, is also generally true in the naves. Still more remarkable is the 
expansion of the nave system into the transepts where the verticals of the 
piers and window mullions are incHned in parallels to those of the nave. The 
purpose of this subtle arrangement is doubtless to avoid the contrast of per- 
pendiculars in the transepts with the inclined verticals in the nave, which 
would make the latter conspicuous. This arrangment is found in Rouen 
Cathedral, in Amiens Cathedral, at St. Quentin, and elsewhere. Finally 
there is a crowning complexity of subtlety which gives the same transepts an 



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72 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA 

independent transverse system of widening similar to that of the nave, and 
crossing the nave system. This is found at Amiens, at St. Quentin, and in the 
crossing piers, at least, of Notre-Dame. 

The paper otherwise dealt in detail by illustrative views with the problems 
and difficulties of repairs and restoration of such refinements. Above all it 
was insisted that a wide knowledge of the facts described is an essential pre- 
liminary to any general activity of restoration. 

The S3rstem described in France originated in Byzantine architecture of the 
sixth century, as is shown by Santa Sophia and other churches in Constanti- 
nople. It spread to Italy, and thence to Northern Europe. Various exam- 
ples were cited in Great Britain. Among these were Canterbury Cathedral, 
the Temple Church in London, Lichfield Cathedral, and St. Patrick's in 
Dublin, 

4. Professor Norman W. DeWitt, of Victoria College, Toronto, 
The Origin of the Roman Forum. 

It is customary to explain the beginnings of Rome by its fortunate situation 
and the Forum as a casual evolution from a central location among surround- 
ing settlements, an explanation which fails to account for the Temple of Janus 
and the religious character of the Janus entrance. As Ovid, Fasti I, 257, 
inquires: 

Cum tot HrU lani, cur atas aacrahLS in unOf 
Hie vbi iunctafoHs templa duohiis habest 

In other words, to explain the Forum we must explain Janus. Warde Fowler 
in Roman FesUvahf pp. 286 ff ., thinks Janus the guardian of the doorway but 
Janus is older than the Roman town house. He is the guardian of the gate- 
way of the walled compound that surrounded the Roman villa. Yarro, R.R. 
I, 13, 2: Vilid proximum ianuam ceUam esse oportet eum^ scire qui introeat 
aut exeat noctu quidve ferat. Janus has a religious character because he guards 
private property. The Janus entrance of the Forum had a religious character. 
Therefore the Forum was once private property. If it was private property 
it must have been the courtyard of the royal residence. Numerous traditions 
place the site of Nimia's residence at the end of the Forum and the residences 
of other kings on the Velia, which is suitably situated to look on the Forum as 
a courtyard. The Rex was the priest of Janus. The Forum was a royal mart. 
The ship's beak on coins meant foreign commerce. It was a king who built 
the shops, and paved and drained the Forum. Market fees may have been 
collected at the Janus gate. Hence the money changers. Before the temple 
of Saturn was built the temple of Janus must have contained the war treasure. 
Hence the bolts and bars and the opening in time of war. As at the rape of 
the Sabine women, games were instituted to attract crowds. So the numerous 
shows and sacrifices would bring customers. The fattest sheep was sacrificed 
every market day to attract the farmers (Festus, Mtiller, 186). The early 
Romans, led by the king, believed in advertising. 

5. Mrs. Phila C. Nye, of Princeton, The Oblong Ivory Caskets 
of the Byzantine Period. 

This paper will be published in a later number of the Journal. 



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GENERAL MEETING, DECEMBER 26-28, 1918 73 

The following abstracts of papers announced, but not read 
have been received. 

1. Miss Helen McClees, of Columbia University, Notes on 
^ Women in Attic Inscriptions. 

From the inscriptions we find that women were employed as wool-workers, 
laundresses, children's nurses, hucksters, vendors of hemp, perfumes, sesame, 
salt, and himaiia. One cobbler is known, and two physicians. A woman fur- 
nished to the state caps for public slaves and another reeds for repairing a 
roof. Women held office as priestesses in about forty cults, including those 
of three male divinities. Women and girls of noble family also served as 
Arrhephorif '^ initiates from the altar'' at Eleusis, basket-bearers, and workers 
of the peplos for the Panathenaea. Women of the lower classes were often 
engaged in the service of Eastern divinities. Large numbers of dedications, 
especially to goddesses and to the gods of healing, were made by women, and 
they also contributed to public works. Public honors in the form of honorary 
decrees, golden crowns, and seats in the theatre were awarded to women. A 
decree of the Erechtheid tribe in favor of an kwU\ripof whose father was a mem- 
ber of the tribe directs the kntuXfiral to take her interests in charge and pre- 
vent her from being wronged when making purchases. The TabeUae Defix- 
ionum furnish curious information concerning the superstitions and also the 
every-day life of women of the lower classes. 

2. Miss Georgiana Goddard King, of Bryn Mawr College, 
Notes on the Portals of Santiago de ComposteUa. 

I. Ajrmery Picaud's account written about 1140 describes the three doors as 
they were finished: that of the western is less closely observed than the others 
and mentions no tympanum. It seems likely, recalling the steep street that 
led up, and the internal staircases of which traces exist, that this was like the 
west door of Le Puy, with which Santiago had frequent relations. 

II. Comparison of photographs shows a striking likeness between the South 
Transept door of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem and that at 
Santiago (the only one surviving). No door in the south of France comes 
quite so near, though certain details are oriental, as would be expected. The 
carving of the few old capitals within shows likeness to Spanish Romanesque. 
Of the original flanking chapels, one is dedicated to S. James. The Spanish 
part in the crusade, and the Spanish element here, have been overlooked 
through ignorance. On the south facade at Santiago stands S. James between 
cypress trees, says Aymery. They are wreathed with vines. Figure and 
flanking trees are copied at Toulouse. I know only one other case: on the 
back of the Harbaville Triptych cypresses wreathed with vine and ivy bow 
down to the Cross. There the cypresses are probably both trees of death and 
also symbols of the Mysteries. In the gold plates which constitute an Orphic 
Guide of the soul after death, the cypress stands beside the House of Hades. 
ComposteUa was a place of pilgrimage for dead souls and a gathering place for 
souls. S. James is here in his chthonic aspect. 



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1918 
Juljp-DeoemlMr 



ARCHAEOLOGICAL NEWS^ 

NOTES ON RECENT EXCAVATIONS AND 
DISCOVERIES; OTHER NEWS 

William N. Bates, Editor 
220, SL MarVs Square, PhUadelpkia, Pa. 



GENERAL AND MISCELLANEOUS 

HAL-TARXIEN.— The Ezcavations of 1916-1917.-111 ArchaeoLogia, 
LXVIII, 1916-1917, pp. 263-284 (11 pis.; 22 figs.) T. Zammit reports upon 
the excavations conducted on the site of the neolithic sanctuary at Hal- 
Tarxien, Malta, .during the year 1916-1917 (see A.J.A. XXI, 1917, pp. 
339 f.). The approach to the building was cleared and the limits of the ruins 
to the south and southwest determined. At the main entrance a fine slab with 
a convex edge served as a doorstep, and on each side of it large stone blocks 
supported the outer wall and were also probably used as seats for the wor- 
shipers. To the west of the main entrance a wide apse was excavated, and 
beyond that to the north a room with an elaborate altar. The northern end 
of the main entrance was completely cleared. There is abundant evidence to 
show that the whole edifice underwent a reconstruction. The northern portion 
is older than the southern. It is "massive, rude, severe, simpler in its elements 
and more compact and imposing." The ornaments are fewer, but executed 
with a firmer hand, the blocks heavier and placed with greater accuracy and 
the apses wider and better designed. In the southern part the apses are not 
accurately designed, and the ornaments are elaborate and more varied but 
lack the firmer lines of the older type. The entrance to the first apses of the 
older building is very imposing, and consists of broad, vertical slabs standing 
on a large flagstone which serves as a threshold. The passage is 17 ft. 6 in. 
long, and on each side at its inner end a monolith stands on a plinth. Beyond 
is an oval area 46 ft. long carefully paved with large stones. In the centre is a 
large stone basin 3 ft. 8 in. in diameter in which a fire was probably kept 
burning. Two other similar, but smaller oval areas lie side by side to the 
north, and in the outer one is another fire basin. The excavations are far 
from complete. To the northeast numerous upright stones are projecting from 

1 The departmentB of Arohaeolc^cal News and DiscuMionB and of Bibliography of Archaeo- 
logical Books are conducted by Professor Bates, Editor-in-charge, assisted by Professor C. N. 
Bbown, M188 Mabt H. Buckingham, Dr. T. A. BuBNasR. Dr. L. D. Casket, Professor Harold 
R. HASTmoa, Professor Elmer T. Merrill, Professor Lewis B. Paton, Professor A. S. Pbabb, 
Professor 8. B. Platner, Professor John C. Rolpe, Dr. John Shaplbt, Professor Arthur L. 
Wheeler and the Editors, especially Professor Marquand. 

No attempt is made to include in this number of the Journal material published after Decem- 
ber 31. 1918. 

For an explanation of the abbreviations, see pp. 99-100. 

75 



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76 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXni, 1919 

the soil, and in that direction and to the east other oval spaces will probably 
be brought to light. Many carved stones, especially blocks with spirals were 
discovered. In the older specimens the spirals are -simple and their surface is 
flat, while in those of later date the surface is convex and the spirals more com- 
plicated. Neolithic grinders, mortars, hanmierHstones, and stone vessels were 
unearthed, besides statuettes of stone and of clay, baked and unbaked. Some 
of these apparently represent priests. Neolithic potsherds were found in 
abundance although complete vases were few. They show great skill on the 
part of the makers. Incised designs were filled in with red, and wide bands of 
red ochre, still partly preserved on the fragments, were sometimes applied to 
the body of the vase. 

NECROLOGY.— Oric Bates.— On October 8, 1918 Oric Bates died of pneu- 
monia at Camp Zachary Taylor, Louisville, Kentucky. He was born Decem- 
ber 5, 1883, graduated from Harvard College in 1905, and later studied at the 
University of Berlin. He took part with Professor Reisner in the excavations 
conducted by Harvard University and the Boston Museum of Fine Arts in 
Egypt, and in other archaeological work. He was the author of The Extern 
Libyans, He was Curator of African Archaeology and Ethnology at the Pea- 
body Museum, Harvard University, at the time when he entered the service 
of the government. (B. Mua. F, A. XVI, 1918, opp. p. 80; Harvard Alumni 
BvUetin, XXI, 1918, p. 76.) 

Uon Henri Louis B6rard. — Captain L^n-Henri-Louis B^rard, bom in 1883^ 
was killed in a bombardment January 9, 1918. He had carried on important 
researches in Gallic archaeology, especially in Champagne. (S. R., R, Arch, 
VII, 1918, p. 182.) 

Emmanuel £doiiard Chavannes. — ^The orientalist Emmanuel £douard 
Chavannes, a distinguished scholar and author of numerous monographs and 
articles, chiefly on Chinese and Indian subjects, may almost be said to have 
founded the science of Chinese archaeology. Bom in 1865, he died January 
30, 1918. (S. R., R. Arch. VII, 1918, pp. 179 f .) 

J. de Closmadeuc. — The veteran archaeologist of Brittany, Dr. J. de 
Closmadeuc,was bom in 1828 and died in May, 1918. His articles and mono- 
graphs on the archaeology of Brittany are many and valuable. He was ad- 
mirable as a scholar, a physician, and a man. (S. Reinach, R. Arch. VII, 
1918, pp. 304 f.) 

Vidal de la Blache. — The geographer Vidal de la Blache, bom in 1845, died 
early in 1918. He became a member of the £cole d'Athdnes in 1867 and made 
fruitful investigations in Asia Minor and Syria, but his chief activity was in 
the field of geography. (S. R., R. Arch. VII, 1918, p. 180.) 

Friedrich Hauser. — In Atene e Roma, XXI, 1918, pp. 164-165 C. Albizzati 
publishes an appreciative notice of the late Dr. Friedrich Hauser. 

Paul LeprieuT. — The Conservateur de la peinture at the Louvre, Paul Le- 
prieur, died May 17, 1918, at the age of 58 years. Numerous articles, from 
1887 to 1917, testify to his rare feeling for the quality of works of art and the 
personality of their authors. (S. R., R. Arch. VII, 1918, pp. 305 f.; bibliography 
by Clotilde Misme, pp. 305-309.) 

Paul Milliet.— Paul Milliet (March 6, 1844— January 8, 1918) was as a 
painter a convinced traditionalist, but was attached to most radical and even 
revolutionary social reforms. In 1891 his thesis on the Premikres Piriodes de 



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Egypt] ARCHAEOLOGICAL NEWS, 1918 77 

la Ciramique grecgue (Giraudon) appeared; in 1889-1890 his photographic 
album of the vases in the BibUothdque Nationale (Giraudon) ; in 1892 he pub- 
lished his Catalogue des Vases antiques des Collections de la ViUe de Genhe; he 
was among the benefactors of the Louvre and of the Association des fitudes 
grecques, to which he gave a sum of money for the publication, with transla- 
tion, of all passages of ancient authors relating to works of art, a work which 
is not yet finished. He left nearly all his fortune to the Louvre. (E. Pottier, 
R. Arch. VII, 1918, pp. 309 f.) 

Luigi SavignonL — ^The archaeologist, Luigi Savignoni, died March 14, 1918. 
He was born at Montefiascone August 20, 1864, and studied in Rome and in 
Athens. From 1895 to 1901 he was inspector in the Amministrazione delle 
Antichitii e Belle Arti at Rome and at Naples. In 1901 he became professor of 
archaeology at Messina where he remained until the great earthquake. Since 
1914 he has been professor in the R. Istituto di Studi Superiori at Florence. 
He took part with Hsdbherr in the exploration of Crete (see his article on 
Cretan pithoi in A. J. A. V, 1901, pp. 404 fif.), and from 1901 to 1904 excavated 
Norba in Etruria. He published many papers on his excavations and explora- 
tions, upon Greek and Roman sculpture and vases, Etruscan antiquities, etc. 
(L. Perkier, Atene e Romay XXI, 1918, pp. 115-130; portrait; also Cron, 
B. A, V, 1918, pp. 39 f.) 



EGYPT 

EXCAVATIONS OF THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM.— During the 
year 1916-1917 the expedition of the Metropolitan Museum of New York to 
Egypt continued its excavations at Lisht and at Thebes. At Lisht work was 
carried on in the area adjacent to the pyramid of Sesostris where it was dis- 
continued in 1914. The ground between the pyramid temple and the south- 
east comer was cleared. The two enclosure walls of the royal monument and 
a smaller ruined pyramid inside the inner enclosure were uncovered. At 
Thebes excavations were continued on the site of the palace of Amenhotep III 
north of the sections previously cleared. Near the northern limit of the area 
an enclosure 110 by 185 m. contained the palace chapel dedicated to Amon 
and here also was the Festival Hall of Amenhotep 's second jubilee in the 
thirty-fourth year of his reign, as inscriptions prove. Some of the decorative 
features of the building have been recovered. During the winter of 1917-1918 
the section west of the residential building was excavated and found to have 
been occupied by makers of glass and faience. (A. M. Lythgoe, B. Metr. Mus, 
Supplement, March, 1918, pp. 3-8; 2 figs.). Ihid. pp. 8-14 (8 figs.) A. Lansing 
describes the excavation of the Festival Hall. Numerous inscribed potsherds 
refer to the jubilee. The chapel lies in the middle of the building (Fig. 1). 
The main entrance was provided with an antechamber with mud-brick benches 
on either side. From this one passed to the first hypostyle hall the roof of 
which was supported by six columns. A doorway at the west end of this room 
led to a second hjrpostyle hall with four columns. The ceiling in these two 
halls had a blue background with yellow stars in it. Beyond this room, on a 
higher level, were three rooms, the central one reached by a flight of seven 



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78 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

steps and the other two by four steps. These were probably sanctuaries^ 
North and south were storerooms in which were found fragments of alabaster 
vases which had been deliberately destroyed. In the southeast comer of the 
large fore-court are remains of some rooms where the priests may have lived. 
Beyond the court to the southeast are remains of a villa. Ibid, pp. 14-24 
(24 figs.) N. DE G. Davies reports for the de Peyster Tytus Memorial Fund 
that the season of 1916-1917 was largely spent in work on the tombs of Puy- 
emrfi (which is almost ready for publication) and Kenamon (Tomb No. 93). 
The paintings in the latter tomb are among the finest in Egypt. Attention is 




Figure 1. — ^The Festival Hall op Amenhotep III. 

called especially to the figures of animals. During the work at Thebes a frag- 
ment came to light with the figure of the highest local ofllicial of the sixth dy- 
nasty. The inscription, which is important for the early history of Thebes, 
reads *'the viceregent, governor of the South, controller of the state granaries, 
Unasonkh.'* 

NURI.— The Excavation of the Pyramids.— In B, Mus. F, A. XVI, 1918, 
pp. 67-82 (36 figs.) G. A. R(ei8NEr) gives a general account of his excavation 
of the pyramids of Nuri. The largest of all, which is 52 m. square and sur- 
rounded by small pyramids 7 to 12 m. square, proved to be the tomb of Tirhaqa 
mentioned in // KingSy 19. Within it had a great central hall divided into 
three aisles by two lines of rectangular pillars. In front of this hall was an 
antechamber approached by a flight of four steps leading from the bottom of 
the great entrance stairway. A corridor surrounded this great hall. The 
floors of the two side aisles were covered with over a thousand beautifully 



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Greece] ARCHAEOLOGICAL NEWS, 1918 79 

carved stone figures, 18 to 64 cm. high, of which about 600 were in good con- 
dition. Nineteen pyramids were found to be tombs of Ethiopian kings, the 
names of some of whom were previously un- 
known. Fifty-three tombs of queens and princesses 
were opened. All of the pyramids of Nuri were 
of the slender type, 68° to the horizontal. Each 
stood in a small enclosure bounded by a low wall 
and had a chapel for offerings consisting of a 
single room. The cemetery seems to have been 
ransacked by thieves about 300 to 250 B.C., but 
many objects of value were left behind (Fig. 2). The 
tombs of all the kings and queens who lived after 
Tirhaqa, except the four buried at Kurru, were 
excavated at Nuri. All of the twenty kings were 
identified by inscriptions and likewise twenty-five 
royal ladies. The p3rramids may be divided chrono- 
logically into four groups, and foundation deposits 
were discovered under the four corners of most of 
them. The contents of these deposits varied with 
the date. In addition to the skull and fore^juarter 
of a sacrificed calf there were pottery vessels, or 
models of vessels, stone implements, and, in some 
cases, inscribed cups of faience. There were also 
many tablets, inscribed with the king's name, of gold, 

electrum, silver, bronze, faience, red jasper, lapis Figure 2. Gold 

lazuli, alabaster, and malachite. As a result of Vase from Nuri. 
these excavations it is now possible to reconstruct 

an outline of the history of Ethiopia from about 650 to 250 B.C., a period 
previously entirely unknown. 



GREECE 

SALONICA. — ^Work of the Service Arch^ologique of the French Army. — 
The French army has been maintaining its traditional interest in scientific 
work by explorations in Macedonia. MM. Thureau-Dangin and Rey have 
methodically mapped the various tumuli within the sector occupied by the 
French and have excavated several. These mounds are of two types: 1, the 
round tumulus, which may be either an old village site or a burial mound; and 
2, the table-shaped mound. The origin of the latter type has yet to be deter- 
mined. The tumuli which represent village sites may be distinguished from the 
funeral mounds by the presence of numerous potsherds on their sides. Two 
of the former, the mounds of Gona and S^d^s, near Salonica, have been ex- 
plored and the relative dates of their different strata from neolithic times deter- 
mined. The funeral mounds apparently all date from Hellenistic times. One 
which was opened had a tomb-chamber adorned with a Doric facade. In 
Salonica the church of St. George was carefully examined. It was a Roman 
building, transformed into a church in the fifth or sixth century, and in the 
sixteenth century into a mosque. A study was also made of the old Byzantine 



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80 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

fortress on the acropolis. It b further proposed to take photographs of wood- 
carvings, inlaid work, etc., illustrating the local decorative art of the eighteenth 
century. (G. Mendel, C. R, Acad, Insc, 1918, pp. 9-17.) 



ITALY 

AMrrERNUM.— Reliefs of the Time of Claudius.— In Not. Scav. XIV, 
1917, pp. 332-341 F. Fornari publishes reliefs found in the district known as 
Torricello. Of the slabs two belong together and are slightly curved, as if they 
formed part of the decoration of an exedra or some similar structure. A third 
obviously belonged to the same funeral monument, but did not adjoin either 
of the other two. The relief represented the procession (pampa) preceding 
gladiatorial games, and probably recorded an exhibition given by the deceased 
during his lifetime or his funeral games. Fornari assigns the relief, which is of 
crude workmanship, to the time of Claudius, and considers it especially inter- 
esting as a specimen of provincial art of that period. A fourth slab, of much 
better execution, represents a round shield adorned with a gorgon's head, 
flanked by two greaves. Five fragmentary inscriptions were found in the same 
place, one of which mentions a triunwir Augustalis, a title peculiar to Amitei^ 
num and Peltuinum, in place of the usual sevir. This inscription is on a curved 
stone, and apparently formed a part of the same monument as the reUefs with 
the pompa, 

ANGERA. — ^Excavations in the Bftithraeum. — ^Angera, near Como, was the 
site of the Roman Vicus Sebuinus. The Mithraeum was made by building a 
structure before the entrance of a grotto in the rock upon which the village 
stands, and the grotto itself required but little modification to serve as the apse 
of the temple. The cave was elliptical in form, 7.50 by 4.70 m. and 4.80 m. 
high. A bench ran around the sides and in the rear wall was a place for the 
usual relief. In and near the Mithraeum were found fragments of Roman 
vases and coins dating from 73 a.d. to the middle of the fourth century. The 
grotto had been occupied also in prehistoric times and yielded a number of 
stone implements. (G. Patroni, Not. Scav. XV, 1918, pp. 3-11.) 

CASALE DI MALAFEDE.— A Subterranean Aqueduct.— On the left side of 
the Via Ostiensis, about 200 m. east of the Casale di Malafede and between 
twelve and thirteen kilometers from Rome, there were found the remains of 
an aqueduct with a subterranean specus. It ran approximately paraUel to the 
Via Ostiensis at an average distance of 80 m., and probably conducted water 
to some villa, perhaps that of L. Fabius Cilo. (E. Gatti, Not. Scav. XIV, 
1917, pp. 275-277; 2 figs.) 

CATANIA.— Discoveries in 1916 and 1917.— In Not. Scav. XV, 1918, pp. 
53-71 P. Orsi gives a summary of discoveries made during 1916 and 1917. 
These included the unearthing of a hypogeum with miual decorations of a 
simple pattern, containing a number of interesting graffiti and Greek Christian 
inscriptions. Other discoveries were a Hellenistic building of unknown pur- 
pose, perhaps a heroon, and traces of the ancient necropolis of Catania with a 
few vases. The excavations in the Odeum were completed. 

COMO.— Latin Inscriptions.— In Not. Scav. XIV, 1917, pp. 265-273 G. 
Patroni publishes twenty-three inscriptions found in the town of Como and 



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Italy] ARCHAEOLOGICAL I^EWS, 1918 81 

for the most part within the area of the ancient necropolis of S. Giovanni. The 
existence of a necropolis of "the end of the good imperial period" is established. 
Noteworthy are the nomen Cattulia (cf. the cognomen Catullus), some names 
new to that region, and the mention of a hitherto unknown corrector Italiae, 

MONTE BALAIAKA.— An Early Sardinian Bronze Statuette.—In Not, 
Scav. XV, 1918, pp. 72-76 A. Taramelli reports the discovery at Monte 
Balaiana, Sardinia, of a prehistoric Sardinian bronze statuette, 18.5 cm. in 
height. He adds a brief discussion of this early art and of the meaning of the 
name Balaiana, which he thinks may be connected with the ancient Balares. 

NEPL— An Ancient Tomb.— In Not. Scav. XV, 1918, pp. 16-19 E. Stefani 
announces the discovery of a tomb near Nepi, beside the ancient road from 
Nepi to Falerii. It contained a few vases. 

OSTIA. — ^The House of Diana. — ^The completion of the excavation of the 
house of Diana (see Not. Scav. 1914, pp. 248 flf.) leads to a full description of 
the building. Although on two sides it closely adjoins the building of the 
Mills (dei Molini, ibid. 1914, p. 250), it conforms to Nero's law mentioned by 
Tacitus, Ann. 13, 43, by having its own separate walls. It covers an area of 
900 sq. m., of which 80 are occupied by a court, serving for the admission of 
light; the court is not exactly in the middle of the structure. Of the other two 
sides of the building one, 23.30 m. in length, fronting on the Via di Diana 
contains a stairway leading to the upper stories, the main entrance, and three 
shops, one of which opens also on the Via dei Balconi. The side fronting the 
latter street (39.30 m. in length) contains five shops and a second stairway 
leading to the upper stories. The principal floor of the house is not the ground 
floor, as at Pompeii, but the second story, which was surrounded on both sides 
by a balcony, of which a considerable part survives. The ground floor con- 
sisted on the outside of a series of shops, which received light from the street 
by means of doors and windows, and an inner series of rooms lighted from the 
court and the corridors surrounding it. The shops were closed by wooden 
doors on a threshold of travertine and fastened by bars. The walls retained 
traces of painting resembling the second Pompeian style. The ground floor 
and the first floor were closely connected, the rooms above the shops forming 
corresponding dweUings, reached by stairways in the comers of the shops, 
while the outside stairways led to the floors above. The house was at least 
four stories high and the remains, which are well preserved, rise to a height of 
seven metres. It seems to have been built in the second century of our era 
and to have been occupied until the end of the third century, at least. This 
theory is supported by the coins found in the building. (G. Calza, Not. Scav, 
XIV, 1917, pp. 312-326.) 

A Magic Amulet— In Not. Scav. XIV, 1917, pp. 326-328 G. Calza describes 
an amulet found during the excavation of houses not earlier than the second 
or later than the fourth century of our era; the exact location of the find is 
uncertain. It is circular, with a hole for hanging it. On one side is a male 
figure in profile to the right, clad in a long robe reaching to the feet. He has a 
^ear leaning against his left arm, and the right hand holds a staff projecting 
from a caldron, as if he were stirring the contents; above is the legend "Solo- 
mon." On the other side is the triple-formed Hecate, represented in exactly 
the same way as on a gem shown in Roscher, s.v. 'Hekate,' p. 1909. In the 
field of the medal are numerous figures, many of which appear on both sides: 



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82 AMERICAN JOURNAL^ OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

a caduceus, a balance, an X (the sign of Osiris), an X with a circle described 
through the apices, a kind of anchor, a star with small circles at the apices, 
and a four-branched candlestick, perhaps intended to represent one with seven 
branches. The amulet, which is in some respects unique, is perhaps Jewish. 
There were communities of Jews at Castel Porziano and at Porto. 

PITIGLIANO.— A NeoUthic Tomb.— In Not. Scav. XV, 1918, pp. 12-16 
E. Galli records the discovery of a neolithic tomb at Corano near Pitigliano, 
containing two vases. 

ROME. — ^Recent Acquisitions of the National Museum. — Among the recent 
acquisitions of the National Museum in Rome are the following: 1, the Niobid 
from the Gardens of Sallust; 2, the base and two feet of an Egyptian statue of 
black bajsalt probably found near the Ministero delle Poste e Telegrafi; 3, a 
fragment of an architrave; 4, a marble head of Isis-Demeter less than life size; 
5, a piece of a large glass plate decorated with a small figure of Victory and a 
helmeted head on a larger scale; 6, the contents of the tomb of a young girl 
including a small boat of glass paste; 7, part of a marble statuette representing 
a negro walking on his hands; 8, a plaque of terracotta, 0.465 x 0.36 m. with 
three scenes separated by columns; 9, a hoard of 820 denarii dating from the 
end of the second and beginning of the third centuries, found in the Via del 
Tritone, Rome; 10, a hoard of about two thousand debased silver pieces dating 
from the second half of the third century a.d. found near Ancona. Many 
other separate coins were acquired, the most interesting and rarest being two 
100 liirae gold pieces of Syracuse dating from the end of the fifth century B.C. 
and bearing the head of Persephone and Heracles struggling with the lion. 

One has the letters 
ETA, i.e. Evenetus. (R. 
Paribeni, Soil, Arte, 
XII, 1918, pp. 49-56; 
5 figs.) 

The Underground Ba- 
silica of the Via Prae- 
nestina. — In Not, Scav, 
XV, 1918, pp. 30-39 
(7 figs.) E. Gatti pub- 
lishes further details of 
the underground build- 
ing found two kilometres 
from the Stazione di 
Termini on the railroad 
to Naples (see A. J, A, 
XXII, 1918, p. 79). Its 
floor is 13.34 m. below 
Figure 3.— The Golden Fleece: Vl\ Prae- ^^® ^^vel of the rails. 
NESTiNA, Rome. It was undoubtedly used 

for the celebration of 
mystic rites and dates from the early years of the empire. Ibid, pp. 39-52 
(9 figs.) F. FoRNARi describes the reliefs which include several with mytho- 
logical subjects such as the rape of Helen, the rescue of Hesione, Jason and 
the Golden Fleece (Fig. 3), Heracles and one of the Hesperides, the pun- 



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Italy] ARCHAEOLOGICAL NEWS, 1918 83 

ishment of the Danaides, etc. He believes that the building belonged to the 
family of the Statilii. 

Pagan and Christian Inscriptions.— In Not. Scav. XIV, 1917 pp. 277-288, 
G. FoRNARi gives an account of discoveries near the principal entrance of the 
cemetery of Ponziano, including sixty-one inscriptions, for the most part frag- 
mentary. The cemetery is mentioned in the Salzbvrg Itinerary, which refers 
to tombs of saints and an ecdesia magna, where the martyrs Abdon and Sennen 
were buried; no trace of these monuments was found. Outside the area of the 
cemetery, to the north, there were found the remains of an ancient building, 
probably part of a villa. Ibid. XIV, 1917, pp. 288-310 G. Lugli describes the 
exploration of a new part of the sepvlcretum Salarium, between the Via Po and 
the Via Gregorio Allegri. Many tombs were uncovered and four columbaria 
decorated in colors. There were fifty-three inscriptions, one of which mentions 
a speculator cohortis VIII, belonging to the century of Nepos (cf. C.I.L, VI, 
2686). There were also 
foimd thirty-four frag- 
ments of a ba»-relief (see 
A J. A. XXII, 1918, p. 
79), so badly damaged 
that only the group at 
the extreme right could 
be reconstructed. 

Inscriptions from the 
Via Po.— In Not. Scav. 

XIV, 1917, pp. 310-312 
G. FoRNARi publishes 
twelve inscriptions found 
behind the palazzo of G. 
Sleiter in the Via Po. 
They form an addition 
to those published ibid, 
1916, pp. 95 fif. 

Discoveries on the Via 
Labicana. — In Not. Scav. 

XV, 1918, pp. 20-29 G. 
Luou reports the un- 
earthing of another por- 
tion of the septdcretum 

near the third kilometer Figure 4. — Diadxtmbntjs: Via Labicana, Romb. 
of the Via Casilina, the 

ancient Labicana. It fronted on the Via Labicana and was for the most part 
explored in 1912 and 1917. The finds included twenty-two inscriptions and a 
small bronze statuette, 144 mm. high, (Fig. 4) a copy of the Diadumenus 
of Polyclitus. (See also Cron. B. A. V, 1918, pp. 36-37). 

Minor Discoveries.— In Not. Scav. XIV, 1917, pp. 273-275 E. Gatti, F. 
Gatti, and G. Fornabi report some discoveries of minor importance. 

SICILY.— Greek Inscriptions.— In NU. Scav. XTV, 1917, pp. 341-348 E. 
Gabrici publishes eleven fragmentary archaic inscriptions, of which eight were 
found at Selinus and three at Motye. 



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84 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

ZBRFALIU.— A Roman Necropolis.— In Not. Scav, XV, 1918, pp. 76-79 A. 
Taramelli reports the discovery of remains of an ancient nuraghe and of Roman 
antiquities in the region called Santu Giuanne (S. Giovanni) near the village 
of Zerfaliu, Sardinia. The latter consisted of a small necropolis, apparently of 
the period of Hadrian. In one of the tombs was found a bronze disc (8 cm. in 
diameter) rudely decorated with three birds. It was probably the cover of a 
box of wood or bone. TarameUi assumes the existence of a Roman settlement 
at Zerfaliu. 

SPAIN 

BOLONIA.— Excavations in 1917.— In C. R. Acad, Insc. 1918, pp. 34-40 P. 
Paris reports upon his excavations at Bolonia, a small town a few miles west 
of Tarifa, in 1917. The principal ruins, which include the theatre, lie in a 
rectangular space once surrounded by a wall, of which some parts are still well 
preserved. Near the shore a building used for salting fish was excavated; also 
a large Roman house which had a square court siurounded by a colonnade and 
several rooms connected with it. Columns from an earlier building were em- 
ployed in its construction. On the slope of the hill a fountain was found as 
well as an undisturbed tomb, the painted decoration of which is identical with 
that of one of the rooms in the house by the shore. All of these buildings date 
from about the time of the Christian era. In March 1918 the excavations were 
resumed and two bronze figures 15 cm. high found. They were much corroded 
but when cleaned were found to represent a satyr carrying ofif a woman {ibid, 
pp. 165-166). Another establishment for salting fish was excavated and like- 
wise a large house. One of its rooms was decorated with wall paintings of 
peonies in color on a white background. Many plaques of dark red and yellow 
stucco were found and on them large numbers of graffiti in Roman letters but 
in the Iberian language, figures of men, and prows of ships adorned with 
monsters. An avenue bordered by columns, probably the principal street of 
the town, passed this house. In the Roman cemetery great quantities of 
primitive barbarian figures, the significance of which is not yet clear, were 
brought to light (ibid. pp. 184-185). 

FRANCE 

KOENIGSHOFEN.— A Sanctuary of Mithra.— In 1912 while the founda- 
tions of a church were being dug at Koenigshofen near Strasburg remains of a 
Mithraeum were found. The plan of the building, which was erected about 
225 A.D. smd restored under Aurelian, can be determined with exactness, but 
the interior had been sacked by the Christians after the fall of paganism. In 
the foundations of the Mithra relief were found a human skull and femur, con- 
nected with some oriental rite of consecration. Among the inscriptions are 
dedications to Attis and Cissonius, proving a connection between the mysteries 
of Mithra and those of the Magna Mater. The inscription on the altar is to 
be read Deo invicto Mytrae 8ecu[lari]. Other Mithraic monuments in Alsace 
are noted by R. Forrer who published this sanctuary under the title Das 
MUhraheUiglum von Kdnigahofen bei Strassburg, in 1915. (F. Cumont, R. £l 
Anc, XX, 1918, pp. 117-118.) 



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Holland] ARCHAEOLOGICAL NEWS, 1918 85 

MONTESQUIEU-AVANTftS.— Palaeolithic Drawings.— On a hillside at 
Montesquieu- Avant^s, in the department of Ari^ge, Count Bergonen has dis- 
covered another cave with palaeoUthic drawings upon its walls. They date 
from the Aiuignacian and Magdalenian epochs and represent bison, reindeer, 
horses, wild goats, bears, a Hon, birds, and human figures. Little arrows may 
be seen sticking in the lion. The human forms are poorly drawn, while the 
animals are well depicted. In one drawing certain details are picked out in 
black and seem to represent a human being masked and covered with an 
animal's skin, perhaps a ritual dance. The cave of the Tuc d'Audoubert where 
the group of clay bison was found (see C. R, Acad. Insc. 1912, pp. 532 flf.; 
A. J. A. XVII, 1913, p. 450) is on the same estate. (Nation, November 16, 
1918, p. 595.) 

NAGES.— GaUic Remains.— In R. St. Anc. XX, 1918, pp. 185-190 (fig.) 
F. Mazauric points out that soundings made at Nages (Gard) in 1914 revealed 
a Gallic wall with a paved road near it. Many fragments of local and imported 
pottery were brought to light as well as some remains of glass, bronze, etc. 
The mass supposed to be the remains of a tower is really made up of what is 
left of twin towers. Two periods may be distinguished in the fortifications, 
the earlier dating back to the first Iron Age. 

PARIS. — ^Recent Acquisitions of the Louvre. — In 1917 the Louvre received 
as a gift from Professor Maxime CoUignon two bronzes. One, which was 
bought at Mantinea, represents in relief a young man standing in front of a 
column. He holds in his left hand a large phiale and in his right an oenochoe. 
His chlamys blows back in the breeze. There was probably originally a second 
figure. The whole design was attached to a Greek mirror and may be dated 
by its style in the third century B.C. The second bronze is a statuette of a 
tipsy Silenus dancing. It is good Roman work. The eyes were of silver set 
in. The Louvre has also recently acquired a torso of a Roman emperor in a 
cuirass adorned with figures in relief. Above is the Gorgon's head, and below 
two Nereids mounted upon sea horses gallop towards each other. Below these 
are two dolphins. The ornamentation is the same as on a torso found at 
Olympia. (A. HtRON de Villefossb, C. R. Acad. Insc. 1918, pp. 151-155; fig.) 

HOLLAND 

UBBERGEN.— Remains of a Village of the Batavi— In R. St. Anc. XX, 
1918, p. 116 F. CuMONT calls attention to the important discoveries of Dr. J. H. 
Holwerda near Nim^gue. In 1917 considerable remains of the village of the 
Batavi (oppidum Batavorum) burnt by Civilis in 70 a.d. were brought to light 
on the plateau of Ubbergen. A few hundred metres away were remains of a 
fort where the Tenth Legion was established for thirty years after the subju- 
gation of the Batavi. See ako J. Breuer, ibid. pp. 190-192. 

NORTHERN AFRICA 

CARTHAGE.— Recent Discoveries.— In C. R. Acad. Insc. 1918, pp. 140- 
150 (3 figs.) Dr. Carton reports upon his recent archaeological discoveries at 
Carthage. He finds that the stones along the waterfront at the northwest 
angle of the sea wall belonged to an enclosing wall about thirty feet high. At 



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86 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

the foot of the Bordj-Djedid a series of eighteen apses supported the great 
landing-stage to which a staircase of white marble 50 m. broad led down. 
Here were located the stables, storehouses, etc. mentioned by ancient writers. 
In a trench a stele of white marble, 41 cm. high, came to light. It represents 
a nude man standing in front of a wall with his hands above his head. The 
lower part is broken off. Considerable information as to the line of the ancient 
waterfront was obtained by soundings made at various points. Between the 
Fondouk of the Jews and the dar Oulad el Agha there was excavated an ellip- 
tical structure with two apses facing each other and enclosing a room 11 m. 
long by 6 m. wide. Of the openings between the apses one led to a stairway 
which descended to the water, and the other to a place paved with a fine 
mosaic of colored marbles laid in a pattern consisting of rectangles and trian- 
gles. A Christian tomb was found nearby. 

UNITED STATES 

CLEVELAND.— A Stele of the Twenty-second Dynasty.— In the BuUelin of 
the Cleveland Museimi of Art, V, 1918, pp. 67-69 (fig.) Mrs. Caroline R. Wil- 
liams publishes an Egyptian stele in the Cleveland museum which is inscribed 
with the name of Shedesnefertem, a high priest of Memphis in the early part 
of the twenty-second d3masty. It is a little more than 34 inches high and 31 
inches wide with decoration in three bands. The middle register has the young 
Siin-god seated on a lotus flower attended by a figure of Maat on either side, 
while back of them at the left stands Sekhmet and at the right Ptah. This 
part of the slab is in low relief. The zone above represents apes addressing 
the Sim, and that below priests worshiping Bast, Sekhmet, and Mut, both in 
sunken relief. The composition and workmanship are excellent. 

NEW YORK. — ^Recent Acquisitions of the Metropolitan Museum. — ^The 
Metropolitan Museum has recently acquired through the bequest of Mr. 
Isaac D. Fletcher about 250 objects among which are: 1, a magnificent Apulian 
vase 3 ft. 3 in. high, upon each side of which are represented mourners carrying 
offerings to a tomb, while on the neck of the vase is a toilet scene and the figure 
of a woman crowned by two Erotes; 2, a Lucanian vase 1 ft. Si in. high upon 
which appear two women giving a warrior a drink; 3, eight pieces of ancient 
glass; 4, two bowls covered with metaUic glaze, one decorated with ornamental 
motives and the other with a representation of Heracles carrjdng off the Ery- 
manthian boar. Two examples of Egyptian art were also received, the bronze 
figure of a cat of the Ptolemaic period, and a statuette of a priest of the thirtieth 
dynasty. (B. Meir. Mua. XIII, 1918, pp. 58-59; 2 figs.) 

A New Egyptian Room in the Metropolitan Museum. — ^In B. Meir, Mus. 
XIII, 1918, pp. 283-288 (7 figs.) A. M. L(ythgoe) calls attention to a room 
recently opened in the Egyptian section of the Metropolitan Museum in which 
are displayed antiquities illustrating the daily life of the ancient Egyptians. 
Many of the objects exhibited came from the excavations carried on by the 
Museum at Lisht, at Thebes, and in the oasis of Khargeh. 

Etruscan Earrings. — ^The Metropolitan Museum has recently acquired two 
pairs of Etruscan earrings dating from the fourth or third century B.C. They 
are important examples of Etruscan gold work. The design consists of a highly 
decorated horseshoe pattern above and an inverted pyramid of balls below. 



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United States] ARCHAEOLOGICAL NEWS, 1918 87 

One pair is two inches long. (Miss G. M. A. R(ichter), B. Metr. Mus. XIII, 
1918, pp. 289-290; 2 figs.) 

A Chinese Tomb Entrance of the Wei Period.— In B. Metr. Mus, XIII, 
1918, pp. 217-220 (4 figs.) S. C. B. R. calls attention to a stone tomb entrance 
or gateway from Peking recently set up in the Metropolitan Museum. It 
consists of a semicircular lintel resting upon stone jambs and kept in place by 
dowels. The decoration of the lintel consists of a broad band of five panels 
filled with symbolic animals and scrolls across the lower part, and a large ogre's 
head with phoenixes on both sides above. The jambs are decorated with five 
medaUions beginning and ending with an ogre's head. A fresco representing 
Buddha in a red and green robe standing on a lotus flower formed part of the 
decoration of the tomb and this was also acquired. The doorway and fresco 
date from the Wei period, that is about the sixth century a.d. 

Ornaments from a Chinese Tomb. — ^The Metropolitan Museum has recently 
acquired thirteen objects said to have been found in a Chinese tomb on the 
Mongolian border near Yulin in the northern part of the province of Shenzi. 
There are plaques of bronze and silver, and other objects of bone and jade. 
The designs represent horses attacked by bears, deer grazing, lions' heads, etc. 
Some of these are purely Scythian in style, others purely Chinese, and others 
still show both styles. They apparently date from the Han period (206 B.C. 
to 220 A.D.). At present it cannot be determined whether the Scythian orna- 
ments came from Siberia, or originated in China. (S. C. B. R., B. Metr. Mus. 
XIII, 1918, pp. 135-137; 8 figs.) 

PHILADELPHIA.— Two Chinese Reliefs.— In MJ. IX, 1918, pp. 244- 
272 (19 figs.) C. W. B(i8H0P) publishes two Chinese sculptures in rehef recently 
placed on exhibition in the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania. They 
represent war-horses of the emperor T'ang T'ai-tsung, who died in 649 a.d. 
and was buried near Li-ts'Uan Hsien. About the interior of his mortuary 



Figure 5. — Groom and Wounded Horse: Philadelphia. 



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88 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 



Figure 6. — Wounded Horse: Philadelphia. 

chamber were figures of his six horses, each carved on a slab of stone six feet 
high, seven feet wide, and one foot thick. The two finest of these were acquired 
by the Museum. One (Fig. 5) represents a wounded horse with a groom in the 
act of drawing an arrow from its breast; the other (Fig. 6) a horse walking 
forward with three arrows sticking in its back. Both are fine examples of 
Chinese sculpture of the seventh century. The four remaining slabs are now 
in the museum at Si-an Fu. 

Chinese Sculptures.— In MJ, IX, 1918, pp. 123-147 (7 figs.) C. W. 
B(isHOP) calls attention to four pieces of Chinese sculpture recently acquired 
by the University Museum. There are two colossal heads of the Boddhisattva 
in stone which are fine examples of Chinese Buddhistic sculpture and probably 
date from the sixth century a.d.; also a Itfesize Maitreya of stone dedicated in 
the year 586 a.d. and a small bronze Maitreya, 24 inches high, dating from 537. 
The last two have their dates fixed by inscriptions. 

Two Early Chinese Bronzes.— In M.J. IX, 1918, pp. 99-120 (3 figs.) C. W. 
B(i8H0P) publishes two recent acquisitions of the University Museum, a liba- 
tion cup 9i inches high of the twelfth or eleventh century b.c, and a sacri- 
ficial wine vessel 18 inches high dating from the latter part of the Chou period 
(1122-225 B.C.). Both are fine examples of early Chinese work in bronze. 



EARLY CHRISTIAN, BYZANTINE, MEDIAEVAL, AND 
RENAISSANCE ART 

GREECE 

SALONICA.— The Destruction of the Church of St. Demetrius.— In C. R, 
Acad. Insc. 1917, pp. 377-380 C. Diehl reports that the fire of August 18 and 
19, 1917 which burned about half of the city of Salonica destroyed the famous 
Byzantine church of St. Demetrius. The apse, the great lateral arches of the 



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Christian Art] ARCHAEOLOGICAL NEWS, 1918 89 

transepts and the colonnade on the right of the ground floor still remain, but 
there is little else. The mosaics were almost entirely destroyed, but the four 
panels which decorate the pillars at the entrance to the transept escaped. 
Great efforts have been made by the Greeks to preserve everything which 
could be preserved. Some interesting discoveries have come to light, e.g., on 
the right wall of the church certain paintings have been found, and in a little 
chapel to the right of the apse frescoes dating from the fourteenth century. 
Under the building a crypt has been discovered, and under one of the transepts 
a chapel. Fortunately a few years ago the building was carefully studied and 
photographs and water color reproductions of the mosaics made for a mono- 
graph on the church by M. Diehl, which is soon to appear. The other Byzan- 
tine churches in Salonica were not injured by the fire. 

ITALY 

BOLOGNA.— The Manufacture of Maiolica. — In Faenza, VI, 1918, pp. 
25-26, F. M. Valeri announces the discoyery of records that contain, besides 
other important data, proof of the existence in Bologna of maiolica ateliers at 
an earlier time than has heretofore been shown by documents. In 1421 the 
Risi family moved from Modena to Bologna and established maiohca works 
there. 

FLORENCE.— An Unknown Work by Giotto.— In Ross. d'Arte, XVIII, 
1918, pp. 39-41 (fig.) F. M. Perkins publishes a fragment of a polyptych in 
the collection of H. P. Home as a work of Giotto. The piece contains the half 
length figure of St. Stephen in a panel the upper comers of which have a plastic 
decoration of floral design (Fig. 7). The painting is almost perfectly preserved 
and bears the distinguishing characteristics of Giotto, — decision of drawing, 
simplicity of modelling, firmness of construction, and the general effect of 
plastic force that suggests inevitably his name. Details of the figure, also, 
show unmistakable relationship to his authentic works. If this authorship is 
denied, there is no other to advance. None of the master's followers came so 
close to their model. 

Commemoration of Fra Bartolommeo. — In Cron. B. A.Y, 1918, pp. 13-14, 
P. N. Ferri calls attention to the exhibit of drawings and cartoons by Fra 
Bartolommeo held in the Ufllizi in celebration of the fourth centennial of the 
artist's death. Aside from their merit in themselves, many of the examples 
exhibited are of importance for the study of paintings executed after their 
designs. To make this point of real value to visitors photographs of some of 
the paintings were placed at their disposal. 

MESSINA. — Early Work of Antonello Gagini. — In spite of the destmction 
of most of Gagini's sculptures in Messina, E. Mauceri finds some important 
examples .illustrative of the artist's activity there (1498-1508). These are 
published in LArie, XXI, 1918, pp. 89-92 (5 figs.). The earUest known pro- 
duction of Gagini's is the Madonna in the church of Bordonaro in Messina, a 
figure animated by youthful innocence and sad tenderness, created in the style 
of the fifteenth century. The development which Gagini underwent in a few 
years is made clear by a comparison of this early Madonna with the Madonna 
in the Duomo of Palermo signed and dated 1503. Here the form is decidedly 
cinquecentesque. Other examples to the point are the Madonna of S. Maria 



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90 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 ' 

di Gesd in Catania and the tomb of Giovanni Cardenas in the museum of I 

Syracuse. ■ 

MILAN. — The Borromeo Museum. — In Emporium, XL VIII, 1918, pp. j 

3-14 (2 pis. ; 9 figs.) L. Beltrami writes on the original museum of Cardinal , 

Borromeo. Such a donation to the public as Borromeo's in 1618 was for the i 
seventeenth century very unusual. The character and importance of the 
collection may be judged from Borromeo's catalogue, as well as from the works 



Figure 7. — Saint Stephen by Giotto. 

that still remain in the museum. This catalogue shows that the purpose in 
the collector's mind was didactic; for this reason, aside from originals, copies 
abounded in his selection, and there was also a series of portraits of notable 
characters. Among the originals included in the bequest of 1618 were Titian's 
Adoration of the Magi, Veronese's Holy Family with Tobias, Luini's Holy 



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Christian Art] ARCHAEOLOGICAL NEWS, 1918 91 

Family, and Leonardo's Portrait of a Duchess of Milan. Borromeo's own 
attributions are, for the most part, still considered valid. 

NAPLES. — Gian Paolo de AgostinL — Light is thrown upon the work of 
Gian Paolo de Agostini at Naples by a letter dated 1524 to which L. Venturi 
calls attention in UArte, XXI, 1918, pp. 49-52 (3 figs.). In this letter there is 
mentioned with slight description a portrait of Sannazaro by De Agostini, who 
is there called a native of Venice and a pupil of Giovanni Bellini. Apparently 
the portrait referred to ia the one formerly in the Lancellotti collection, en- 
graved by Morghen. A replica of this belongs to Count Contini, Rome. 

RAVENNA. — ^The Bacini of S. ApoUinajre Nuovo. — ^The restorations made 
necessary by the explosion of a bomb in the basilica of S. ApoUinare Nuovo in 
1915 have made possible a minute study of the ceramic decorations of the 
campanile. In Burl Mag. XXXII, 1918, pp. 128-135 (2 pis.) G. Ballardini 
discusses the bacino and scodelia which remained in situ after the explosion 
and have since been removed to the Museo Nazionale, Ravenna. Examina- 
tion of the exterior of the wall of the campanile reveals a Romanesque restora- 
tion of that part in which the ceramic pieces were imbedded. To the Roman- 
esque period, then, these pieces are to be assigned. And the style of the bacino 
is clearly Hispano-Moresque. Considering the popularity of Musselman 
ceramics in upper Italy, it is not remarkable that dishes of such origin should 
have been brought to Ravenna in the thirteenth century for decoration of the 
basilica. Two gold-lustred plaques or bacini of indefinite provenance in the 
Kunstgewerbe-Museum in Berlin bear such striking resemblance to the one 
here discussed as to suggest that they may be two of the three that once dec- 
orated the campanile. 

RIMINI.— A New Portrait of Dante.— In Emporium, XLVIII, 1918, pp. 
45-46 (2 figs.) is published the painting of a laurel-crowned head, apparently 
that of Dante, which has recently come to light in the church of S. Agostino at 
Rimini. The poet is one of a group in the fore part of a procession in a scene 
from the life of a saint. 

ROME.— A Triptych by Domenico da Tolmezzo.— In UArie, XXI, 1918, 
pp. 5^56 (2 figs.) A. Serafini publishes an altar triptych, found in southern 
Etruria, which is signed, "OPUS DOMINICI DE TUMETIO, 1484." The 
altar piece represents the Madonna and two saints and is of carved wood, 
painted. It is, therefore, important in the reconstruction of the artist's activ- 
ity in wood carving, which is known to have been prodigious, but of which only 
one other example has thus far come to light. A painted altar piece in the 
Cathedral of Udine shows sufficient similarity to the newly discovered triptych 
to be assigned to the same artist; but the stiff, wooden figures, tolerable in the 
carving, are not successful in the painting. There the treatment of the archi- 
tectural setting is more satisfactory. 

The Sarcophagi of Saint Ciriacus and his Companions. — In MU. Arch. Hist. 
XXXVI, 1916-1917, pp. 57-72, Francesco Fornari describes the results 
of excavations at the seventh milestone in the Via Osticnsis, and the discovery 
of the four sarcophagi of St. Ciriacus and his five companions who were buried 
here at the beginning of the fourth century. Over the graves is a smaU chapel, 
and two others are close by. This became the nucleus of a small burial centre, 
which expanded towards the south, and the foundations of a church, probably 



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92 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 191 

that of St. Ciriacus ascribed to Honorius, have been found about seventy 
metres from the Via Ostiensis. 

VALERIANO.— The Nativity by Pordenone.— In Cron. B. A.\, 1918, pp. 
14-15 (fig.) P. MoLMENTi reproduces a photograph which is probably the 
only record that remains of the precious work by Pordenone, the Nativity at 
Valeriano. This, perhaps the most beautiful of the works by its author, has 
been destroyed in the war. 

SPAIN 

BURGOS. — Two Sculptured Images. — ^Two sculptures in the Monastery of 
Ofia, one in the round, representing the Crucifixion, the other in low relief, of 
John the Baptist, are reproduced by E. Herrera y Oria, S. J. in B. Soc, Esp. 
XXVI, 1918, pp. 2^-26 (pi.). Both are Gothic in style and belong to the first 
half of the fourteenth century. 

FRANCE 

CARPENTRAS.— French Primitives.— In Les Arttt, No. 169, 1918, pp. 
22-24 (3 figs.) J. Vernay publishes three examples of fifteenth century French 
paintings from Carpentras and its vicinity. The first is a Coronation of the 
Virgin in the Cathedral of Carpentras. It has the richness, dignity, and 
purity of a Fra Angelico. The Calvary, in the museum of Carpentras shows 
some Italian influence, suggesting the mural paintings of the church of San 
Gimigniano, or the art of Nicolo Alunno; but it also has distinctive French 
characteristics. The third work, extraordinarily sumptuous, is an Adoration 
of the Magi in the church of Venasque, Vaucluse. This painting is entirely 
French. 

PARIS. — ^An Unpublished Van der Meet. — The remarkable discovery of a 
painting by Van der Meer of Delft is discussed in an article in Les ArtSy No. 
162, 1917, pp. 1-4 (3 figs.). The picture is in the collection of General de la 
Villestreaux. It not only bears the unmistakable characteristics of the artist, 
but is signed with the famous monogram. The subject, a parochial corner of 
Delft, is most closely comparable to the representation of the Houses of Delft 
in the Six collection. Perfect in preservation this out-of-door scene is one of 
the loveliest in atmosphere and intimate charm of any of the known works by 
the Delft master. 

Exposition of Mural Paintings in France. — In Gaz. B.-A.XTVy 1918, pp. 
167-197 (pi.; 13 figs.) L. Hourticq gives an account of an exposition, held in 
April and May, 1918, in the Museum of Decorative Arts, of the principal 
copies of French mural paintings which belong to the archives of the Comr 
mission des Monuments hifitoriques. The exposition was the natural comple- 
ment to the exposition of French primitives in 1904. For historians it was 
even more instructive, containing as it did accurate reproductions of mural 
paintings in France from the eleventh to the seventeenth century. The re- 
productions in water-color are in themselves notable works of art. The most 
successful of the copyists is M. Yperman. In each work he employed a differ- 
ent treatment, in keeping with the spirit of the original. A description, with 
more reproductions.of the same exposition is given by A. P£rat6 in Les Arts, 
No. 169, 1918, pp. 1-16 (16 figs.). 



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Christian Art] ARCHAEOLOGICAL NEWS, 1918 93 

SOISSONS. — Monuments Affected by the War. — The destruction resulting 
from the fighting at and around Soissons prompts the publication by A. 
Gardner in Burl Mag, XXXIII, 1918, pp. 96-101 (2 pis.) of photographs 
and notes on the abbey of S. Jean des Vignes and the cathedral of that town. 
The chief feature of the earlier part of the work (middle of the thirteenth cen- 
tiuy) on the abbey was the porch with its three great cavernous portals. The 
south transept was, from the architectural point of view, the chief glory of the 
cathedral. 



AUSTRU 

VIENNA. — Sixteenth Century English Portraits. — A series of ten sixteenth 
century portraits of English men and women, now exhibited in the Imperial 
gallery, Vienna, was discovered in Vienna by Mr. Lionel Gust in 1900. Two 
small miniatures of Walter Raleigh and Francis Drake are undoubtedly by 
Hilliard. (Burl. Mag, XXXIII, 1918, pp. 157-158; pi.) 



GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND 

KILLALOE.— A Runic Inscription.— In Proc. Soc. Ant, XXIX, 1917, p. 153 
E. G. R. Armstrong calls attention to the discovery of a runic inscription 
cut on a stone built into the wall surrounding the burial-ground of Killaloe 
Gathedral. It reads Thurkrim riati krus thiTuij i. e. "Thorgrim erected this 
cross." This is the third runic inscription to be found in Ireland. 

LONDON. — ^An Unpublished Matsys. — A hitherto unknown painting by 
Quentin Matsys which appeared at the recent Linnell sale at Ghristie's and is 
now owned by Mr. A. H. Buttery, ia published by T. Borbnius in Burl. Mag. 
XXXIII, 1918, p. 3 (pL). The subject is the Virgin and Ghild with' St. Gath- 
erine and another female saint. It represents MatsyB in a rarer and more 
exquisite mood than he usually evinces in his work, and the design is char- 
acterized by a largeness and a noble and monumental dignity almost unpar- 
alleled by him. It belongs, clearly, among the early works of the master, 
bearing closest resemblance to the great altarpiece of 1511 at Antwerp. 

The "Benedict Master." — A new contribution to the study of the much 
disputed master of the Benedictine series is made by G. Dodgson (Burl. 
Mag, XXXII, 1918, pp. 46-51 ; pi.) in his publication of a ninth drawing. This 
one, which passed recently into a private collection in London, has for its sub- 
ject the visit of S. Benedict to his sister, S. Scholastica. In all probabiUty the 
drawings were intended as designs for a set of glass paintings in the church of 
some Benedictine abbey near Nuremberg. Two of them bear the arms of 
two Nuremberg famihes and the others have reserved spaces, apparently to be 
filled in with similar designs. Their authorship has been much disputed. 
Just now the tendency to assign them to DUrer is returning. 

Jan Lys.-— In Burl. Mag, XXXIII, 1918, p. 115 (pi.) T. Borenius repro- 
duces a photograph of a painting by Jan Lys, recently destroyed by fire in 
the Sackville Gallery. The painting, which represented the Satyr in the 
House of the Peasant, had been assigned to various masters, among them 



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94 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIU, 1919 

Velasquez. But it evinces distinctly the style of Lys, under the influence of 
Caravaggio, and is an important item in the reconstruction of the history of 
its author's activity. 

A Cassone Panel by Cosimo RoseUi (?).— In Burl. Mag. XXXII, 1918, p. 
201 (pi.) R. Fry publishes a cassone panel (Fig. 8, a) recently in the Linnell 
sale at Christie's and now belonging to Mr. Chamberlin. It was attributed 
to the school of Botticelli and described as S. Ursula and her Virgins. Com- 
parison with a panel of a cassone in the National Gallery representing the 
Combat between Love and Chastity (Fig. 8, b) generally ascribed to Cosimo 
RoseUi, suggests that we have here a representation from the same subject by 
the same artist. The backgrounds are remarkably similar. 

An Exhibition of GUss-Paintings.— In Burl. Mag. XXXIII, 1918, pp. 
65-73 (2 pis.) appears a sunmiary description by A. Vallance of an exhibi- 
tion of Mr. Grosvenor Thomas' collection of painted glass, opened at the Fine 
Art Society's galleries in May, 1918. A large proportion of the paintings are 
heraldic and date, for the most part, from the fifteenth and sixteenth cen- 
turies, though there is one piece at least, the arms borne by Sir John de 
Handlow at the Dunstable tournament, that dates from the early fourteenth 
century. The English glass stands in a class apart from the continental by its 
light and gay effect, which a lavish use of white glass alone insures. 

Acquisitions of the National Gallery.— In Burl Mag. XXXIII, 1918, p. 
107 (2 pis.) C. J. Holmes describes paintings recently acquired by the National 
Gallery. Among these are two smaU, well-know^ canvases by Tintoretto 
dealing with the story of the Trojan Horse and an interesting group of paint- 
ings from the Layard bequest. The latter includes the Portrait of a Youth 
now ascribed to the school of Botticelli, Ettore Averoldi by Moretto, a head 
by Morone, Christ Baptising a Doge in Prison by Paris Bordone, a Madonna 
and Child with Angels, attributed both to Boccaccino and Previtali, and a 
Portrait of an Elderly Man usually attributed to Domenico Morone, but more 
probably executed under the immediate influence of Gentile Bellini. 

Textiles from Egypt in the South Kensington Museum. — In Burl. Mag. 
XXXII, 1918, pp. 145-146 (2 pis.; fig.) A. F. Kendrick publishes more tex- 
tiles from Egyptian cemeteries that have recently been acquired by the 
Victoria and Albert Museum. Three of the pieces belong to the Graeco- 
Roman period. But the most interesting ones are fragments of a tunic of 
about the sixth century. With these fragments the general design of the tunic 
of this period may be ascertained. 

WHITLEY.— A Window with Pre-Nonnan Paintings.— In Proc. Soc, Ant. 
XXIX, 1917, pp. 189-201 (4 figs.) P. M. Johnston calls attention to the 
discovery in Witley church, Surrey, of a double-splayed window with paintings 
on the inner splays dating from before the Norman conquest. The principal 
scene represents the visitation of Elizabeth by the Virgin Mary. Paintings on 
the south wall of the nave adjacent to the window appear to be of the same 
date. They occupied three zones and seem to have been carried entirely round 
the walls of the nave. Including this frieze the strip of painting uncovered 
is about twenty feet long and ten feet high. The colors were applied to the 
roughly troweled plaster probably while it was still wet. 



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Christian Abt] ARCHAEOLOGICAL NEWS, 1918 95 



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96 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 
NORTHERN AFRICA 

CARTHAGE.— Excavations in 1916-1917. — In C. R. Acad, Insc. 1917, 
pp. 507-^29 (7 figs.) A.-L. Delattre reports upon his excavations in the 
basilica near Sainte Monique, Carthage, during the year 1916-1917. The 
building had seven aisles separated by six rows of columns. The principal 
aisle was wider than the others, and at one end of it was the presb3rterium with 
two columns in front. The four bases of the ciborium were found, but no 
trace of the altar. The building was 71.34 m. long inside and 35.55 m. wide. 
The interior columns were taken from older buildings, and are of different 
kinds of marble and different sizes. All the varieties of Corinthian capitals 
are represented. In front of the fagade towards the sea there was a rectang- 
ular court or atrium 20 by 35.55 m. in which was a long narrow cistern (8.75 
m. by 1.75 m.), and near it in the centre of the court a subterranean hall 18 
m. long, 4.25 m. wide, and 5 m. deep. The church seems to have been con- 
structed over a Christian cemetery and in consequence many sepulchral in- 
scriptions were discovered. 



UNITED STATES 

BROOKLYN. — ^Acquisitions of the Brooklyn Museum. — The Brooklyn 
Museum obtained by purchase at the Bardini sale in April, 1918 ten pieces 
of Italian Renaissance sculpture, including examples by Benedetto da Rovez- 
zano, Jacopo Tatti, Alessandro Algardi, Leone Leoni, Antonio Rosellino, 
Sperandio Maglioli, and Giovanni della Robbia. {The Brooklyn Museum 
Quarterly, V, 1918, p. 179.) Through the generosity of the daughters of the 
late George A. Heam, a series of ivory carvings, eleven Mediaeval and eight 
Renaissance was purchased at the sale of the Heam collection. (Ibid. p. 125.) 

CAMBRIDGE.— A Triptych by Bernardo Daddi.^The triptych of the 
Crucifixion attributed to Bernardo Daddi, which was recently acquired by the 
Fogg Museum, is published by M. E. Gilman in Art in America^ VI, 1918, 
pp. 211-214 (pL). In the partially effaced inscription the altarpiece is dated 
1334, a date which places the work in a period when the Sienese-Florentine 
master was in close contact with the art of Siena. The figures belong to an 
intermediate stage in Daddi's development; they form a compromise between 
the long, slender type of his early period and the more soUd, rounded form of 
his later works. 

MINNEAPOLIS.— Spanish Choir Stalls.— A set of three Spanish choir 
stalls recently purchased by the Minneapolis Institute of Arts is published in 
the Bulletin, VII, 1918, pp. 18-19 (fig.). The set is of wahiut in a good state 
of preservation and is dated, from the style of its designs, in the last quarter 
of the fifteenth century. 

NEW YORK.— A Picture by Pietro Cavallini.— In Burl. Mag. XXXII, 
1918, pp. 45-46 (2 pis.) O. Sir6n publishes a Madonna now belonging to Mr. 
Otto Kahn, which is of great importance as an example of the art out of which 
Giotto emerged. The picture was bought in the old church at Calahorra near 
Miranda and was brought to New York only a few years ago. At that 
tinie it was attributed to Cimabue. But the strong influence of antique 



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Christian A»r] ARCHAEOLOGICAL NEWS, 1918 97 

sculpture discernible in it, as well as its other points of similarity to Pietro 
Carallini's works in Rome justifies its ascription to that master. It has an 
added importance in being the -only panel picture by the great Roman master 
which as yet has come to light. 

A Thirteenth Century Statue.— In B. Mebr. Mua. XIII, 1918, pp. 212- 
214 (fig.) J. B. describes a recent acquisition of the Metropolitan Museum, 
a French statue of the Virgin and Chi}d, which may be dated at about the 
end of the thirteenth centiuy. Its similarity to the Vierge DorSe of Amiens and 
its provenance from the same neighborhood indicate that its sculptor was 
strongly influenced by the ateliers of Amiens. 

A Reliquary of St. Thomas Bedcet — ^A reliquary of St. Thomas Becket in 
the Pierpont Morgan collection of the Metropolitan Museum is discussed in 
B. Meir. Mu8, XIII, 1918, pp. 220-224 (2 figs.) by J. B., who indentifiee it as 
the work of John of Salisbury. • 

Gifts to the Metropolitan Museum. — ^A number of important woodcut 
books recently received as gifts are discussed by W. M. I., Jr. in B, Metr, 
Mu8. XIII, 1918, pp. 130-134 (5 figs.). These books contain prints by DQrer, 
Schaufelein, Burgkmair, Beck, Weiditz, Altdorfer, and others. For other 
accessions of prints see ibid, pp. 155-159; 3 figs. 

Renaissance Art from the Bardini Sale.— In B. Metr, Mu». XXII, 1918, 
pp. 144-147 (3 figs.) J. B. gives an account of the recent accessions to the 
Metropolitan Museiun of Renaissance art from the Bardini sale. Among 
the pieces of special importance are a tondo coat of arms by Giovanni della 
Robbia, an Adoration of the Christ Child in relief in the manner of Luca della 
Robbia, and a bust in ccarta pesta of Sant' Antonino, Archbishop of Florence. 

Four Saints by Fra FiUppo Lippi.— In B. Metr. Mus. Xin, 1918, p. 232 
(fig.) B. B. publishes the wing of an altarpiece purchased by the Metropolitan 
Museum in 1917. The painting was ascribed to Fra FiUppo by Dr. Sir6n, when 
he saw it in a storeroom of the Boston Museum. Though part of the panel 
has been badly damaged, it is an unusually fine example of Fra FiUppo's middle 
period. 

PHILADELPHIA.— Gothic Stone Carving.'— Five fragments of (Gothic 
stone carving added by Mr. John D. Mcllhenny to the collection of Gothic 
carvings in the Pennsylvania Museiun are described by H. B. in the BtdUUrif 
XVI, 1918, pp. 8-11 (3 figs.). 

PROVIDENCE.— Acquisitions of the Rhode Island School of Design.— 
Recent accessions to the Rhode Island School of Design include a Gothic 
ivory triptych, French, fifteenth century, given by Mr. E. J. Lownes {BuUeUn, 
VI, pp. 25-27; fig.); a painting of The Flight into Egypt by the seventeenth 
century Spanish artist Francesco CoUantes, the gift of Mr. Manton B. Metcalf 
(Und. pp. 30-32; fig.); and a painting of St. Anthony Abbot by Spinello 
Aretino, the gift of Mr. Jesse H. Metcalf (ibid, pp. 34-35; fig.). 

WORCESTER.— Fifteenth Century Italian Sculpture.— In the BuOeHn cf 
the Worcester Museum, IX, 1918, pp. 19-21 (2 figs.); pp. 42-46 (3 figs.); 52-56 
(3 figs.) recent purchases by the museiun of fifteenth century Italian sculpture 
are described by R. W. and P. J. G. They include two Florentine polychrome 
terracotta representations of the Madonnd and Child, a tondo of the same 
subject in the manner of Benedetto da Maiano, the Madonna and Child and 
St. John in the manner of Rossellino, the Christ Child Blessing from the school 



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98 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

of Desiderio da Settignano, and a terracotta statue of St. Anthony by a Lom- 
bard-Venetian master, presumably a fellow-worker with Antonio Rizzo. 

A Dutch Portrait of a Lady. — In the Bulletin of the Worcester Art Museum^ 
IX, 1918, pp. 25-26 (fig.) R. W. publishes a portrait of a lady recently acquired 
by the museum, which is attributed to Jan Verspronck. The painting is 
dated 1631 and is particularly interesting for the animation noticeable in the 
face and hands. 



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ABBREVIATIONS 

Abh.: Abhandlungen. AUg. Ztg.: Mtinchener Allgemeine Zeitung. Alt. 
Or.: Der alte Orient. Am. Anthr.: American Anthropologist. Am. ArchU.: 
American Architect. A .J. A . : American Journal of Arcnaeology . A .J. Num.: 
American Journal of Numismatics. A. J. Sem. Lang.: American Journal of 
Semitic Languages and Literature. Ami d. Mon.: Ami des Monuments. Ant. 
Denk.: Antike Denkm&ler. Ann. Arch. Anth.: Annals of Archaeology and An- 
thropology. Ann. Scuol. It. At.: Annuario della r. Scuola Archeologica di 
Atene e delle Missioni Italiane in Oriente. Arch. Am.: Arch&ologischer An- 
zeiger. 'Apx- 'E<^.: 'ApxaioKoyucii "Eifnifxepls. Arch. Rec.: Architectural 
Record. Arch. Rel.: Archiv ftir Religionswissenschaft. Arch. Miss.: 
Archives de Missions Scientifigues et Litt^raires. Arch. Star. Art.: Archivio 
Storico dell' Arte. Athen.: Athenaeum (of London). Ath. Mitt.: Mitteilung- 
en d. k d. Archaeol. Instituts, Athen. Abt. 

Beitr. Assyr.: BeitrUge zur Assyriologie. Ber. Kunsts.: Amtliche Berichte 
aus den Koniglichen Kunstsammlungen. Berl. Akad.: Preussische Akade- 
mie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Berl. Phil. W.: Berliner Philologische 
Wochenschrift. Bibl. Stud.: Biblische Studien. Bibl. World: The Biblical 
World. B. Ac. Hist.: Boletin de la real Academia de la Historia. B. Soc. 
Esp.: Boletin de la Sociedad Espafiola de Excursiones. Boll. Arte: BoUettino 
d'Arte. Boll. Num.: BoUettino ItaHano di Numismatica. Bonn. Jb.: Bon- 
ner JahrbQcher: Jahrbttcher des Vereins von Altertumsfreunden im Rhein- 
lande. BM.A.: Annual of the British School at Athens. B.S.R.: Papers of 
the British School at Rome. B. Arch. C. T.: Bulletin Arch^ologique du 
Comity des Travaux hist, et scient. B. Arch. M.: Bulletin Arcn6ol. du 
Minist^re. B.C.H.: Bulletin de Correspondance Hell^niaue. B. Inst. £g.: 
Bulletin de Tlnstitut Egyptien (Cairo). B. Metr. Mus.: Bulletin of the Metro- 
politan Museum of Art, New York. B. Mon.: Bulletin Monimiental. B. 
Mus. Brux.: Bulletin des Mus to Royaux des arts d^coratifs et industriels It 
Bruxelles. B. Mus. F. A.: Museum of Fine Arts Bulletin, Boston. B. Num.: 
Bulletin de Numismatique. B. Soc. Anth.: Bulletin de la Soci6t^ d'Anthropo- 
logie de Paris. B. Com. Rom.: Bullettino d. Commissione Archeologica Co- 
mimale di Roma. B. Arch. Crist.: Bullettino di Archeologia Cristiana. B. 
Pal. It.: Bullettino di Paletnologia Italiana. Burl. Ma^.; Burlington Maga- 
zine. B. Soc. Ant. Fr.: Bulletin de la Soci6t6 des Antiquaires de France. 
Byz. Z.: Byzantinische Zeitschrift. 

Chron. Arts: Chronioue des Arts. CI. Phil.: Classical Philology. CI. R.: 
Classical Review. C. R. Acad. Insc: Comptes Rendus de F Academic des 
Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres. CI. A.: Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum. 
C.I.G.: Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum. C.I.L.: Corpus Inscriptionum 
Latinarum. C.I.S.: Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum. Cron. B. A.: 
Cronaca delle Belle Arti. 

Eph. Ep.: Ephemeris Epigraphica. Eph. Sem. Ep.: Ephemeris fur Semi- 
tische Epigraphik. Exp. Times: The Expository Times. 

Gaz. B.-A.: Gazette des Beaux- Arts. G.D I.: Sammlung der griechischen 
Dialekt-Inschriften. 

I.G.: Inscriptiones Graecae (for contents and numbering of volumes, cf. 
A. J. A. IX, 1905, pp. 96-97). I.G.A.: Inscriptiones Graecae Antiquissimae, 
ed. Roehl. I.G. Arg.: Inscriptiones Graecae Argolidis. I.G. Ins.: Imcrip- 
tiones Graecarum Insularum. I.G. Sept.: Inscriptiones Graeciae Septentrio- 
nalis. I.G. Sic. It.: Inscriptiones Graecae SiciUae et Italiae. 

Jb. Arch. I.: Jahrbuch d. k. d. Archaol. Instituts. Jb. Kl. Alt.: Neue 
Jalirbticher fur das klassische Altertum, Geschichte und deutsche Litteratur 
und ftir Padagogik. Jb. Kunsth. Samm.: Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen . 
Sammlungen des allerhochsten Kaiserhauses. Jb. Phil. Pad.: Neue Jahrbti- 
cher ftir Philologie imd Padagogik (Fleckeisen's Jahrbticher). Jb. Preuss. 
Kunsts.: Jahrbuch d. k. Preuss. Kunstsammlungen. Jh. Oest. Arch. I.: 
Jahreshefte des oesterreichischen Arch&ologischen Instituts. J. Asiat.: Jour- 
nal Asiatque. J.A.O.S.: Journal of the American Oriental Society. /. B. 
Archaeol.: Journal of the British Archaeological Association. /. li. Archit.: 
Journal of the Royal Institute of British Arctiitects. J. Bibl. Lit.: Journal of 
Biblical Literature. J. E. A.: Journal of Egyptian Archaeology. J. H. S.: 
Journal of Hellenic Studies. J. Int. Arch. Num.: AiWptji 'E<^i7At€pij t^ 

99 



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vofuffnariKrfs iLpxo>io\oylast JouTDal international d'arch^ologie numisznatique 
(Athens). J.R.S.: Journal of Roman Studies. 

Kb, Gemmmiver.: Korrespondenzblatt des Gesammtvereins der deutschen 
Geschichts-und Altertumsvereine. Kunatchr.: Kunstchronik. 

Mb, Num. Ge8. Wien: Monatsblatt der Numismatischen Gesellschaft in 
Wien. Mh, /. Kunstw.: Monatshefte far Kunstwissenschaft. Md, Ar6k. 
Hist.: Melanges d'Arch6ologie et d'Histoire (of French School io Rome;. M&,, 
Fac. Or.: Melanges de la Faculty Orientale, Beirut. M. Inst. Gen.: M^moires 
de rinstitut CJenevois. M. Soc. Ant. Fr.: M^moires de la Soci^t^ des Anti- 
quaires de France. M. Ace. Modena: M^morie della Regia Accademia di 
scienze, lettere ed art^ in Modena. Mitt. Anth. Gea.: Mitteilimgen der anthro- 
poloopschen Gesellschaft in Wien. Mitt. C.-Camm.: Mitteilun^sn der k6nig- 
lich-kaiserlichen Central-Commission fUr Erforschung und Erhaltung der 
Kimst-und historischen Denkmale. Mitt. Or. Ge%.: Mitteilungen der deut- 
schen Orient-Gesellschaft. Mitt. Pal. V.: Mitteilungen und Nachrichten des 
deutschen P&lestina Vereins. Mitt. Nassau: Mitteilungen des Vereins fttr 
nassauische Altertumskunde und Geschichtsforschung. mitt. Vorderas. Ges.: 
Mitteilungen der vorderasiatiBchen Gesellschaft. Sfon. Ant.: Monument! 
Antichi (of Accad. d. Lincei). Mon. Piot: Monuments et M^moires pub. par 
TAcad. des Inscriptions, etc. (Fondation Piot). MCn. Akad.: Kdniguch 
Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Mttnchen. MUn. Jh. Bild. K.: 
Mtinchner Jahrbuch der bildenden Kunst. Mus. J,: The Museum Journal 
of the University of Pennsylvania. 

N. D. Alt.: Nachrichten Uber deutsche Altertumskunde. Not. Scav.: 
Notizie degli Scavi di Antichit^. Num. Chron.: Numismatic Chronicle. 
Num. Z.: Numismatische Zeitschrift. N. Arch. Ven.: Nuovo Archivio 
Veneto. N BuU. Arch. Crist.: Nuovo Bullettino di Archeologia cristiana 

Or. Lit.: Orientalistische Literaturzeitung. Or. Lux: Ex Oriente Lux. 

Pal, Ex. Fund: Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund. 
Ilpacrucd: Ilpacrucd rih bf *AB^i¥ais ApxaioXoyu^s hcupdas. Proc. Soc. Ant.: 
Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries. 

Rass. d*Arte: Rassegna d'Arte. R. Tr. Eg. Assyr.: Recueil de travaux 
relatifs d la philologie et 6, Tarchdologie ^^^tiennes et assyriennes. Rend. 
Ace. Lincei: Rendiconti d. r. Accademia dei Lincei. Rep. f.K.: Repertorium 
ftb* Kunstwissenschaft. R. Assoc. Bare: Revista de la Asisociacion artistico- 
arqueologico Barcelonesa. R. Arch. BiU. Mus.: Revista di Archivos Bibliote- 
cas, y Museos. R. Arch.: Revue Arch^ologique. R. Art Anc. Mod.: Revue 
de rArt ancien et modeme. R. Art ChrSt.: Revue de T Art Chretien. R. Beige 
Num.: Revue Beige de Numismatique. R. Bihl.: Revue Biblique Interna- 
tionale. R. Sp.: Revue Spigraphique. R. Et. Anc.: Rgvue des £tudes 
Anciennes. R. St. Gr.: Revue des Etudes Grecques. R. Et. J.: Revue des 
£tudes Juives. R. Hist. Rel.: Revue de PHistoire des Religions. R. Num.: 
Revue Numismatique. R. Or. Lai.: Revue de I'Orient Latin. R. Sim.: 
Revue S^mitique. R. Suisse ^um.; Revue Suisse de Numismatique. Rh, 
Mus.: Rheinisches Museum fUr Philolosde, Neue Folge. R. Abruzz.: Rivista 
Abruzzesa di Scienze, Lettere ed Arte. R. Ital. Num.: Rivista Italiana Numis- 
matica. R. Star. Ant.: Rivista di Storia Antica. R. Star. Calabr.: Rivista 
Storica Calabrese. R. Stor. Ital.: Rivista Storica Italiana. Rdm.-Germ. 
Forsch.: Bericht tiber die Fortschritte der Rdmisch-Germanischen Forschung. 
Rdm.-Germ. Kb.: Rdmisch-Germanisches Korrespondenzblatt. Rdm. Mitt,: 
Mitteilungen d. k. d. Archaol. Instituts, Rdm. Abt. Rom. Quart.: R6nusche 
Quartalschrift fUr christliche Altertumskunde und fOr Kirchengeschichte. 

Sdchs, Ges.: S&chsische Gesellschaft (Leipsic). Sitsh.: Sitzungsberichte. 
S, Btbl. Arch.: Society of Biblical Archaeoloagr, ftoceedings. 

W, kl, Phil,: Wochenschrift ftir klassische Fhilolopie. 

Z. D. Pal. v.: Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palastma Vereins. Z. Aea. Sp. 
Alt.: Zeitschrift ftlr Aegyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde. Z, Alttest, 
Wiss.: Zeitschrift ftir alttestamenthche Wissenschaft. Z. Assyr.: Zeitschrift 
ftir Assyriologie. Z, Bild. K.: Zeitschrift ftir Bildende Kunst. Z.Elhn.: 
Zeitschrift ftir Ethnologic. Z. Morgenl.: Wiener Zeitschrift ftir die Kunde 
des Morgenlands. Z. Morgenl. Ges.: Zeitschrift der deutschen Morgenl&nd- 
schen Gesellschaft. Z, MUn. Alt.: Zeitschrift des Mtinchener Alterthumsver- 
eins. Z. Num.: Zeitschrift ftir Numismatik. 

100 



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THE SILVER CASKET OF SAN. NAZARO IN MILAN 



At the Esposizione di arte sacra held in 1898 at Turin, there 
appeared a galvano-plastic "facsimile of the silver box in which 
Pope Damasus sent to St. Ambrose the relics of the Holy Apostles, 
which were later deposited in the sarcophagus of S. Nazaro'^ — I 
quote the label which accompanied the box at the Exposition. 
The cover of the box (Fig. 1) is adorned with a scene depicting 
Christ enthroned among His Apostles; on the sides are the scenes 
of the Adoration of the Magi (Fig. 2), the Judgment of Solomon 
(Fig. 3), Daniel judging the Elders (Fig. 4), and a composition 
variously interpreted as the Three Hebrews and the Angel of the 
Lord in the Furnace, or the Annunciation to the Shepherds 
(Fig. 5). 

The casket was noticed by Venturi in UArie, 1898, p. 455, as of 
^' importanza artistica straordinaria,^^ and subsequently received 
two special publications, one by Graeven in Zeit. f. christL Kunst, 
XII, 1899, pp. 1-15, where it is described as a "striking example" 
of Constantinian silver-work, and another by De M^ly in Mon. 
Piot, VII, p. 65 ff., pis. VII-IX. Since these publications it has 
passed into the category of stock examples of the Christian art of 
the fourth century: Venturis gives it *'the place of honor" among 
Early Christian reliquaries of metal. A. Riegl, in his Spdtro- 
mische Kunstindustrie (1901) dates the box between the epochs 
of Constantine and Ambrose, comparing the "Christ Enthroned" 
on the lid to the relief of the "Congiarium" on the Arch of Con- 
stantine. The most recent works on Early Christian art repeat 
the judgment: Laurent in his VAri chrHien primitif (1911, 
II, p. 38) mentions the box as a ^^chef d^oeuvre de Vorfivrerie re- 
ligieuse au IVe siide^*; Dalton in Byzantine Art and Archaeology 
(1911) accepts the date, and considers the relief on the lid "a most 
remarkable example of sculpture in metal in the period of transi- 
tion between antique and later art." 
i Siaria deW arte italiana, I, 1901, p. 549. 

American Journal of Arohaeolosy, Second Series. Journal of the i Ai 

Ardiaeological Institute of America. VoL XXIII (1919) , No. 2. i^ i 

2 



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102 C, R. MOREY 



FiGXTBE 1. — Christ Enthroned: Cover, Casket of S. Nazaro. 

Yet these critics have not entirely overlooked certain discrep- 
ancies which exist between this date and the style and iconography 
of the reliefs. Graeven mentions the fact that the type of Christ 
is not that of the sarcophagi, on which the Saviour appears with 
long locks falling on the shoulders; he admits that the heads of 
Peter and Paul on the lid have nothing in common with the 
^'fruhaiisgebildeten Portrdts'^ of the Princes of the Apostles; he 
notes in the Adoration of the Magi the fixaj \€y6n€va, for the 
fourth century, of the naked Child and of the philosopher's pal- 
lium as the costume of the Magi ; he observes the lack of any paral- 
lel in Early Christian art for the Judgment of Solomon, and is 
momentarily troubled by the omission, in the "Three Hebrews 
in the Fiery Furnace," of the furnace and the fire. 

The exceptional quality, — for the fourth century, — of the style 
has also been noticed. De M^ly remarks that with the exception 



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THE CASKET OF SAN NAZARO 103 



Figure 2. — Adobahon of the Magi: Casket of S. Nazaro. 



Figure 3. — ^Judgment of Solomon: Casket of S. Nazaro. 



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104 C. R. MOREY 

of the Adoration of the Magi, all the scenes are ''essentially pagan 
in technique." On the lid the apostles are "simple Roman citi- 
zens/' and none of the types are fixed in the form which will "soon 
appear on all Christian monuments." The same author notes 
the "evident inferiority of the two figures of the Saviour and the 
Virgin . . . the divine personages which he (the artist) de- 
sired to represent had not yet embodied themselves in his eyes." 
Riegl was impressed by the "modern" aspect resulting from the 
impressionistic modelling; he calls attention to the atmospheric 
rendering of the background and considers the strong twist given 
the necks "baroque" in feeling. The same word was used by a 
critic consulted by Graeven with reference to the head of Paul in 
the composition on the lid. 

• In spite of these peculiarities which give the box so marked an 
isolation among the putative products of the fourth century, its 
date has only once been questioned. Weis-Liebersdorf, in his 
ChristuS" und Apostellnlderj 1902, classed the box along with the 
sarcophagus of Junius Bassus, the ivory pyxis of Berlin, and a sar- 
cophagus of the Vatican, in a group which he proposed to date 
before the accession of Constantine and assign to the second or 
third century. This author is struck with the " freedom, vivacity 
and originality" of the work, which "has no parallel in the whole 
cycle of Early Christian monuments." He points out that the 
type of Christ in the fourth century was long-haired, while that on 
the box is a" commonplace Roman countenance with short smooth 
hair," whose lack of distinction reminds one rather of the Christs 
of the second century in the catacombs. The naked Child never 
occurs on the sarcophagi, and the Magi are invariably repre- 
sented in Oriental costume not only on the sarcophagi but in the 
catacombs as well; the closest parallel in Early Christian art for 
the pallium-clad Magi of the box may be found in the half-nude 
figures of the Sacrament Chapels in the catacomb of Callix- 
tus. The discrepancies with traditional iconography impress 
Weis-Liebersdorf as indicative of an early period when the sub- 
ject cycle of Christian art was still unformed; this explains, — ^to 
him, — ^the use of the Judgment of Solomon, the strange Epiphany, 
and the omission of fire and furnace in the scene of the Three 
Hebrews. He finds further indication of early date in the careful 
execution of the Oriental costume of the "Hebrews," especially in 
the stripe which runs from collar to skirt in the tunic worn by one 
of them, a feature already noted by Graeven as recalling Hero- 



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THE CASKET OF SAN NAZARO 105 



Figure 4. — Daniel and the Elders: Casket of S. Nazaro. 



Figure 5. — The Three Hebrewb(?): Casket cf S. Nazaro. 



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106 C. R. MOREY 

dian's description (V, 5) of the Oriental dress prescribed by Elaga- 
balus for participants in the sacrifices to the Sun-god (219 a.d.)- 
Other details are cited as equally symptomatic of pre-Constanti- 
nian workmanship: the *'unwinged angel," recognized by Weis- 
Liebersdorf in the youth dressed in exomis and carrying a staff 
who appears among the "Hebrews," the staflF being the ancient 
symbol of a herald (^afidovxos) ; the " portraits " of Peter and Paul, 
wherein the Paul-type is not yet formed and the head of Peter is 
conceived merely as a sharp contrast thereto; lastly the book or 
diptych with a handle which is held by Daniel in the judgment- 
scene, an example of the ** codex ansatus^^ mentioned in a decree of 
L. Helvius Agrippa of the year 68 a.d., and appearing again in the 
hand of one of the standing figures in the second-century reliefs of 
the Rostra balustrades. 

Weis-Liebersdorf is most persuasive when he compares the 
vivacity of the work on the box, in which '* statics seem to be 
exchanged for movement," with the dry precision of Constantin- 
ian work. But his "details" are not convincing as evidence for 
early date. He ignores the point made by Graeven, that the 
beardless head of Christ is more akin to the close cropped beard- 
less portraits of the Constantinian epoch than to those of the 
first century, since it is parallel to the "Solomon" of the judg- 
ment-scene, and the latter wears a Constantinian gemmed 
diadem. It is very well to assume originaUty in the early con- 
ceptions of Christian scenes, but would the artist have gone so 
far, in depicting the Three Hebrews in the Fiery Furnace, as to 
leave out the essential furnace and the fire? They are never 
omitted in any other example of the scene. Again, would an 
^'unwinged angel," be he never so antique, be dressed like a 
peasant in an exomisf The same objection applies, by the way, 
to De M^ly's interpretation of this scene (Fig. 5) as an "Annun- 
ciation to the Shepherds," which adds a further complication 
in that the "shepherds" are dressed in notched chitons (save one) 
and Phrygian caps, i.e, in the customary costume of the Magi or 
of the Three Hebrews, while the characteristic exomis of the 
shepherd is worn by the "angel" alone. Again, these notched 
chitons are well-known to students of Early Christian icono- 
graphy; it is true that they derive from "Hellenistic models," 
but the conventional form of triangular scallops which they here 
assume can only be paralleled on monuments of the fourth cen- 



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THE CASKET OF SAN NAZARO 107 

tury and later. ^ The "marks of antiquity" manifested by the 
naked Child and the half-nude Magi of the Epiphany, as well 
as the contradiction of tradition in the types given to Peter and 



Paul, may be explained in quite another manner than that 
proposed by Weis-Liebersdorf, as will be seen later. The rope 
border of the box, or a very similar motif, is to be found on the 

1 Examples of notched chitons: Aries, sarcophagus (Le Blant, Sarc. (TArlesf 
pi. XXI); St.-Gilles, sarcophagus (Le Blant, Sarc. de la Gaule, pi. XXXVI, 
2) ; Rome, Doors of Sta. Sabina (Garrucci, VI, pi. 499, 3); Milan, ivory (Garr. 
VI, pi. 455); Nevers, ivory (Haseloflf, Jh, Preusa. Kunata. XXIV, p. 52). 



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108 C. R. MOREY 

Projecta casket in the British Museum (Fig. 6), the silver casket 
from Brivio (Fig. 10),* and a silver capsella from Africa,* — all 
works of the fourth or fifth century. The nimbus on the head 
of Christ may, it is true, be found on the heads of divinities at 
Pompeii {e.g. a fresco in the Casa di Apollo), and designates the 
emperor on Trajanic reliefs,^ but in spite of Weis-Liebersdorf's 
attempt to minimize this detail, it nevertheless remains the fact 
that there is no pre-Constantinian monument yet certified on 
which the nimbus in its Christian use appears. The book or 
diptych with a handle {codex ansatus) is mentioned in the decree 
of 68, and occurs on the Rostra balustrades, but on the box it 
seems to be used as the emblem of a magistrate, and the earliest 
parallel for such employment of the motif is foxmd in the Notitia 
Dignitatum, where we find it as the symbol of the Magister 
Scriniorum.* 

The student of iconography will find a decisive objection to 
Weis-Liebersdorf's early dating in the wine-jars and baskets of 
loaves that stand in front of the enthroned Christ. Here the 
loaves and wine are obviously symbols, detached from the scenes 
in which they first appear in the catacombs and on the sarcophagi, 
and standing as types of the Eucharistic elements. Christ 
enthroned amid His apostles, expounding the doctrine of the 
Eucharist through the symbols of the bread of the Multiplication 
and the wine of the Miracle at Cana is a scene that presup- 
poses a long acquaintance with the meaning of the two miracles. 
Such a scene, contrary to Graeven's implication,^ would be unique 
in Early Christian art; the two miracles are often juxtaposed, 
or their complementary character is indicated by a symmetrical 
disposition, but they or their elements are never combined in 
one symbolic complex after the manner used on the lid of the 
casket pf S. Nazaro. For that matter the two miracles are not 
related at all until the fourth century and there is no example 
of the Miracle of Cana until the third. 

1 Lauer, Mon, Plot, XIII, pi. XIX. 

* B. Arch. Crist. 1887, pis. VIII-IX. Cf. ^Iso the similar borders on one of 
the Grado boxes (Ibid. 1872, pis. X, XI) and on the silver vase from Emesa 
in the Louvre (B. Soc. Ant. Fr. 1892, p. 239). 

* Venturi, Storia ddV arte italianaf I, p. 59. 

* Seeck, Notitia Dignitalum^ p. 43. 

» Zeit. christl. Kunst, XI, 1899, p. 8: '* Wegen der Beziehung zur Eucharistie 
war es beliebt die Wimder der Brodvermehrung und der Verwandlung des 
Wassers in Wein zu vereinigen.'* 



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THE CASKET OF SAN NAZARO 109 

Behold us then back in the fourth century, — or later! Are we 
then to accept the casket, with Graeven and De M6ly,* as *'at 
least as old as the church of S. Nazaro," which was founded be- 
fore 395? The date in the fourth century, as we have seen, has 
been universally accorded to the casket, save by Weis-Liebersdorf , 
and the evidence produced by this writer for an earlier dating is 
not conclusive. Yet there are many points of iconography and 
style which militate against the accepted opinion, — some of 
them already noticed by Graeven and De M^ly, — and there is 
certainly reason enough to review with care the archaeological 
evidence on which the date is mainly based. This evidence ifi 
as follows. 

The church of S. Nazaro was founded some time in the fourth 
century, and originally dedicated to the Holy Apostles, receiving 
its present dedication to St. Nazarius ca, 395 when the remains 
of that saint were transferred to the church. The church con- 
tained, as we learn from Paulinus' '*Life of Ambrose" and a 
metrical inscription ascribed to the great bishop,* the reUcs of 
the apostles. The identification of these ** apostles'' with Peter 
and Paul dates from Landolfo the Elder, writing in the twelfth 
century, who adds that St. Simplicianus brought them from 
Rome. I do not know from what source De M^ly derives his 
statement that the relics of the apostles were placed ^^dans Vurne 
(y&furevi renfemUs les restes de Saint-Nazaire,*' A translation of 
the body of St. Nazarius took place in the eleventh century 
before 1067, according to Landolfo the Elder ,*^ the whole basilica 
was destroyed by fire in 1075. 

* De M^ly arrives at the same date by comparing the pose of the " angel" in 
what he calls the "Annunciation to the Shepherds" with the type of standing 
figure resting one hand on standard or spear, which appears on the medallion 
of Constantius II at Vienna (an. 350), the disc of Valentinian at Geneva (an. 
370), the ivory diptych of Homorius at Aosta (an. 406), and the miniatures of 
the Iliad in the Ambrosiana at Milan. It is unfortunate that De M^ly se* 
lected so stereotyped a motif on which to base conclusions as to date. The 
"evolution" of the type which he traces through this series of monuments is 
hardly visible to an impartial observer, and the single thing with which one is 
impressed after examining De M^ly's series is the persistence in the type of the 
antique rhythm, which in the case of the figure on the casket is sharply broken 
by a knock-kneed attitude which will be discussed later. 

* Forcella e Seletti: Iscrizioni cristiane in Milano, No. 229. 

* Porter: Lombard Architecture , II, p. 635; the evidence for the date of the 
church summarized by Porter shows no authority for the " ca. 382 " assumed by 
Graeven. 



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110 C. R. MOREY 

Carlo Borromeo restored the church in 1578, and at that time 
conducted a general excavation of relics, the results of which are 
described by an eye-witness, Carolus a Basilica Petri, in his 
life of Carlo Borromeo and his History of Milan, from which I 
have selected^ and gathered in an appendix to this article the 
passages descriptive of the finds of 1578. From his description 
we learn that the excavations under the altar at the crossing of 
the church brought to light the remains of Ambrose's successors 
in the see of Milan, — ^Venerius, Glycerins, Marolus, and Lazarus, 
— ^together with other uncertain bones deposited in rough stone 
receptacles (Jabris); in the midst of these (tn medio loco) was 
fotmd a silver box {previa argentea) containing pieces of cloth 
{quaedam velamina) and a round receptacle {vascvlum rotundum), 
inside of which was a fragment of bone with a cloth {cum veh) ; 
the vascvlum was inscribed with the acclamation: ^'Daedalia 
vivas in Chrisio,*^ Carlo Borromeo ordered the contents of the 
box to be carried in solemn procession and then replaced in their 
original container {eodem receptaculo recondi). The remains of 
St. Nazarius were found in another place, sub altari praedpuo ad 
caput ecclesiae, together with the bodies of two unknown saints. 

So much we learn from the " Life." From the " History" and 
its accompanying ** Fragmenta," we find that the lock of the 
silver casket was gone, and that the receptacle containing the 
fragment of bone was a sphere or globe ex auricalcOy of the size 
of a fist, and made in two equal parts joined together ; its contents 
here are noted as ^^ velamina et parum ossisJ' "All these things," 
Carolus says, "were deposited again by S. Carlo with the reUcs 
of the martyrs," an operation, however, which did not take place 
immediately, for the relics were preserved in sealed receptacles 
until the following year, when they were the object of a solemn 
translation on the occasion of the fifth provincial synod held by 
Carlo Borromeo in 1579, and were finally interred under the new 
high altar of the church. 

On the 10th of May, 1894, the fifteenth centenary of the first 
translation of the body of St. Nazarius was celebrated, -and on 
this occasion excavations were carried out under the high altar 
at the instance of P. Pozzi, the parrocco of the church. At a 

^ I wish here to express my very great indebtedness to Mr. J. M. Rigg, of 
the British Record Office, who kindly undertook to transcribe and read the 
proof of these citations from the volume of Carolus' two works in the British 
Museum. 1 have been unable as yet to find copies in this country. 



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THE CASKET OF SAN NAZARO 111 

depth of about a metre a large granite urn was found measuring 
2.30 X 1.70 m., and closed with a heavy stone cover. Removal of 
the cover disclosed a pluviale of red silk embroidered with gold 
which when touched dissolved in dust; below this and resting 
on a gridiron were four lead caskets and the silver one with which 
we are concerned. One of the lead caskets, according to the 
inscriptions, contained the bones of St. Nazarius; the other three 
held the remains of Venerius, Marolus, Glycerins, and Lazarus. 
Inside the silver casket was found a metal plate bearing the 
inscription: Reliquiae SS. Apostolorum, A silver^ ball was also 
found, corresponding in description and inscription with the 
vascvlum of Carolus a Basilica Petri (although it also bore a 
monogramme between the letters A and 12), but ip this case the 
ball was found not in the casket but beneath the gridiron by 
itself. 

These details of the excavations of 1894 are drawn through 
Graeven from what is apparently our sole authority, viz. Pozzi's 
accotmt, entitled ^^ Breve Storia di S. Nazaro e della scoperta 
delle sue Reliquie,^' This brochure, which was in the hands of 
both Graeven and De M^ly, seems to have had no general 
circulation, and I have not been able as yet to secure a 
copy. Pozzi also had the facsimile of the box made which was 
sent to the Exposition at Turin, — it is somewhat curious that the 
monument did not appear at the Exposition of Christian Art at 
Orvieto in 1896. Photographs also were executed, but appar- 
ently from the facsimile, for De M61y, who saw the original 
box at S. Nazaro, cites among the diflFerences between the 
replica and the original the incised lines which sharpen the 
contours of the facsimile; these incised lines are plainly marked 
on the plates which both he and Graeven publish from the 
photographs.* The other points of the original noted by De 
M61y are the "delicate roguery^' of the figures and their supple 
forms, the gilding of the draperies, and the freedom of the rope 
ornament of the borders. 

There is no reason to suppose that the silver box which the 
eyewitness of 1578 describes was of other date than that of the 
remains with which it was found, for while the relics of St. 

^ Carolus' "brass" {awricalco) might easily be a Qiistaken impression of old 
silver. 

' The illustrations of the box in the present article are taken from De M^ly 's 
article in Mon. Pid, VII. 



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112 C. R, MORBY 

Nazarius were translated in the eleventh century, it is evident 
from the account of Carolus a Basilica Petri that the bones among 
which the silver box was found showed no signs of careful rein- 
terment, indicative of translation, as was the case with 'the relics of 
St. Nazarius (see Appendix), and although the loss of -the lock of 
the box shows that the burial place had been disturbed, there is 
nothing to indicate that the box was inserted subsequently to the 
original deposition. The archaeological question before us, then, 
is whether the early box found in 1578 is the same as that now 
preserved at S. Nazaro, and exhibited in facsimile at the Exposi- 
tion of Turin, — a question which, in view of the ecclesiastical 
interest involved in the authenticity and early date of relics and 
reUquaries, demands an ultra-careful sifting of the evidence. 

In favor of identity we have the discovery of the box, accord- 
ing to Pozzi, among the relics of the martyrs under the high 
altar of S. Nazaro where the account of Carolus a Basilica Petri 
indicates that all the things found in 1578 were deposited. 
Again there is Carlo Borromeo^s order that the contents of the 
box should be replaced in the same receptacle, which indicates 
that the receptacle was deposited along with its contents. But 
against this we note that the silver ball, which was the most 
conspicuous of the contents of the box of 1578, was outside of the 
box of 1894. Lastly there is the grave objection to the identity 
of the existing box with that of 1578 which lies in the fact that 
Carolus says not a word about the most conspicuous feature of 
the present casket, namely the reliefs. And this is the more 
remarkable because the good prelate is at some pains to prove 
the authenticity of the fragments of brandea or napkins found 
within the box as apostolic relics (see Appendix), and would 
scarcely have overlooked the argument to be derived from the 
composition on the lid, with the prominence there given to the 
Princes of the Apostles. He notes the inscription and tech- 
nique of the silver ball. It is inconceivable that he should not 
have noted the reliefs, if he had seen them. With this curious dis- 
crepancy in mind, it cannot be said that the case for the identity 
of the box discovered in 1894 with that described by Carolus, is 
complete. 

We revert, then, to the iconography and style of the reliefs as the 
final criteria for the date of the casket, and it is safe to say, that had 
former writers depended on these criteria alone, they would never 
have assigned the casket to the Earlv Christian period. We have 



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THE CASKET OF SAN NAZARO 113 

already reviewed the points of iconography that preclude the pre- 
Constantinian origin advocated by Weis-Liebersdorf . As for the 
fourth century, there is not a single scene on the box which is 
consistent with that date, or indeed with Early Christian icono- 
graphy at all. It is impossible to find in Early Christian art a 
parallel to the Christ enthroned among His apostles on the lid, 
with the fatal adjuncts to the scene of the bread and wine. 
These are of course symbolic of the Eucharist and detached from 
their original scenes, the Miracle of the Loaves and Fishes and 
the Miracle of Cana. Their use here, as a kind of text from which 
the Saviour expounds the meaning of the Sacrament, gives us a 
complex of developed and sophisticated symbolism for which 
there exists no parallel in Early Christian art, not only in the 
primitive years to which Weis-Liebersdorf would assign the box, 
but later. The Judgment of Solomon does not appear in the 
early period; according to Longp^rier* there is no example on un- 
questioned Christian monuments until the ninth century. The 
Judgment of Daniel is equally unique, in the form it assumes on 
the casket. Daniel in Early Christian art appears as the pro- 
tagonist in only one scene, — the Den of Lions, — and is merely 
an accessory in the Susanna stories. He thus appears as 
a subordinate figure in the first Susanna cycle of the Capella 
Greca,^ and we meet him in the character of judge for the first 
time in the catacomb of Callixtus,* in a fresco of the third century 
of which Susanna is again the chief figure. He appears on sar- 
cophagi of Gaul^ again in company with Susanna, and finally we 
find him on the Brescia casket,* judging, not the elders as here, 
but Susanna herself. The absence of Susanna from the scene on 
the silver casket is thus in marked contradiction to the Early 
Christian handling of the story. 

Everyone who has tried to interpret the group of the three 
Grants in Phrygian caps, and the bare-headed youth carrying a 
staff, has run into difficulties, and we have already mentioned 
those which beset De M61y^s bizarre interpretation of the scene 

1 R, Arch., XXI, 1880, p. 242 ff . He does not regard the example on the 
Cu9Qio Cohen gem as Christian, and this is certainly not to be predicated of 
the well-known fresco of Pompeii. 

* Wilpert, Piiture deUe Catacombe romane, p. 334, pi. 14. 
« Wflpert, op. dt. p. 335, pi. 86. 

* Narbonne, Le Blant, Sarcophagea de la OauU, p. 132, pi. XLIV, 1; Aries, Le 
Blant, Sarcophages d' Aries, p. 15. 

* Graeven, Elfenheinwerke in Italien, no. 11. 



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114 C. R. MOKEY 

as an "Annunciation to the Shepherds/' To see in the group the 
miracle of the Three Hebrews is no less impossible^ in view of the 
absence of the furnace and the fire, indispensable signs of locality 
which no other representation of the episode omits. Other 
renderings indeed add a fourth figure to the Three Hebrews; we 
find for instance a bearded man among the three youths on a frag- 
ment of a fourth-century sarcophagus published by Stuhlfauth/ 
and a beardless youth, costumed in tunic and mantle like the 
figure of the sarcophagus, on a marble relief from Rome in the 
Berlin Museum.^ A figure similarly clothed occasionally appears 
upon the sarcophagi, either beside the furnace, or standing within 
it between two orant youths.* Among the " lamb-scenes'' in the 
spandrels of the sarcophagus of Junius Bassus the episode of the 
Furnace shows us four lambs which evidently represent the Three 
Hebrews and the Angel or Son of God. In the case of the other 
examples various interpretations have been given to the extra fig- 
ure; Wulff calls him an angel, while Stuhlfauth, after canvassing 
the possibility of a portrait of the defunct, finally decides that the 
bearded head is more appropriate to God. In no case do we 
meet with so inexplicable an adjunct to the scene as the beardless 
youth of the casket, dressed in exomis and carrying a staff, and in 
no way suggesting either the angel of the Lord or the Son of God. 

But if the parallels be lacking for the more than doubtful 
"Fiery Furnace," what shall we say of the "Adoration of the 
Magi"? Where in Christian art, to say nothing of the early 
period, can we discover an Epiphany in which the Magi appear as 
two beardless youths half-clad, like philosophers, in the pallium 
alone? 

If we limit our comparison to the early period, discrepancies 
multiply. Instances of two Magi instead of three may indeed 
be found in two frescoes of the catacomb of SS. Pietro e Marcel- 
lino, excluding the dubious examples afforded by another cata- 
comb fresco in Domitilla and a mosaic of the arch of S. Maria 
Maggiore.* E. B. Smith, the latest writer to discuss the icono- 
graphy of Early Christian Epiphanies, reluctantly classifies the 
scene on the S. Nazaro casket in his "Palestinian-Coptic" group, 
by reason of the frontal Madonna and the symmetrical composi- 

> AT. BvU. Arch. Crist. 1897, pi. V. 

* WuMf; AUchrisUiche BUdtverke; Berlin Mus. Cat., Teil I, pi. Ill, No. 21. 

* Gamicci: Storia deW arU crist. V, pis. 320, 1; 334, 2; 384, 1. 

* E. B. Smith, Early Christian Iconography, p. 41, Table 11. 



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THE CASKET OF SAN NAZARO 115 

tion. Here the analogy ends, however, for the scene is otherwise 
wholly unlike the Adorations of the Monza ampullae or any other 
of the characteristic monuments of the group. No angels appear, 
the Magi are beardless and two instead of three in number, and 
the Madonna wears no nimbus. Waiving this classification, we 
find no place to put the scene on the casket among the traditional 
types of Epiphanies which were maintained with such surprising 
consistency throughout the course of Early Christian Art. In 
none do we find, as here, the naked Child and a throng of specta- 
tors behind the Virgin. 

And now as to style. It must be a surprise to anyone who has 
read and admired the *' Spdtrdmische Kunstindusirie*' that its 
author, after noting the "modem" modelling of the figures on 
the casket, the atmospheric background, and the ** baroque'* 
twist of the bodies, should still have accepted without question 
the dating in the fourth century. It is to Riegl that we owe our 
only clear exposition of the fourth century style, and the char- 
acteristics thereof, which he has isolated, are hopelessly at 
variance with the very distinctive style of these reliefs. The 
Projecta casket (Fig. 6), the fine fourth century monument 
possessed by the British Museimi, will illustrate our point. 
Here we have the principle of isolation fully applied whereby no 
figure overlaps another and the forms detach themselves from 
the neutral background with uncompromising clearness. To this 
end, which Riegl has shown to be the chief object of fourth 
century relief, the artist thrusts the figures into strong frontality. 
The general aspect of such sculpture may be summed up in 
Riegrs word "crystalline,^' — ^the disintegration of composition 
and form, in the interest of isolation, leaves every figure, and even 
its parts, distinct one from the other. This centrifugal tendency, 
paralyzing the articulate rhythm of the antique, finally succeeds 
in producing those mannikins of disjointed movement familiar to 
all students of Early Christian sarcophagi and mosaics, and well 
illustrated by the Brivio box in the Louvre (Fig. 10.). 

The reliefs of the St. Nazaro casket are quite different. Over- 
lapping figures are the rule, and the heads of many of the figures 
instead of sharply defining themselves against the background 
seem to melt away within it to give the atmospheric effect which 
Riegl noted. The mechanical puppets of Constantinian times 
are here replaced by living beings in a variety of postures, fully 



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116 C. R. MOREY 

articulated, and individual of movement. The nude, shunned 
in the fourth century, is courted by the sculptor of the casket, 
who shows in his constant appeal to the sense of touch none of 
the optic illusionism which made the fourth century artist 
represent his figures as they might appear from a relatively dis- 
tant point of view. The surfaces are fully modelled; we miss 
the flatness of the fourth century reliefs, and our artist sUps 
from one plane to another with an indifference which would 
have been incomprehensible to a Constantinian workman, 
used as he was to a rigid demarcation of strata in reliefs contain- 
ing a secondary row of figures. Instead of the prevalent ab- 
straction of the fourth century, we have here self-expressive 
figures with a frankly material appeal. 

There is no question that De M^ly was right in saying that 
all the scenes are ** essentially pagan in technique.'' Pagan 
they are, but hardly with the paganism of the ancient world. 
This was unconsciously realized by several observers, by 
Riegl, for example, when he spoke of the modern impres- 
sionism of the modelling, by Graeven's critic who felt a baroque 
element in the postures, and especially by Weis-Liebersdorf in 
his remark that in these reliefs "statics seem to be exchanged 
for movement." 

"Static," it is hardly necessary to point out, is the word which 
best describes the net aesthetic effect of the antique, and connotes 
the quality which most distinguishes it from modern work. On 
the other hand, these reliefs, sketchy though they be, and no 
doubt the more so for this impressionism, aim by movement at 
an emotional effect that is conspicuously absent from ancient 
sculpture. Every figure is an attempt at poignant feeling, and 
the means by which this is procured are not at all Hellenic, nor 
even Hellenistic. Where, for instance, will one find in the an- 
tique so knock-kneed a "stance" as that of the truculent older 
"elder" before Daniel? Where again such arbitrary modelling 
of a muscular torso though the drapery as in the staff-bearer of 
the "Fiery Furnace" or the youthful "elder"? Where such 
violent counterpoint as in the figure of "Peter" on the cover? 
The lack of rhythm in the postures, the vigorous twist given to 
the heads, as in the case of "Paul," the exaggerated forelock 
found upon the youthful heads in profile, the misty, unclassic 
background which sometimes half engulfs the spectators in a 
fluid ambiente charged with feeling, — ^these are devices never 
seen in sculpture before the time of Donatello. 



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THE CASKET OF SAN NAZARO 117 

The name suggests a solvent for our problem of style. It is 
in Donatellian relief that we have seen these half-figures of youths 
or angels in the background, partly in relief and partly in stiacciato, 
with half-sketched bodies dissolving in air. Donatellian also 
are the bullet heads, the tufted forelocks, the broken rhythm of 
the pose, and the varied distortions by which is gained an indi- 
viduality of gait or pose or gesture. And as a matter of fact, 
parallels for the figures on the casket, notably lacking in Hellenis- 



FlGXTBE 7. — HeRCXTLES ASCRIBED FiGURE 8. — HERALDIC FlGUREI 

TO Bertoldo: Berlin. Morgan Collection. 

tic work, begin to appear when one looks through the output 
of the various ateliers which followed Donatello's style. 

We have for instance, for the vigorous figure who stands with 
pinioned hands at Daniers left (Fig. 4), a fair parallel in the 
Hercules ascribed to Bertoldo in the Berlin Museum (Fig. 7) ;^note 
the similarity of structure which arises from the knock-kneed, 
hipshot pose of both the figures, and the broken rhythm resulting 
from the wide spacing of the feet. A closer resemblance exists 

1 Bode: Beschreibung der BUdwerke der chrisU. Epocheriy III, No. 36, pi. 13. 
For this and the following parallel, I am indebted to Mr. Maitland Belknap, 
of the Princeton Graduate School 



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118 C. R. MOREY 

between an heraldic figure of the young Hercules (Fig. 8) in the 
Morgan Collection^ and the youth to Daniel's right; we have here 
to do not only with externals, — poise of the head, twist of the 
body, etc. — but also with a curious community of feeling and con- 
ception. Further reminders of the style of the casket may be 
found in Bellano's work: I may cite the heads of the angels in his 
Deposition in S. Gaetano at Padua,* which may be compared with 
the heads in the background of our Epiphany, and the similar 
handling of the head of " Peter " on the lid, and of the heads in the 
De Castro monument in the Chiesa dei Servi, Padua.* 

Such aflBnities are by no means identities, but they suffice to 
show, I think, that the style of the casket is not antique but 
Renaissance. At the same time the greater sophistication shown 
in the reliefs and the occasional echoes of the violence and discord 
of Michelangelo remind one of the sixteenth rather than the fif- 
teenth century which produced the parallels already noted, and 
this in spite of the evident carelessness with which the reliefs are 
done. This carelessness, exemplified by such lapses as the miss- 
ing left leg of the Magus at the Madonna's right, and the sum- 
mary rendering of the feet of "Paul" on the lid, inclines one to 
search for similar work in the Plaquettes, those casual studio 
pieces affected chiefly by the North Italian sculptors, in which 
they gave vent to their bizarre conceptions of the classic, and 
practised experiments with the nude and movement, untrammeled 
by the demands of a finished composition. The technique of the 
plaquettes of the sixteenth century, sketchy in drawing, careless 
of finished perfection, with a misty and impressionistic back- 
ground, has much to remind us of the casket reliefs. The marked 
tendency of these little pieces to give a pronounced pagan turn to 
Christian subjects is also in the spirit of the casket; one of Moder- 
no's plaques depicts the nude David wearing a classic helmet 
and leaning against the pedestal of a statue of Mars.* Another 
shows us an Adoration of the Magi in which one of the Magi is 
half-clothed, as here, in a mantle.^ Still another represents the 
Madonna enthroned upon a pedestal, flanked by groups of saints,* 

1 Bode, op, cU. pi. XII; Cai. J. P, Morgan CoU., Italian Bromes, I, pi. VI. 

* Venturi, Sioria ddV arte iialiana, VI, p. 490, fig. 322. 
•Arch. stor. deW arte, 1891, p. 404. 

< Molinier, Lea PlaqueUes, I, No. 158. 
» Molinier, op. cit. No. 168. 

• Molinier, op. cit. No. 166. 



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THE CASKET OF SAN NAZARO 119 

of which the foremost on either side is a completely pagan figure, 
the one nude, the other clothed in classic armor. The attitude 
of such figures, characteristic of the High Renaissance, with their 
hands thrust behind their backs to give compactness to their 
bodies, reminds one strongly of the two "elders" before Daniel. 
Another point that must impress the most casual observer of 
the casket is the un-classic nature of the beards, which on the 



Figure 9. — The Entombment: Plaquette, Babdini Collection. 

other hand are quite in character with the latter half of the six- 
teenth century, being at times of the square Spanish style d la 
Charles V, which one sees in the statue of Gian Giacomo Medici* 
on his tomb at Milan (Leone Leoni), and again in a head appear- 
ing in a Deposition which adorns a plaquette of the Bardini Col- 
lection (Fig. 9) and is a striking parallel to the older *' elder" of 
the Daniel scene.* 

1 E. Plon, Leone Leoni e Pompeo Leoni, pi. XVI. 

« The Strfano Bardini Collection, N. Y. 1918, No. 233. The sale catalogue 
bstfl the plaque as of the "fifteenth century," but I think that the illustration 
here given will be enough to convince the beholder that it is not of so early a date. 



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120 C. R. MOREY 

We thus may find in the reliefs of the casket reminders of the 
High Renaissance in details such as these, as well as in the fre- 
quent violence of contrasted action or pose which indicates that 
the artist knew the works of Michelangelo. The sixteenth cen- 
tury, however, reveals itself most of all in the scheme which the 
sculptor of the casket has adopted in four out of his five composi- 
tions. This central seated figure flanked by groups on either side 
is not only the disposition used for "Madonna and Saints," but 
also for Dispute and Sante Conversazioni^ an echo of which 
we seem to have in the preaching Christ on the lid. We find it 
also in compositions of a non-religious character, as in the 
repouss^ reliefs on an iron buckler and a casque in the Stein col- 
lection,^ and the silver repoussi in the Vatican ascribed by Plon^ 
to Leone Leoni, representing the "Apotheosis of Charles V," where 
the low throne accorded the central figure makes the scene even 
more like the reliefs of the casket. This last parallel suggests 
the Leoni atelier at Milan as a possible source for our reUefs. 
Leone Leoni was working in Milan in 1578-79, engaged on the 
models for the statues which his son Pompeo and Jacopo da 
Trezzo were executing in Spain for the high altar of San 
Lorenzo el Real in the Escurial.' It is true that the drapery- 
formulae used by Leone in the Virgin of the Crucifixion in the 
Escurial altar remind one of the draperies of the two women in 
the Judgment of Solomon, and that a good parallel for the head 
of Paul on the casket is actually to be found in the Paul of the 
Escurial. But there is not enough in common between our 
sketchy compositions and Leone's grandiose works to warrant 
an attribution. Possibly further search would discover a rela- 
tion to the productions of the minor Milanese silversmiths of 
Leone's time and milieu. 

The aim of this paper is hardly to assign the casket its final 
place in the history of sculpture, but merely to show that it is not 
Early Christian. I have indicated above the signs that point to 
the sixteenth century, but we have also seen certain things that 
remind one of Donatellian tradition. Here is a contradiction 
which suggests interesting possibilities. Was the artist some be- 
lated follower of the Donatellian tradition, living in the last half 

1 Giraud, Arts du MiUd, pi. XXX. 

* Plon, BenvenuLo Cellini, pi. XXXIV. 

• E. Plon, Leone Leoni et Pompeo Leoni, pp. 200 ff . 



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THE CASKET OF SAN NAZARO 121 

of the sixteenth century and thus reflecting as well the genius 
of Michelangelo? Or, — and here lies a possibiUty which must be 
canvassed, — ^is the casket a modern substitution^ done by some- 
one who tried to gain a flavor of antiquity and succeeded only in 



Figure 10. — The Casket of Brivio: Louvre. 

producing a pasticcio of late and eariy Renaissance? These are 

questions which may be left to the specialist in Italian sculpture. 

For so far as I can see, the archaeological evidence leaves these 

questions open. The box which Carolus a Basilica Petri saw ex- 

* I may note that Strzygowski, in his review of Graeven's publication 
(Byz. Zeit, 1899, p. 714), remarks that '*8eine (the casket's) Darstellungen 
sind so eigenartigf doss man, uenn es im Handel aufgetaucht wdre, wohl un- 
zweifdhaft zundchst an eine der heliebten modemen Falschungen in EddmetaU 
gedacht hdUeJ' 



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122 C. R. MOREY 

humed in 1578 was not decorated with the reliefs which we have 
been discussing, for it is inconceivable that his careful description 
should have omitted to mention the reliefs when they might have 
supported his earnest endeavor to prove the contents of the box 
the relics of the apostles. The border on the casket is of Early 
Christian character, for while it differs from that of the Projecta 
casket it is very much like the border of the Brivio box in the 
Louvre (Fig. 10). It is thus conceivable that the S. Nazaro box 
with its border is really old, and that the reliefs were later addi- 
tions. On the other hand it is unlikely that old silver would have 
lent itself to repoussij and in two cases the relief overlaps the 
border (a foot of one of the women in the Judgment of Solomon; 
right arm of a background figure on the lid), which indicates that 
both border and relief were done at the same time. What seems 
to have happened is that a new box was substituted for the old 
one found in 1578, and in the new one the border was either repro- 
duced from the old box, or imitated from some such similar ex- 
ample as the Brivio casket. In the one case we must suppose that 
the new box was substituted at the time of Carlo Borromeo, in 
the other that it is modem, which seems on the whole less 
probable. 

The reliefs show some attempt to achieve an early character in 
details, such as the Constantinian diadem worn by Solomon, the 
codex ansatus carried by Daniel, and the beardless Peter.^ Other 
details show the same attempt, but also betray the ignorance of 
the artist. Thus in the ** Furnace" scene he puts the notched 
chiton on two of the "Hebrews,'* but not on the third, and he en- 
tirely misses the proper rendering of the orant gesture, which in 
Early Christian art projects the hands from the body instead of 
holding them in front of it as here. He shows his ignorance most 
in his inability to choose a set of scenes wholly within the Early 
Christian cycle, and to make those which do belong within that 
cycle conform in any essential respect to traditional types. 

^This beardlesB head can be interpreted as a deliberate archaism, and as 
such might well have been suggested by Carlo Borromeo himself. He had 
issued an order to his clergy not to wear beards, and Sala (Doc. circa la vita 
e le gesta di S. Carlo Borromeo, II, p. 199, No. 167) lists a letter of the arch- 
bidiop (June 3, 1578) in which he defends the order by citing many beard- 
less portraits of St. Ambrose. 



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THE CASKET OF SAN NAZARO 123 

APPENDIX 

(Extracts from accounts of Carlo Borromeo's excavations in S. Nazaro in the 

year 1578.) 
De Vila et Rebus Otsiia CaroU S, R. E. CardinaUsj tiMi S, Praxedia, Archtepis^ 

capi Mediolam Libri Septem. Carolo A Basilicapetri Praepos, General. 

Congreg, Cleric, Regul, S, Patdi Avctore, Ingdstadii. Anno Domini 

MDXCII. 

pp. 196-7: 

Concilium autem omavit translatio reliquiarum Basilicae Apostolorum; 
quemadmodum et translatio ipsa ex Episcoporum praesentia valde illustrata 
est. Moy«:^t eas Carolus supenore anno; cum canonici antiquam aedem in* 
staurare, atque omare vellent . Sed in loco destinato non reposuerat, ut honore 
celebritateque maiore, cum haberetur concilium, per urbem gestarentur; et 
onmino eanmi esset translatio splendidior et ad populum pie excitandum effica- 
dor. Cum igitur altare praecipuimi ex media ecclesia tolleretrnv invenimus 
sub eo, quemadmodum a maioribus traditimi erat, corpora sanctorum Antisti- 
turn nostrorum, Venerii, Clicerii, Maroli atque Lazari; non satis commode 
tamen, aut distincte, ac in rudibus quibusdam lapideis labris posita, alia ossa 
incerta rudius etiam habita: in medio loco arculam argenteam : et in ea quaedam 
yelamina; vasculumque rotundimi, in quo ossis frustulum itidem cum velo erat. 
CoUocatas in hac aede pridem sanctorum Apostolorum reliquias Paulinus scri- 
bit; ea de caussa Basilicam Apostolorum appellatam significans : S. Simplicianum 
yero eas Roma attulisse quidam tradidenmt; quem quidem multum, antequam 
Episoopus esset, peregrinatimi esse, sanctus ipse Ambrosius testatur: perpetuo 
igitur existimatum est eas reliquias sub hoc fuisse altari; atque adeo, ut fit, 
etiam vulgatum, certa ipsius Apostoli Petri ossa ibi recondi. Ea nos cum hoc 
tempore invenire gestiremus, et in argentea capsula, cum ea demum apparuis- 
set, esse crederemus; velaminibus tantum repertis, haesitavimus tristes. Sed 
quod inventum in ea est, quidquid dubii afferretur, Carolus coelesti aliquo 
motus instinctu, tamquam ApostoUca pignora iussit nihilominus haberi; et 
primo loco suis, sociorumque Episcoporum hiuneris in sacra pompa portari: 
tum eodem receptaculo recondi . At aliquot poet annis memoria cum repeterem 
veterum Romanorum Pontificum in reliquiis tradendis consuetudinem; recor- 
datus sum, reliquias Apostolorum petentibus, non ossa aliqua, quae ne aspicere 
quidem auderent, sed brandeum, hoc est velamen quoddam in pixide conclu- 
8um tradidisse. Cuius consuetudinis S. Ckegorius testis est locupletissimus in 
epistola ad Constantiam Augustam. Et Joannes, eius vitae scriptor, qui pluri- 
bus post ^un seculis vixit, loco brandei postero tempore particulas vestium 
quarundam ex altari S. Joannis Constantinianae Basilicae, pro reliquiis, peten- 
tibus datas affirmat. Hanc Romanam consuetudinem, tam sancte testatam, si 
quis respiciat; neque aliquid ex Apostolorum corporibus Roma potuisse afferri 
tempore quo Paulinus demonstrat, credibile duxerit, et haec velamina reliquias 
esse a Paulino demonstrates recte, ni fallor, iudicaverit. Quae quidem an sint 
veneratione digna, iUud declarat, quod cum S. Leo primum, mox etiam Gre- 
gprius huiusmodi pannos incredulorum caussa incidissent, sanguinem mirabili- 
ter effuderunt. Ciun autem in rotundo vasculo incisas litteras vidissem huius 
modi, Daedalia yivas in Christo; putavi aliquid ea in re esse quod ad Claris* 
sunam quoque praestantissimamque virginem Mediolanensem Manliam Dae- 



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124 C. R, MOREY 

daliam pertineret; quae cum per ea tempora vixerit, earum reliquiarum partem 
fortasse contulit. 

pp. 197-8: 

Sub alio item praeeipuo altari ad caput ecclesiae constituto, quod itidem tol- 
lendum, et commodiore loco constituendimi fuit, celeberrimi martyris Nazarii, 
unde praesens nomen ecclesia accepit, reliquias invenimus : quae alte sub terram. 
inter tenues quasdem, et politas marmoreas tabulas conditae erant , . . 
neque enim coniicere potuimus, corpus ex eo tempore motum esse quo illud 
Ambrosius condidit. apud loculum sancti Nazarii area inventa est, duorum 
corporum ossa continens; quae quorum fuerint, ignoramus. . . . A latere 
dextro ecclesiae, fere sub Loco Evangelii legend!, aliam arcam aperuimus; quae 
parvulo sacello, altarique mimita sancti Ulrici, sive ut alii^ Arderici vulgo ap- 
pellata, a multis praeeipuo cultu frequenter visebatxir: . . . invenimus 
in area indumentis Pontificalibus omatum corpus. . . . Has igitur reli- 
quias Carolus inventas pie manibus suis collegit. . . . Absoluto autem, 
ut dicebamus, anno insequenti, episcoporum concilio . . . commemoratas 
reliquias onmes collocavit sub novo magno altari: praeter episcopales illas ab 
ecclesiae latere dextro ablatas. 

Caroli Basilicaepetri Episcopi Novarienais Brevis Historia Provindae MediO' 
lanerms ah initio ad Christum natum et XI priorum Archiepiscoparum 
Mediclanensium vUae, Mediolani, 1628. 
p. 25: 

Nazarii vero corpus sub altari item maiori Ecclesiae suae, alias Basilicae 
Apostolorum, alte defossum erat quantum communis est hominis longitudo, 
tabulis marmoreis inclusum pressimique, et mimitimi calce et lateribus usque 
ad Ecclesiae solum, extante super solum ipsiun post altare lateritio tumulo. 
Quo loco ab Ambrosio positum, neque unquam postea motiun, mihi quidem fit 
verisimile . Ciun autem hoc tempore ipsa Basilica satis iam vetustate deformata, 
nonnihilque incommoda ad Ecdesiasticum usum a canonicis reconcinnanda 
et omanda esset, ideoque etiam altaris locum mutari oporteret, quod prope 
extremam absidem erat; Carolus Archiepisoopus sepulchrum aperuit pergrandi 
lapide tectum, ut plures etiam presb3rteri difficile ilium dimoverent. Eius- 
modi facto et nos interfuimus, vidimusque sacras reliquias; et quiddam succi- 
dum marmori inhaerescens, quod sanguinem credidimus a Paulino commemora- 
tum. Eduxit reliquias Sanctus Pontifex, presbyteris adiuvantibus, easque 
cum aliis eadem de caussa motis tuto in loculis signatis asservari mandavit 
donee post aliquos menses sollemniter eas omnes transtulit. 

In the same volume, Fragmenta, 
p. 3: 2>e Manlia Daedalia Virgine Mediolanensi. 

. . . Virginem puto in Basilica Apostolorum, nunc Ecclesia S. Nazarii, 
sepultam. suadet illud primo, quod ad frontem Martyris, hoc est Nazarii, et 
non Martyrum Protasii et Gervasii recubare dicatur. Deinde illud argumento 
est, quod cum erueremus corpora SS. Arehiepiscoponun quae in Ecclesia S. 
Nazarii erant, sub altari primario in media fere Ecclesia invenimus in arcula 
argentea sphaeram seu globum ex auricalco cavum magnitudine pugni, qui in 



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THE CASKET OF SAN NAZARO 125 

duas aequales partes divisus, simul tamen, iungebatuTi et claudebatur. intus 
erant velamina et parum ossis; fons hae litterae 

DaedaUa vivas in Christo. 
In arcula argentea velamina itidem invenimus, quas omnes fuisse reliquiae 
Apostolorum tunc dari solitas, Roma allatas, ut Paulinus scribit, putamus. 
Arcula autem cum sera excussa esset, existimamus earn quandoque primo loco 
suo motam, et r^[)ertis tantum velaminibus, quae ignorarentur, hie demum re- 
positam. £a omnia Beatus Carolus recondidit cum reliquiis Martyris. 

C. R. MOREY. 
Princeton UNnrERsiTT. 



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THE DECORATIVE QUALITIES OF FLORENTINE 
QUATTROCENTO RELIEF^ 



I 

As sculpture develops, two dominant conceptions of the art 
evolve, at times in accord, at times in direct opposition to each 
other. These are the naturalistic idea, which is the basis of 
* representation, and the decorative idea, which is concerned with 
the composition or relationship of lines and masses. Representa- 
tion aims at the realization of the human form, or in general at 
a certain similitude to nature; decoration involves the prin- 
ciples of order, unity, harmony, balance, and rhjrthm. Spirit 
and imagination, of course, cannot be left out of account. The 
two ideas, the representative and the decorative, give rise re- 
spectively to sculpture in the round and sculpture in relief, but 
not being incompatible may be fused in one object, either round 
or relief: the perfect balance of the two in any one work gives 
perfection of sculpture. 

It is unnecessary to inquire here whether the first rude figures 
classified as art are pure geometric decoration, or, partly at 
least, symbolic attempt at representation, but it is well to remem- 
ber, — what is indeed too easily ignored by art critics, — ^that a 
large portion of art in general and of sculpture in particular was 
made to decorate something. The decorative effect, therefore, 
whether primary purpose or merely artistic by-product, must be 
reckoned with, and as the significance of sculpture is, then, ipso 
facto, generally decorative, the axiom results that imitation of 
nature, — ^naturalism, realism, representation, whatever it may 
be called, — is not necessarily art and, in sculpture and elsewhere, 
only becomes art when balanced or dominated by the decorative 
spirit. 

Sculpture, unUke architecture, seems to have been not so much 
an artistic evolution as a curiously alternating expression of the 

^Unless otherwise indicated, the monuments cited in this article are in 
Florence. 

Amerioan Journal of Arohaeology, Second Series. Journal of the t OA 

Archaeological Institute of America, Vol. XXIII (1919), No. 2. ^^O 



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THE DECORATIVE QUALITIES OF FLORENTINE RELIEF 127 

two basic ideas, the representative and the decorative, some- 
times one predominating, sometimes the other. Greek art 
achieved perfection in the idealistic representation of the human 
form. The gift of mediaeval art was perfection of decoration. 
In Renaissance sculpture classic and mediaeval elements mingle 
with the new realistic tendency of the time, each contributing its 
peculiar emphasis and flavor. 

In the Proto-Renaissance sculpture of Italy the Pisani and a 
few other late mediaevalists stand out amid the general artistic 
chaos to give, in their groping for natural form, hint of a new era. 
There is ever increasing interest in realism, — sometimes at the 
expense of decorative values, — and transitional sculptors emerge, 
such as Nanni di Bartolo, Ciuffagni, and Nanni di Banco. 
Although from this latter group we get more successful attempt 
at form, only Nanni di Banco is eflfective to any appreciable 
degree in decorative expression, and that this is true is easy to 
understand. Nanni di Banco surpasses in distinction because 
with the power of crisp characterization, with restraint, poise, 
and striking nobility in his figures, he combines a clear grasp of 
the value of orderly design. For vigor, expressive simplicity, 
good space-filling, or for line, his compositions count as very 
sati^actory decorative units.^ 

Ab the Renaissance enters, thus, in a tentative and gradual 
way and the great personalities appear at the turn of the four- 
teenth and fifteenth centuries, groping is replaced by sureness of 
touch and the development begins which is continuous to its 
efflorescent decline. Classic influence in the early Renaissance 
is inspirational rather than literally imitative, and classic and 
Renaissance work may therefore be clearly distinguished. 
Classic idealization stands opposed to Renaissance realism, 
classic perfection of the body to the spiritual significance stressed 
in Renaissance work; the classic type appears versus the Renais- 
sance individual, classic impassivity versus portrayal of emotion. 
It is enlightening to trace how, among these general tendencies 
of sculpture, the fundamental principle of decoration is worked 
out in one place and quite forgotten in another. By Nanni di 
Banco, to begin with, it is by no means ignored. 

1 St. Luke, Cathedral, Florence, Venturi, Sloria dell' arte italiana, VI, fig. 
109. Predelle to Oreanmichele statues, Venturi, VI, figs. 116, 117. 



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128 BERTHA KNICKERBOCKER STRAIGHT 

II 

If we should take from Jacopo della Quercia^ the Ilaria 
monument,' the whole decorative estimate of his work would 
be changed, for this tomb is, from the decorative point of view, 
one of the most uniquely inspired of all Renaissance achieve- 
ments. Decorative quahties of an elementary kind are not 
lacking, however, in his other works sufficiently inspired also 



Figure 1. — Tomb op Ilaria del Carretto by Jacopo della Quercia(?) : Lucca. 

to be significant. The reliefs from the portal of San Petronio, 
Bologna, may be taken as typical.* Broad, simple areas, well 
related to one another, reveal a good sense of balance, but as a 
rule not so much feeling for line as for mass, not so much thought 
for subtlety as for strength. The figures, simply and flatly 
treated, keep well to their background. On the one hand the 
flatness does not interfere with the realization of form and of 

^ Jaoopo della Querela, although not technically a Florentine, is closely aUied 
in artistic aims to the contemporary trend of Florentine art, and is therefore 
included here with the great Florentine initiators of ItaUan Scuplture. 

* Tomb of Ilaria del Carretto, Cathedral, Lucca. The time honored attribu- 
tion of this monument to Della Querela has recently been questioned rather 
convincingly without, however, supplying the name of any definite artist for 
the work. See Marquand, A J. A. XIX, 1915, pp. 24 ff. 

« Venturi, VI, figs. 41748. 



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THE DECORATIVE QUALITIES OF FLORENTINE RELIEF 129 

vivid energy, and, on the other hand, by means of the flat treat- 
ment confusion of planes and disturbing violence of motion are 
avoided. The background is kept free from distracting detail, 
for elimination is with Jacopo a ruling motive, and accessories 
are reduced to the lowest terms. In the Vision of Zacharias,^ 
one of the reliefs of the font in the Siena Baptistery, a dramatic scene 
is given focus and restraint by the device of a simple architec- 
tural arcade. Monumental restraint without accidental notes 
is typical of Jacopo's work. Jacopo's power lies, on the whole, 
in the combination of monumental quality, vitality of form and 
movement, and concentrated dramatic force. Jacopo's weak- 
ness appears in the treatment of drapery and of details in general. 
Feeling for line is sometimes lacking in the thick, flannel-like 
folds; sometimes again the drapery seems restless in line as if 
taking on emotional expression. The figures of the San Frediano 
altarpiece,2 Lucca, show this less successful handling of drapery, 
while those from the Trenta tombs are more closely related to 
the Ilaria in the concentration of interest in line and design. 

Jacopo, master of vital movement, is — if we leave with him the 
Ilaria monument — no less master of repose; a composer in mass, 
he can be at times no less a composer in line. In the tomb of 
Ilaria del Carretto (Fig. 1) we get the perfection of monumental 
repose, of line, and of decorative spirit. In the exquisite manip- 
ulation of the drapery there is sensitiveness of Une and rhjrthm 
of line almost oriental. There is a lyric quality or grace of spirit 
which goes with grace of line. The flowers of the wreath which 
binds the head give their perfect and subtle accent of delicate 
pattern. The work is all so perfect that criticism becomes a 
mere pointing out of the obvious. Finally from the exquisite 
perfection of the eflSgy one turns, also with the satisfaction of 
one's decorative craving, to the exquisite frieze of garlands borne 
by putti, appearing now perchance for the first time in Renais- 
sance sculpture, taken over appropriately from the genii of death 
on some ancient sarcophagus. 

With Ghiberti we get the antithesis of Delia Querela in many 
ways. Ghiberti cannot think, like the Jacopo of the San Petro- 
nio facade, in terms of massive forms, of elemental emotions, of 
the dramatic. Ghiberti thinks ''in the smair' and can express 
himself only in terms of grace. Jacopo's preoccupation is with 

1 Venturi, VI, fig. 35. 
« Venturi, VI, fig. 34. 



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130 BERTHA KNICKERBOCKER STRAIGHT 

the dramatic moment, and decorative eflfect is merely the ac- 
companiment, possibly accidental, while with Ghiberti, decora- 
tion is the supreme end and aim. Ghiberti's decoration is the 
fine and detailed ornamentation of a goldsmith rather than, 
like Jacopo's, sculptural composition in the largest sense. 

The three sets of doorways of the Florentine baptistery illus- 
trate progressively in their panels of biblical scenes the stages 
of growth from late mediaeval to the developed pictorial Renais- 
sance relief of Ghiberti. The south doors, those of Andrea Pi- 
sano,^ present relief typically mediaeval in arrangement and spirit. 
The panels of the east doors, the later set by Ghiberti,' show 
pictorial relief which is refined, elaborated, and entirely sophisti- 
cated in balance, composition, and spatial eflfects. Between 
these two series stands the earlier set by Ghiberti* in the north 
doorway, still almost mediaeval in simplicity and balance, but 
at the same tijne showing in embryo the qualities of the 
great east doors: a love of elaboration and background acces- 
sories, of treating a subject in the anecdotal spirit. Compared 
with the sobriety and reserve of earlier relief, the north doors 
of Ghiberti, and still more the east doors, suggest another world 
entirely, a world of space and of third dimension. They sug- 
gest the painter and realist, and reveal Ghiberti in the midst of 
the new art current, far removed from the mediaeval Andrea. 
Ghiberti 's reliefs, however, are reminiscent of the past, some- 
times in the composition, sometimes in the Gothic grace and 
curve and backward bend of the figures. Antique influence is. 
evident in a pervading feeling for the classic beauty of the human 
form: not anatomy, but the pure beauty of the nude engrossed 
Ghiberti, its beautiful lines and decorative import. Ghiberti, 
one realizes, makes no violent break with the past. He recon- 
ciles, in fact, all three tendencies, the classic, the mediaeval, and 
the contemporary, but is preeminently a decorator in everjrthing, 
converting both story' and pictorial elements into little decora- 
tive scenes, vivacioujs and lyrical, which are held together and 
unified by richly fanciful borders of floral and animal motifs 
arranged in orderly sequence. 

The pictorial treatment of relief is Ghiberti's contribution, if 
contribution it be, to Renaissance sculpture. Others used it, 

1 Venturi, V, figs. 340, 341, 343, 344, 347, and others. 

« Venturi, VI, figs. 82, 85. Michel, Hiataire de VAH III, 2, figs., 301-303. 

« Venturi, VI, figs. 69-72. Michel, III, 2, fig. 297. 



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THE DECORATIVE QUALITIES OF FLORENTINE RELIEF 131 

to be sure, but not always with the same ease and finish. 
Ghiberti's taste for pictorial relief seems to be derived from his 
first artistic interest, which was painting rather than sculpture. 
Partly by chance, apparently, he drifted into sculpture, taking 
his painter's point of view with him, and he shows his connection 
with contemporary painters who were beginning to be absorbed 
in such artistic problems as perspective. Ghiberti translates 
the problem of perspective into bronze. The legitimacy of pic- 
torial relief may be questioned. There seems to be a mutual 
incompatibiUty between landscape and bronze. Only by the 
magic touch of a Ghiberti can the soft lines of land and sky and 
trees lend themselves pliantly to so hard and polished a sub- 
stance. Architecture, on the other hand, almost invariably a 
coherent and unifying factor in background composition, with 
its more formal, rigid, and upright lines, is well adapted to the 
medium of bronze. In the panel of the east doors which tells 
the story of Abraham,^ the treatment of the branching trees and 
the fine architectural effect of the vertical trunks, with the same 
verticality charmingly echoed in the long graceful lines of the 
angels' robes, give immediate aesthetic pleasure, but do not per- 
mit one quite to forget the rather hard and shapeless rocks close 
at hand. The scenes with architectural settings, such as the 
story of the Queen of Sheba, are in general more convincing as 
decoration than the landscape scenes. As a whole the reliefs of 
Ghiberti's doors give both delightful sense of form and delightful 
sense of decoration. One enjoys the gentle, unerring, and unfail- 
ing grace, but is never entirely unconscious that the characteristic 
limitation of the art of sculpture has been naively ignored. 

DoNATELLo has at his command all of Jacopo's force and 
much of Ghiberti's grace. Donatello's is an art, above all else, 
of dramatic emotion; and sometimes with a quick touch of genius 
he makes it also an art of supreme decoration. Decoration, 
however, he often forgets, so obsessed does he become with the 
vivid presentation of his idea. From the decorative point of 
view Donatello's best work falls fairly early in his career when his 
realism and intensity of thought are held in check by his sense 
of beauty and design. 

Donatello, always an innovator, is among the first of the Ren- 
aissance sculptors to make use of pictorial relief. The predella 
(Fig.2) to the statue of Saint George, Orsanmichele, is his earliest 
1 Venturi, VI, fig. 85. 



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132 BERTHA KNICKERBOCKER STRAIGHT 

use of it and affords interesting contrast to the pictorial relief of 
his 'later years. There seems to be, in fact, a kind of progressive 
development in Donatello's use of the pictorial mode. This 
early predella presents the traditional "dragon and princess" 
tableau from the life of the saint. A loggia leading back gives 
the effect of depth, but the lines of the different planes are so 
quietly and so simply drawn that the background is free from 
confusion, serving merely to bind the composition well together. 
Though the lines are blurred from time and weather, the scene 



Figure 2. — St. Gborqe and the Dragon bt Donatello: Orsanmighele, 

Florence. 

still appears fresh and naive in spirit, effective and unified in 
design. The relief of the font in the Siena Baptistery,^ repre- 
senting the Feast of Herod, and the relief of Salome at Lille are 
somewhat of the same simple type. In all three excessive depth 
of field is avoided, for the vista is limited by the architecture. A 
further stage of Donatello's interest in pictorial relief appears in 
the ceiling medallions^ of the San Lorenzo sacristy (Fig. 3) . These 
reliefs are decorative in general treatment of surface and cutting 
of areas, but are wholly unique as sculpture in the illusion they 

1 Venturi, VI, fig. 141. 

» Venturi, VI, figs. 162, 163. 



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THE DECORATIVE QUALITIES OF FLORENTINE RELIEF 133 

create of air-filled space. In giving this happy eflfect of spacious- 
ness, — a spaciousness which in no way suggests emptiness or 
mere void, — these medallions significantly anticipate the atmos- 
pheric perspective of Mantegna, Melozzo da Forli, and some of 
the Umbrian painters. Late in life pictorial relief is not used 
by Donatello merely as a decorative expedient, but it becomes a 
direct means of bringing out the force of his theme. In the 
reliefs of the San Lorenzo pulpits,^ confusion and overcrowding 
of scenes, rapid movement of the figures, even frenzy of motion, 



FiGTTRE 3. — St. John on Patmos, Medallion by Donatello: San Lorenzo, 

Florence. 

all help to present with the greatest vividness the distracted 
intensity and emotion of the scenes of the Passion, but the pleas- 
ant suggestion of space and the feeling for line are lost and the 
work fails as decoration. In general, Donatello shows himself 
the sculptor of Christian emotion in contrast to antique repose; 
his San Lorenzo reliefs mark the culmination of his plastic ideal, 
infusion of thought with vibrant energy of the body. Power- 
fully expressive as they are, one misses the eflfective simplicity 
of his earlier relief, as well as the commanding force, found nota- 
iVenturi, VI, fig. 207. 



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134 BERTHA KNICKERBOCKER STRAIGHT 

bly in some of his other works, which goes with more classic 
restraint. 

But the pictorial is by no means Donatello's only method of 
relief. The Madonnas, — ^in technique studies in line, in spirit 
studies in subtle human feeling, — show the happy simplification 
in treatment which makes them, decoratively and spiritually, 
among the most important of Donatelld's creations. The Pazzi 
Madonna,^ of the BerUn Museum, one of the few Donatello 
Madonnas of unquestioned attribution, presents the two figures 
of mother and Child with few Unes, flat modeUng, and without 
background accompaniments. Everything is subordinated to 
the primary idea of intensity of maternal affection as the mother 
presses the Child to her. The carelessness of line here and there 
seems irrelevant, compared to the clarity of the thought. There 
are a number of Madonnas, of less certain authorship, which, 
with some variation in technique and composition, follow this 
type. Among these may be noted an exquisite little panel 
recently acquired under the Quincy Shaw bequest by the Boston 
Museum of Fine Arts.* 

Both in the Madonna groups and in scenes of other subjects 
Donatello often makes effective and imaginative use of stiacdato, 
a type of reUef so low that the figures seem flattened or as if 
crushed into the background. What we miss by this kind of 
technique in sharp, crisp line, we gain in suggestion of mystery 
from the very vagueness of the Une as it melts or blurs away. 
Donatello's lines in this mode, in spite of their softness, are vibrant 
and significant. The relief of the Assumption (Fig. 4) on the 
Brancacci tomb in Sant' Angelo k Nilo, Naples, is an instance of 
Donatello's rare power of expressing by means of stiacciato great 
mystery, solemnity, and awe. The figures are full of nervous 
intensity, but shadowy and unreal; a space is left clear around 
the figure of the Virgin, giving her a kind of solemn aloofness 
which contributes to the imaginative effect. Another superb 
example of stiacciato relief is Donatello's panel in the Victoria 
and Albert Museum, London, of Christ Delivering the Keys to 
Peter.* 

It remains to speak of the essentially decorative motif, the 
putto or cherub, suggested directly by the antique and used by 

iVenturi, VI, fig. 148. 

* Art in America, VI, 1918, fig. 2, opp. page 230. 

»Venturi, VI, fig. 147. 



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THE DECORATIVE QUALITIES OF FLORENTINE RELIEF 135 

Donatello with distinction and charm; Donatello is among the 
first of Renaissance sculptors thoroughly to understand its decora- 
tive possibilities. The putto, romping and mischievous, some- 
times with wings, sometimes without, neither of heaven nor of 
earth, belonging perhaps to a sort of between-world, is one of 
Donatello's most original departures as applied to impressive 
ecclesiastical monuments. On the open air pulpit at Prato^ 
this rollicking imp appears in the full charm of Donatello's best 
work, but the most appealing of all his putti are no doubt those 



Figure 4. — AssuicpnoN of the Virgin by Donatello: Naples. 

of the cantoria,^ now in ,the Cathedral Museum, Florence. Here 
across the frieze they make a rhythm of frenzied movement like 
that of classic bacchantae. There is rhythm everywhere, not 
only in the rapid, ecstatic movement, but in the lines of the young, 
half-nude forms, in the turn of the heads, in the swing of the 
clinging drapery. One of the incidental charms of the frieze is 
the mosaic background of opiL8 tessalaiumj with its delightful 
vibrating quality. The frieze as a whole is one of the finest 
decorative inspirations from Donatello's hand; the realistic and 

»Venturi, VI, fig. 155. 

» Venturi, VI, figs. 156, 157. 



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136 BERTHA KNICKERBOCKER STRAIGHT 

emotional elements, so aggressive in much of Donatello's work, 
are here held in control by the decorative spirit. 

Of LucA BELLA RoBBiA, the third dominating personality of 
the early Florentine Quattrocento, Michel^ says in effect: His 
genius is a matter of tenderness, simplicity, sane realism, and 
accessible charm. This is a true characterization, but the right 
emphasis must be kept, for Luca's charm is so ''accessible" that 
it is easy to miss that which really makes him most worth while 
and which gives his work its decorative value or significance. 
The almost unfailing accompaniment of the tenderness and sim- 
plicity, that which, in fact, saves these qualities from the dangers 
of sentimentality and obviousness, is Luca's splendid genius for 
composition and line in combination with his rare sanity and 
poise. These essential traits permit him to take his place with 
his great contemporaries. He was a few years younger than 
either Ghiberti or Donatello, and his actual apprenticeship is 
uncertain, but the proximity to these older men may not have 
been without influence on Luca's general artistic understanding. 

Luca's first incontestible work is the Singing Gallery,- made 
for the Cathedral. As it stands now close to Donatello's can- 
toria in the Cathedral Museum, and as it is similar in motif and 
very close in date, comparison of the two is inevitable. The 
swinging, rhythmic motion of Donatello's figures has been noted. 
In the frieze of Luca, antique influence is more apparent than 
in Donatello's, appearing in the drapery, in the laurel-bound 
heads, in the isocephalic composition. Luca's feeling for Une is 
more sensitive and more classic than Donatello's, his feeUng for 
arrangement and balance of masses more true, his sense of archi- 
tectural decoration more sure. Luca's groups, separated by the 
upright dividing Unes of pilasters, are composed within definite 
architectural panels, and each group becomes, thus, complete in 
itself, but finely subordinated to the decorative scheme of the 
whole. These differences aside, however, the real contrast which 
is very striking lies in the pervading spirit of the two reliefs; 
Luca's wingless boys are sane, contented, and happy, but with 
none of the mad lyric possession and whirl of Donatello's winged 
and temperamental putti. Perhaps the wings may be taken as 
the sjonbol of the difference between the two, and as that which 
puts them in dififerent worlds, the symbol of temperament. These 

1 A. Michel, IV, 1, p. 72. 
•Venturi, VI, figs. 363-369. 



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THE DECORATIVE QUALITIES OF FLORENTIVE RELIEF 137 

figures of Luca are full of reality, but have none of the super- 
vitality of Donatello's elf-children from an unknown world; 
Luea's are simply "the apotheosis of happy, Tuscan childhood." 

Luca's power of direct, logical composition is illustrated in a 
number of other works. The panels of the bronze doors* of the 
Cathedral sacristy, Florence, show simple, balanced arrangement 
of figure, and show also Luca's feeling for grace of line, and his 
habitual mingling of tenderness and unaffected nobility. When 
Luca is direct, naive, and unaffected, he is expressive and delight- 
ful. It is when he attempts the dramatic that he misses not only 
dramatic effect, but fails also in decorative judgment. Fra 
Angelico is, in a way, the analogy in painting; neither Fra Ange- 
lico nor Luca can represent dramatic crisis. The lunettes of the 
Resurrection and the Ascension,* over the Sacristy doors, as 
well as the relief of the Crucifixion at Impruneta, betray in the 
monotonous figures and mannered faces Luca's dramatic limita- 
tion. Devotional spirit is present, but not the decorative; Luca's 
characteristic excellence, the combination of spiritual dignity 
and decorative grace seems here to be wanting. 

Although not an innovator in glazed terra-cotta, Luca brought 
that medium to perfection and popularity, giving it a vogue 
which lasted for the next hundred years. After his first timid, 
experimental and not altogether successful use of it in the tab- 
ernacle at Peretola, Luca used it freely and charmingly. He 
employed it for the lunettes above mentioned, for altar-pieces 
and tabernacles innumerable, for the medallions of Virtues* in 
the chapel of the Portogallo tomb in San Miniato, for the Arms 
of the Guilds on Orsanmichele, and for delightful floral borders 
everywhere, even for the bordering frame of the solemn Fed- 
erighi tomb^ in Santa Trinity. But Luca's most important 
application of glazed terra-cotta is to the Madonna composi- 
tions which make varying degrees of spiritual and decorative 
appeal. In studying these Madonnas, whether those of the 
more human and intimate type, such as the Madonna of San 
Pierino* in the Bargello, or those of the more formal type, as the 

» Venturi, VI, fig. 382. Michel, III, 2, PL VIII. 
'Venturi, VI, fig. 376. 
•Michel, IV, 1, fig. 61. 
< Venturi, VI, fig. 384. 
* Venturi, VI, fig. 379. 



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138 BERTHA KNICKERBOCKER STRAIGHT 

Frescobaldi Madonna,^ Berlin, or the Madonna of the Rose 
Garden* (Bargello), all with their tenderness, simplicity, and 
accessible charm, one is reminded that Luca was no mere 
ornamentor in glazed terra-cotta, but that he had the usual 
sculptural training and apprenticeship of the time in different 
mediums. He hved in the contemporary current of artistic 
development just as Ghiberti and Donatello did, and his feeling 
for form is ahnost, his feeling for line quite as certain as theirs. 



Figure 6. — Angels by Luca della Robbia: Impruneta. 

One can best leave the theme of Luca's charm, perhaps, by 
speaking of one of his favorite and most alluring decorative 
motifs, the figure of a youthful angel, used singly, in pairs, or 
in balanced groups. Direct descendant of the classic victory, by 
way of mediaeval ivory or other vehicle, this motif is taken over 
by the sculptors of the early Renaissance and finds in Luca's 
hand facile and delightful expression, whether it appears as 
wreath-bearer, or candle-bearer, whether it assists at Adorations, 
or modestly and cheerfully upholds Church Fathers at their 

»Venturi, VI, fig. 385. 
'Venturi, VI, fig. 386. 



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THE DECORATIVE QUALITIES OF FLORENTINE RELIEF 139 

work. Two of the most captivating of these angel groups are 
found in symmetrical balance on the predella to the Altar of the 
Holy Cross at Impruneta (Fig. 5). Always gracious and gentle, 
these little angel figures exemplify the principle constantly recur- 
ring in Luca's work, that grace of spirit and grace of line are 
quite inseparable companions: they make the charm entirely 
accessible. In much of the work of Luca's nephew, Andrea, 
and of his workshop, this accessibility of charm becomes mere 
obviousness; in the work of Luca the two terms are in no way 
synonymous. 

The secret of aesthetic appeal in the work of Agostino di 
Duccio is far from obvious, for he too often fails in conception 
of form and in grasp of the essential cooperation between form 
and decoration. Nevertheless, for decorative idea he stands 
out unique among his contemporaries of Quattrocento art, apart 
from the contemporary current or development, with no imme- 
diate artistic progenitors, with no artistic descendants. Up to 
our time a victim of Vasari's invention or delusion, Duccio has 
only within recent years been extricated from oblivion by mod- 
em research and criticism, and rehabilitated with the artistic 
personality which belongs to him. Though a Florentine by 
birth, his work is chiefly associated with Modena, Perugia, and 
Rimini.^ 

As has been implied, Agostino fits into no group, but he is 
supposed to receive influence from various sources. The reputed 
influence of Donatello, however, is not easy to trace. Both are 
linealists, but Agostino's sharp, crisp line, which makes a clear- 
cut pattern, is wholly unlike the vague, blurred line of Dona- 
tello's sfiacciato. This is not their only vital difference . Agos- 
tino, in direct contrast to Donatello, pays little heed to the careful 
treatment of the human form. Finally, Donatello's Christian 
ideal and Agostino's pagan feeling stand strongly opposed. 
From Leon Battista Alberti, Agostino is alleged to receive his 
peculiar type of drapery, of hair, of melancholy face which is 
often slightly distorted in pose and curiously eerie in expression. 
But the real influence coming to Agostino, whether by way of 
Alberti or not, is the Neo-Attic which appears in the diaphanous 
drapery, sometimes swirling and agitated, sometimes clinging in 

iPor Ulustrations of Perugian work see Venturi, VI, figs. 252-257, and 
Michel, ni, 2, fig. 278, IV, 1, fig. 65. For work at Rimini, see Venturi, VI, 
figs. 249, 250, Michel, IV, 1, fig. 66. 



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140 BERTHA KNICKERBOCKER STRAIGHT 

thin, narrow folds. These rhythmically billowing garments 
tempt comparison with the fluttering robes of some ancient, 
wind-blown Nike. The antique strain, indeed, is pervasive in 
all Agostino's work, appearing, however, not in devotion to 
beauty of form, as with Ghiberti, but amazingly in the pagan 
spirit. Agostino's paganism, it may be pointed out, is not con- 
vincing as genuinely classic in feeling, but rather it seems to be 



FiGUBE 6. — Archangel Michael bt Agostino di Duccio: San 
Bbbnabdino, Pebuqia. 

a Renaissance translation of the classic according to the under- 
standing of the day. Thus the theme may be Franciscan Vir- 
tues, but what he really brings before us are irresponsible pagan 
nymphs; one feels this irresponsibiUty quite as readily in the 
Christian Virtues and angels of the San Bernardino facade, 
Perugia, as in the musical putti and mythical characters of Sigis- 
mondo Malatesta's pagan temple at Rimini. The peculiar note' 
of irresponsibility belongs to a certain phase of the Renaissance 



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THE DECORATIVE QUALITIES OF FLORENTINE RELIEF 141 

rather than to a typically classic ideal. Agostino draws from 
the source of his inspiration, whatever it may be, with his own 
capricious and inventive fancy. 

Agostino di Duccio's genius one may safely say is purely deco- 
rative, and his work is largely decoration in the sense of surface 
pattern. When he attempts narrative, as in the scenes from the 
life of San Bernardino, in Perugia, he is helpless; he is much 
less helpless to be sure in his earlier reliefs, in Modena Cathedral, 



Figure 7. — Chastity and Musical Angels by Agostino di Duocio: San 
Bernabdino, Perugia. 

which relate episodes from the life of San Gemignano. It is, 
however, as composer or filler of space that Agostino is at times 
unsurpassed, although even in composition he sometimes misses 
a gratifying result, for he relies too obviously on rhythmical 
drapery for decorative effect. It is evident that the artist is 
more concerned with design than with representation, but it is 
equally evident that he succeeds best with design when he gives 
most careful thought to the representation of his forms. Among 
his most careful and successful creations are several reliefs of the 



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142 BERTHA KNICKERBOCKER STRAIGHT 

Perugian facade: the Archangel Michael (Fig. 6), the Christian 
Virtue Chastity, and one or two of the musical angels (Fig. 7). 
These are really lovely compositions. 

Agostino does not, as is said of him, sacrifice representation to 
design, but, instead, he too often sacrifices form to his own heed- 
lessness or indifference, and the design suffers in consequence. 
For the handling of line and form Agostino and Botticelli invite 
comparison, and Agostino's sacrifice of representation marks the 
sharp distinction between the two men. Botticelli sacrifices 
naturalistic anatomy and canons, but the forms he presents are 
beautiful according to his own canons, beautiful in delicate, 
thoughtful rhythm. Botticelli's people belong to a rarified other- 
world. Agostino's belong, possibly, to a half-demonic one, and 
these strange-featured, capricious-looking beings with their 
languid half-closed eyes, half-sensuous mouths, poorly drawn 
hands and feet, and rather bizarre garments often repel. Michel^ 
speaks truly when he characterizes Agostino as "a less resource- 
ful Gozzoli, a less intense and less profound Botticelli, with a 
tenderness a little superficial, a grace voluptuous and mannered, 
with a singullEtr and disconcerting mingling of ephemeral spon- 
taneity, archaism, and cunning.'' Remembering that Agostino 
flourished in the best period of Florentine art, when both sculp- 
tors and painters were absorbed in the perfecting of form, are 
we, then, to regard his work as frankly and affectedly archaistic 
or merely inexpert, or does it, indeed, carry with it the sugges- 
tion of haste and bored indifference? There is never this note of 
carelessness or indifference in Botticelli's work; his interest in 
his problem amounts to genuine imaginative obsession. One 
feels, too, with Agostino, as never with Botticelli, the dangers of 
the erratic curve; it is only in being a rather safely obscure Quat- 
trocentist that Agostino is saved from being a warning in the 
schools of design. 

For comparison, one might also turn to the early Renaissance 
in France, and find in the work of Jean Goujon a possible analogy 
to Agostino's management of drapery. Both suggest the same 
ancient source, and the Neo-Attic swirl is in the work of both, 
but there the comparison ends, for with Goujon realism of form, 
while never over-emphasized or insisted upon, is never uselessly 
ignored. A graciousness of form, as well as of spirit, present in 

1 Michel, IV, 1, p. 94. 



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THE DECORATIVE QUALITIES OF FLORENTINE RELIEF 143 

Goujon's is missing in Agostino's work. Agostino underesti- 
mates the value of distinguished form. 

In every plausible comparison to be suggested, Agostino di 
Duccio suffers, but the unique quality of his decorative effects 
will always save him from neglect and his lyric quality will never 
cease to capture. His work remains a lure to the imagination, 
interesting, exotic, unorthodox, and full of unexplainable charm. 

Ill 

Jacopo della Quercia, Ghiberti, Donatello, Luca della Robbia, 
with their various preoccupations, as we have seen, make on 
early Renaissance sculpture each his peculiar and valuable im- 
press. Form infused with thought is the fixed idea of both Delia 
Quercia and Donatello. The contribution of the other two, and 
of Agostino di Duccio, is in the way of decoration. Another 
group of sculptors, following a little later in the Quattrocento, 
effective in their work, but not exerting the same influence on 
art in general, stands forth as frankly decorative in purpose. 
Knowledge of form has been gloriously achieved by the great 
initiators; the artists of the generation closely following have 
only to absorb and apply the principles, and they do this in many 
cases with high distinction. 

Bernardo Rossellino, earliest of this second group, makes 
definite impression on Quattrocento work in his monument to 
Lionardo Brimi^ in Santa Croce, and departing from the mediae- 
val sepulchral idea, sets the type of Renaissance tomb. The 
Bruni tomb as a Renaissance monument shows classical influ- 
ence in its larger divisions, in its charming details, and in its 
eflBgy of antique grandeur. The monument is splendidly archi- 
tectural in its lines and proportions; symmetry, focus, relation 
of parts, and subordination of ornament are in no way neglected 
in the perfection of its composition. A classical tomb worthy of 
a great humanist, it betrays no Christian element save the dig- 
nified and impressive Madonna of the tympanum. 

With flexibility of artistic gift, Bernardo creates in wholly an- 
other spirit the tomb of Beata Villana de' Cerchi (Fig. 8) in Santa 
Maria Novella. This is one of a group of famous tombs in vari- 
ous parts of Italy raised to women of distinguished houses of the 

I Michel, IV, 1, fig. 70. 



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144 BERTHA KNICKERBOCKER STRAIGHT 

period.^ All show Renaissance spirit or details with some Unger- 
ing mediaeval quality. The Cerchi monument comes near to 
the Carretto in charm, but the figure of La Beata is a little less 
monumental than that of Ilaria: the lines of the Villana effigy, 
though charming are not so decoratively significant, and the 
posture lacks that old mediaeval quaUty of eternal rest, giving 
rather the efifect of an uncertain sleep, a note distinctly new with 
Renaissance sculpture. There is, however, in the figure of Vil- 
lana more of mediaeval detachment and restraint than of Renais- 



FiGXTRE 8. — Tomb of La Beata Villana by B. Rossellino: Santa Mabia 
Novella, Florence. 

sance reahsm, and the monument, in general efifect and feel- 
ing, belongs rather to the Middle Ages than to the Renaissance: 
the inspiration comes from the fourteenth century tomb. The 
traditional theme of angels drawing aside a curtain in front of 
the effigy is here delightfully handled, and the scroll which the 
angels unroll gives with its fine inscription a note of delicate 
accent. Bernardo again, with his keen sense of design, com- 

1 The list of these tombs, beginning with that of Ilaria del Carretto, includes 
such names as Barbara Manfreddi, Maria Camponeschi, Maria of Aragon, 
Medea Colleoni, etc. 



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THE DECORATIVE QUALITIES OF FLORENTINE RELIEF 145 

poses in line, shadows, and subtle contrasts. Architectural 
feeling is dominant in all of Bernardo's work, not only in his 
many tombs, but also in such reliefs as the Madonna of Arezzo, 
with its perpendicular lines and hieratic composition. Sculp- 
ture is, in fact, always secondary with Bernardo, and architec- 
ture claims him more and more. 

Antonio Rossellino, although he collaborated often with 
Bernardo, lacks in a measure the fine architectural sense of his 
older brother. The most famous work connected with Antonio's 
name happens unfortunately to be an architectural monument, 
the tomb of the young cardinal of Portugal,^ in San Miniato, a 
work in which Antonio breaks many of the rules of design. It 
lacks, to begin with, the strong boundary lines of an architec- 
tural framework. The thinly disposed curtain which is substi- 
tuted takes the place neither of legitimate architecture nor of 
mediaeval drapery. Absence of organic unity, again, disturbs 
the whole effect; there is no rightly focused centre of interest, 
for the effigy is not stressed as the dominant motif and, with 
interest diflfused, the different elements fall loosely apart. The 
monument, failing thus in cohesiveness, fails also in harmony, 
for the several groups of angels and putti* show little corre- 
spondence of type, pose, or costume. They flutter about at 
various angles, and their animation but adds to the confusion.' 
Great satisfaction, however, is afforded by the wonderfully beau- 
tiful figure of the young cardinal, with its absolute repose, and 
its simple, straight, and harmonious lines. In spite of the fact, 
then, that this monument disregards the laws of harmony and 
order, in spite of the rather disturbing little angels which obtrude 
restlessly overhead, this tomb shows in the fine effigy and in 
details of lovely carved ornament, much of the beauty and grace 
of the best Quattrocento work. 

If one misses in this tomb of Antonio the best architectural 
feeling, one cannot deny him fine decorative tact in smaller works. 
In the latter he combines with an unusual facility for form and 
composition a taste for line and delicacy of finish which marvel- 
lously enhance the final charm. The tondo of the Madonna 
Adoring the Child' in the Bargello is a good example of Antonio's 

»Venturi, VI, fig. 414. 

•This fluttering, over-active putto foreshadows the excessive and weari- 
some occurrence of the motif in the sixteenth century and later. 
•Venturi, VI, fig. 418*. - 



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146 BERTHA KNICKERBOCKER STRAIGHT 

harmonious composition in purely sculptural works, and may 
be noted in passing as one of the first attempts in marble at pic- 
torial relief. The Nativity,^ in the Church of Monte Oliveto, 
Naples, shows the same good understanding of composition, of 
pictorial relief, and of the decorative possibilities of details. The 
motif of dancing angels over the manger is a charming accessory. 
In the Madonna of the Mandorla, in Santa Croce, the tendency 
of art at the end of the Quattrocento towards ample form and 
mundane expression begins to intrude itself, but, like the Bar- 
gello tondo, this Madonna shows Antonio's deUcate feeling for 
finish. In all of Antonio's Madonnas there is an ever present 
grace which makes them very appealing.' Even in Antonio's least 
successful work one can forgive much for the sake of the beauti- 
ful ornamental detail in which he and Desiderio, with a sure sense, 
never failed. 

The pupil of Donatello, Desiderio da Sbttignano, inherited 
the technical skill, but not the passionate quality of his great 
master. The knowledge of form he learns, but is incapable of 
Donatello's realism, or of his dramatic intensity. With an ideal- 
izing tendency, selective and eliminative, with an exquisite sen- 
sitiveness for line and finish, Desiderio becomes the interpreter 
of the aristocratic temperament, whether his subject be tomb, 
Madonna, Infant John, or Unknown Lady. 

With the versatility of Quattrocento genius Desiderio adds to 
his rather specialized sculptural gifts keen architectural judg- 
ment. The Marsuppini tomb* in Santa Croce, interesting pen- 
dant to the Bruni monument, shows almost the same distinction 
as the latter. Desiderio's accomplishment is barely less than 
Bernardo's, but Desiderio had, of course, only to follow. Desi- 
derio adopts all the main features of the Bruni tomb, on a scale, 
perhaps, not quite so perfect, but the feeling for the essentials 
of composition is equally present in both. The two monuments, 
however, show contrast in the point of view. The desire to 
Ughten the effect, combined with fondness for ornament, asserts 
itself strongly in the work of Desiderio, and every opportunity 
has been seized to secure an effect less heavy and sombre than 
that of the Bnmi tomb. The background to the Marsuppini 

»Venturi, VI, fig. 417. 

* The Kneeling Virgin of the Presepio, Metropolitan Museum, New York, 
is attributed to Antonio and, whether by him or not, is a very charming work 
of this period. 

» Venturi, VI, fig. 266. Michel, IV, 1, fig. 79. 



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THE DECORATIVE QUALITIES OF FLORENTINE RELIEF 147 

effigy is broken up into more slender panels, gloomy recesses are 
hidden, merry putti appear, the sarcophagus is of richly ornate 
type, and the figure of the dead prelate is represented as if in 
natural sleep. Floral wreaths and vases and singing figures, 
light and delicate ornamentation take the place of the sober and 



FiGUBB 9. — Wbbath-Bbarer, Marsuppini Tomb, by Desidebio: Santa 

Cboce, Flobencb, 

severe elegance of the Bruni monument. In the Marsuppini 
tomb restrained but Ught elegance is seen in every part (Fig. 9). 

Desiderio's purely sculptural work falls notably into three 
classes: Madonna reliefs, studies of childhood, feminine portrait 
busts. Around all of these the sharp controversy of attribution 
has been waged. 

Of the studies of childhood, the so-called Christ-child and Young 
John,^ of the Arconati-Visconti collection, Paris, once attributed 

»Venturi, VI, fig.272. 



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148 BERTHA KNICKERBOCKER STRAIGHT 

to Donatello, and of the Madonna reliefs the Paneiatichi, 
Florence (Fig. 10), best exemplify the qualities already specified: 
everywhere delicacy of touch and the designer's point of view, 
subtle surface pattern in sensitive Une, a human note and aris- 
tocratic aloofness subtly combined, unerring taste in the great 
art of selection. Finally, in most of Desiderio's work there is 
the lyric joy of life which makes instant the appeal. The Ma- 
donna of the Drejrfus collection, Paris, and the Turin Madonna, 
now safely ascribed to Desiderio, as well as the Madonna in the 



Figure 10. — Madonna Panciatichi by Desiderio. 

tympanum of the Marsuppini tomb, also illustrate these points 
in greater or less degree. 

The feminine portrait busts of this period constitute one of the 
fascinating problems in attribution; whoever the artist may be 
in the case of each, they are closely related to Desiderio's work 
in gracious quaUty and aristocratic spirit (Fig. 11). Though 
sculpture in the round, they give the impression of drawing in 
clear, delicate line, and cannot be wholly ignored in a considera- 
tion of the decorative elements of the Quattrocento. The long- 
<jontested busts of some young Princess of Urbino, of Marietta 



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THE DECORATIVE QUALITIES OF FLORENTINE RELIEF 149 

Strozzi, of Beatrice — or is she Eleanor? — of Aragon, and others 
of the same general character, with which the critics play the 
pleasant Game of Attributions, involving and confusing the illu- 
sive names of Desiderio and Francesco Laurana, all illustrate 
with great distinction the artist's supreme creative tact in 
the restrained use of exquisite detail, — spared almost to the 



Figure 11. — Eleanor of Aragon(?) by Laurana: Palermo. 

point of omission, — and the happy balance of idealization and 
individuality.^ 

Ming da Fiesole, pupil of Desiderio, follows his master, but 
never learns his craft. In imitating Desiderio he falls into the 

1 Francesco Laurana, a Dalmatian Italian, adds another name to the list of 
those whose artistic personalities have not yet been adequately reconstructed. 
His style is related, by way of certain influences, to that of Quattrocento Flor- 
ence, but his work is connected not with Florence, but chiefly with Southern 
Italy, Sicily, and Southern France. 

According to present attributions, the so-K;alled young Princess of Urbino, 
a young Marietta Strozzi, Berlin, and a young Marietta Strozzi, in private 
ownership, Florence, are now given to Desiderio, while the Beatrice, or Eleanor, 
busts are gathered under the personality of Laurana. This latter group in- 
cludes: a bust in Vienna, one in the Louvre, one in the Andr^ collection, Paris 
(which may be a forgery, or by an imitator), a young Beatrice in the Dreyfus 
collection, Pans, an older Beatrice in Berlin, and the finest one of all in Palermo. 
For illustrations see Venturi, VI, figs. 274, 275, 711, 712, and others. 
5 



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150 BERTHA KNICKERBOCKER STRAIGHT 

fault of most imitators, that of exagg^ation or distortion of fine 
qualities into caricature. Desiderio's fineness of touch and dis- 
crimination are often translated by Mino into the mincing. 
Mino's figiu-es, in general, show poor drawing and proportions, 
defective modeling, and poverty of substance; his lack of scale 
appears unpleasantly in the figures of the indoor pulpit of the 
Prato Cathedral. Probably Mino's worst failing, however, is 
lack of grand seriousness and sense of fitness. Desiderio's ^ght 
touch goes with keen insight; Mino's lightness is a cumbersome 
sportiveness, which knows neither time nor place, a superficial 
attempt at playfulness, which comes from a superficial point of 
view or want of a wise and understanding spirit. Here and there 
Mino draws an inspired line, and it is as linealist that he counts, if 
at all, in a decorative way. The defect in the spirit of his work 
and his limited technical achievement do not, indeed, obscure 
such isolated good qualities as delicate line, graceful architectural 
ornament, and facility in rendering textile materials. Mino does, 
in fact, show taste for surface pattern, but, relying on richly em- 
broidered robes for decorative effect, he too often accomplishes 
mere ostentation of costume. The ingenuous sweetness and 
gentle charm of some of Mino's figures should not be overlooked, 
but, not combined with more forceful characteristics, they hardly 
redeem his work from ineffectiveness. Sometimes Mino's work 
is genuinely pleasing, but it seldom escapes the obvious, and the 
superficial. 

Flourishing in the second half of the fifteenth century, and 
classified as extreme realists, with all this implies, PoUajuolo and 
Verrocchio might legitimately be omitted here were it not for the 
fact that, with all their intense preoccupation with realistic form, 
each shows in flashes the perfected decorative sense of the Quat- 
trocento. 

The work which preeminently argues this in the case of An- 
tonio PoLLAJUOLO is the bust of the splendid young warrior,* 
attributed to him, in the Bargello. In the whole pose and treat- 
ment decorative feeling is clearly defined: one feels it in the tilt of 
the head, in the treatment of the hair, in the impersonal, cryptic 
expression of the face. One sees it in the contrast between the 
general simplicity of the figure and the detailed ornament of the 
breastplate, as well as in the pattern of the breastplate itself, 
which is covered in low relief with vigorously moving little figures 

» Venturi, VI, fig. 497. 



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THE DECORATIVE QUALITIES OF FLORENTINE RELIEF 151 

illustrating some classic theme. The whole thing in its harmony 
of parts is an unerring piece of decorative work, more truly deco- 
rative, in fact, than Pollajuolo's more pretentioi^s efforts, which 
are too apt to be merely elaborate studies of anatomy, of posture, 
and of allegory.^ 

With Vbrrocchio comes the culmination of realism in Florence. 
Verrocchio is among the first of the Italian sculptors to present 
scenes from actual life, and in the tomb relief of Francesca Torn&- 
buoni,* now in the Bargello, he represents a deathbed scene not 



Figure 12. — Bust op Unknown Woman by Verrocchio: Florence. 

only disagreeable as realism, but also lacking in decorative effect; 
it seems a piece of decorative arrogance, in truth, and something 
of an anomaly in the light of the Florentine precedent for fine 
decorative taste. Clearly it is not in the Tornabuoni relief that » 
one looks for the decorative power of Verrocchio, but one finds it 
to a marked extent in the two Madonnas of the Bargello.* In 

iVenturi, VI, fig. 493. 

•Venturi, VI, fig. 482. 

* These are a terra-cotta relief ^ authenticated as the work of Verrocchio, and 
a very similar marble relief, almost equally assiu-ed in attribution. See Vea- 
turi, VI, figs. 483, 484. 



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152 BERTHA KNICKERBOCKER STRAIGHT 

these reliefs Verrocchio departs far from the Donatello Madonna 
in many ways; Verrocchio*s Madonnas have the majesty of Dona- 
tello's with more restraint and detachment. They have the 
aristocratic quaUty of Desiderio's, with more real existence; they 
have the sanity and poise of Luca*s. The treatment of the dra- 
pery in the marble relief is interesting in rhythmical, crisp line. 
That which prevents entire harmony in this composition is the 
over-realism in the modeling of the baby compared with the more 
generaUzed treatment of the Madonna. 

The most surely authentic of the portrait busts attributed to 
Verrocchio is that of the Unknown Lady, in the Bargello (Fig. 12). 
Though sculpture in the round, it possesses, like Desiderio's, the 
decorative feeUng of relief. It is decorative in its purity of line, 
in its simplicity of pose, in the rare perfection of its finish, in the 
contrast between exquisite detail and delicate plain surfaces. 
The detail occurs in. three small areas — in the roll of hair, or 
kind of headdress, pushed out on either side of the head, and in 
the bimch of flowers which the lady holds with both exquisite 
hands in front of her. The hair, or headdress, repeats the pattern 
of the flowers; they are detailed to the same scale and both give 
exactly the right accent. The charm is not entirely obvious, nor 
the appeal immediate, perhaps, but upon reflection she becomes 
a rare figure of rhythm and harmony, — this Inconnue, — let us 
leave the Quattrocento with her. 

With Benedetto da Majano and Matteo Civitali we ap- 
proach the new century; these men mark the transition. Certain 
characteristics appearing slightly in Antonio Rossellino find more 
developed expression in Benedetto and Matteo. Amplitude of 
form and drapery begins to be a feature in Renaissance sculpture,* 
and along with it appears increasing concern for sculpture in the 
round, less concern for sculpture in relief. As a logical result, 
interest shifts from composition and line to mere representation 
and to over-emphasis of form. Ever-growing influence from the 
classical nude leads to direct imitation of the antique, without the 
inspiration of the early Renaissance. Pose becomes mannered, 
facial expression either theatrical in attempted portrayal of emo- 
tion, or emptily passive; and sixteenth century passivity is far 
indeed from the grandly impersonal repose of early work. The 
freshness of the early Renaissance is gone, and the early Quattro- 
cento sense of beauty is dying out, but sixteenth century charac- 
teristics are not yet fully matured. Matteo and Benedetto show 



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THE DECORATIVE QUALITIES OF FLORENTINE RELIEF 153 

the initial tendencies of the decadence, but. not its worst phases. 
Their work is uneven; both command some technical skill and are 
not lacking in knowledge. of composition. The statue of Faith,^ 
in the Bargello, illustrates, for Civitali, the trend of the day: 
meaningless allegory, amplitude of figure and drapery, with 
empty expression and somewhat mannered pose. It is a statue 
of mediocre interest, but Civitali is seen even to less advantage in 
the monument to Saint Regulus* in Lucca Cathedral. He is seen 
at his best in the Annunciation' in the Lucca Pinacoteca, and in 
the really charming little Angels of the Sacrament,* in the Lucca 
Cathedral. Here and there one comes upon very pleasing little 
angels ascribed to his hand. Benedetto's well-known pulpit,* 
in Santa Croce, Florence, reveals, in five scenes from the life of 
St. Francis, some sureness in execution, some ease in composition, 
but likewise the new taste for rather dry and over-abimdant orna- 
ment which leaves no moulding free for line and accent. 

Consideration of Quattrocento relief can hardly be concluded 
without brief reference to the Pure Ornament which, in the Ren- 
aissance, presents such rare development. Just as the sculptors 
of the Renaissance turn to classic art for inspiration in their larger 
work, so, for ornamental detail, they borrow from the Roman, 
though that is not their only source: the mediaeval, too, is a rich 
storehouse of decorative material. The Renaissance, thus, min- 
gles many motives, but what it borrows it transforms, and with it 
creates characteristic types of ornament in every part of Italy: 
Lombardy, Venice, Rome, Tuscany, Florence, each evolves an 
ornament full of grace and charm, and each sculptor has his 
favorite mode of ornament in connection with his larger sculpture* 
Delia Querela makes Ilaria's tomb classic with garland and putto. 
Ghiberti* binds foliage with ribbons, interspersing birds and small 
animals in a delightful way; he makes use, too, of little classic 
heads, of figures in niches, and of graceful floating angels bearing 
wreaths. Luca develops the decorative angel with more originality 
than Ghiberti, and uses it constantly. Glazed terracotta foliage 

»Venturi, VI, fig. 474. 
*Venturi, VI, figs. 478, 479. 
»Venturi, VI, fig. 471. 
*Venturi, VI, figs. 472-473. 
^Venturi, VI, fig. 462. 
•Venturi, VI, figs. 86-89. 



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154 BERTHA KNICKERBOCKER STRAIGHT 

with Tuscan wild flowers is, of course, Luca's special contribution to 
Quattrocento ornament. Agostino di Duccio employs putti and 
garlands and the Malatesta rose with fine effect. Alwa3rs invent- 
ive, Donatello is not invariably successful in his ornament, for 
his decorative sense is by no means unfaiUng; he does not thor- 
oughly understand the subordination of ornament to the scheme 
of his larger compositions, nor does he entirely grasp the relation- 
ship of ornament to decoration in general. It is the understand- 
ing of this last important fact that gives some of the minor men 
their distinction (Fig. 13). 

About the middle of the Quattrocento, Florentine ornament, 
crystalizing into a type, and used by a whole group of workers, 
becomes a happy association of flowers, fruits, fanciful animals, 
and winged figures, in wreath, garland, or arabesque, all carved 



Figure 13. — Tuscan Renaissance Ornament: Detail. 

with classic rhythm of line and graceful imagery. Mino,^ Desi- 
derio, Antonio Rossellino, and others, use this kind of ornament 
with facility and beauty. Pollajuolo abandons the type. Ver- 
rocchio develops the baroque in its initial stages. With Bene- 
detto, as indicated, ornament becomes dry and loses its freshness. 
Ornament follows, in the main, the same course as sculpture 
proper, developing from restrained, fresh, early phases to an efflor- 
escent end. Even at its poorest, ornament may furnish an 
illuminating field of interest to the historian or archaeologist; 
while at its best, it offers inspiration to the artistic imagination, 
and fascinating matter for the study of design. 

In the course of this brief survey, decorative qualities in sculp- 
ture have been more or less defined, and the occurrence of these 
qualities in Italian work has, here and there, been noted. A 

iVenturi, VI, fig. 442. 



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THE DECORATIVE QUALITIES OF FLORENTINE RELIEF 155 

rapid summary may be made. After the passing of ancient art, 
— of Egyptian skill in line and Assyrian taste for surface pattern, 
— classic art begins a development from an entirely new point of 
view, at first, however, with the decorative idea still predominat- 
ing. From the earliest groping of Greek sculpture for form, ease 
in naturalistic expression develops rapidly, and the two funda- 
mental ideas are fused in the golden age of Greek art. Form 
develops further until, in the Hellenistic period with its over- 
stress on realism, genuine decorative effect is largely ignored, and 
the fact indicated above finds apt illustration: as interest in real- 
ism increases beyond a certain limit, sculpture becomes negligible 
as decoration. The Roman period borrows freely from Greek art, 
but develops its original types too. The decorative idea is pres- 
ent slightly in Roman historical and continuous relief, but very 
richly in pure ornament. Following thid epoch, the tradition for 
classic form is ahnost lost amid the chaos of the Middle Ages, and, 
with many strains mingling, oriental as well as European, sculpture 
becomes sculpture in relief: decorative, associative, architectural. 
Art swings, thus, from the one fundamental idea to the other. 
Only once or twice during the centuries surveyed have the two 
ideas been fused. 

The Renaissance absorbs the past, taking over motifs and ideas 
with creative imagination. Interest in form revives and focuses 
on the human figure as the greatest possibility in art. Perfection 
of form, having classic precedent, is realized quickly and bril- 
liantly, but decoration, having become during the mediaeval cen- 
turies almost intuitive, is not at once forgotten. Not until the 
sixteenth century does decorative feeling approach extinction, 
when Michel Angelo with his great genius makes of sculpture a 
mighty figure-language, and his followers produce anatomical 
allegory, or decadent imitation of Michel Angelo and of classic 
types. Fusion of the two ruling conceptions of sculpture, even in 
the first freshness of the Quattrocento, is seldom accomplished, 
and Quattrocento relief comes before us as a subtle^study of suc- 
cesses and failures. 

The greatest masters sometimes fail, but are often vital even 
in their failures. A number of the lesser men experience inspired 
moments. With enlightened deduction as to cause and effect, 
one can only repeat that form needs the decorative spirit to give 
it orderly and harmonious expression; that decoration demands 



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156 BERTHA KNICKERBOCKER STRAIGHT 

knowledge of form to give it force and distinction. Only a per- 
fect balance of the two principles, the representative and the 
decorative, can achieve the perfect art of a Parthenon Frieze, or a 
doorway of Chartres; can give us a tomb of Ilaria del Carretto, or 
a portrait bust of the Italian Quattrocento. 

Bertha Knickerbocker Straight. 

Welleslet Colleqb, 
Welleslet, Mass. 



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TERRACOTTA REVETMENTS FROM ETRURIA 



The articles by Dr. Luce and Mr. Holland upon Terracotta 
Revetments from Etruria, illustrated by careful and beautiful 
restorations,^ will be read with the greatest attention by all who 
take any interest in this fascinating subject. The difficult work 
of reconstructing the slabs in Philadelphia has been done with 
much skill and care, and will be of great assistance to any future 
investigator. It was, indeed, a happy inspiration to employ the 
analogy of the designs on red-figured vases for working out the 
motive of the diagonal addorsed palmettes of A J, A . XXII, p. 334, 
Fig. 8, I. 

It is true that the revetments of Etruscan temples were, as the 
authors mention, usually of terracotta, but we know that the 
sanctuary at Nemi was adorned with thin plates of bronze,' and 
this was probably the case in other instances where no trace of 
the revetment has been preserved. 

The fragments of a grill now in Philadelphia form a beautiful 
pattern which the authors have cleverly reconstructed {A J, A, 
XXI, p. 297, Fig. 1). The variations in the clay of the different 
fragments suggest frequent restorations and lead one to infer that 
the grill was placed in an exposed position and, consequently, was 
frequently damaged. The authors argue that the grill could not 
have been fitted into a groove in the cyma, above the raking cor- 
nice, "because the support from below is too slight and the orna- 
ment too thin to stand rough treatment." They therefore con- 
clude that there were two thicknesses of slabs, set back to back, 
and placed all along the ridgepole. As an illustration of their 
theory they cite the Roman terracotta slabs showing statues be- 
neath a portico (Figs. 7 and 8). But these slabs are not a case in 
point, as there the palmettes simply form an appropriate border 
to the slab and run continuously the whole length of the frieze. 
The ornamentation of the ridgepole, if such it were, could not be 
set immediately above the columns without any intervening 
member, and the very difference in scale shows that it was not 

^AJ.A, XXI, 1917, p. 296 ff. and XXII, 1918, pp. 319 flf. 

^Rmd, Ace. Lincei, 1895, p. 275. 

Amtfiean JounuJ of Archaeology, Second Series. Journal of the i gi^ 

Arohacological Institute of America. Vol. XXIII (1919), No. 2. lo/ 



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158 E. DOUGLAS VAN BUKEN 

regarded as a structural element of the building represented, 
which is more probably a colonnade than a temple. 

The arguments, however, against placing the grill in such a 
position are very strong. If the slabs were put on double, it 
would do away with all the 1>eautif ul effect of lightness obtained 
by the grill. Since the Etruscans could mould lifensize figures in 
the round, as shown by recent excavations, they were certainly 
capable of baking slabs of the required thickness. The small 
model temples from Nemi and Satricum^ have merely rounded 
tiles to cover the ridgepole, and portions of such plain tiles have 
been found in various excavations. Had the Etruscans wished to 
decorate the tiles of the ridgepole, they would have moulded tile 
and ornament in one, as was always done in the case of antefixes 
and acroteria.' No such ornamented tiles have ever been found. 

Signor Malavolta, assistant at the Villa Giulia Museum, kindly 
,gave me the benefit of his experience as excavator and restorer. 
He states that the fragments of grills have never been discovered 
anywhere except on the principal facade of a temple, never at the 
rear or sides as would have been the case had the grill run the 
whole length of the ridgepole. He adds that in well-preserved 
specimens, below the base decorated with maeander, as in the 
Philadelphia example, is a plain base of about 10 cm. which was 
inserted into the groove of the lower member, the cyma, thus 
ensuring a strong support against high wind or other dangers. 
This deep insertion is unthinkable in the case of a tile, which 
would necessarily be completely severed and allow of leakage at a 
vulnerable spot. The tiles covering the ridgepole were rounded 
to allow the rain-water to nm away, and any ornament upon 
them would have interfered with that structural necessity. 

The authors state on page 306 that " there is no sure way of dat- 
ing these architectural terracottas and one man's guess is just aa 
good as another's." The chronology is certainly difficult, but not 
quite so vague as they imply. For there are certain considera- 
tions which serve as valuable guides. One is the building which 
the revetment adorned: in many recent excavations careful 
research has permitted an accurate dating, primarily from the 
architecture itself, and secondarily from objects found there, such 
as inscriptions, bucchero ware, late vases, eto. When the prove- 

iG. Rixzo, B, Com. Bom. 1910, p. 281-321. 

'This important observation was made to me by Dottoressa L. Morpurgo, 
who, as Assistant Curator at the Villa GiuHa Museum, has had unique oppor- 
timities of stud3ring the material. 



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TERRACOTTA REVETMENTS FROM ETRURIA 159 

nance of the terracotta fragments cannot be precisely ascertained, 
comparison with similar slabs of known provenance is an assist- 
ance. Lastly, the clay itself, the method of working it, the firing, 
coloring and style of the design, all enable us to form some judg- 
ment upon this question. 

The earliest terracotta decoration consisted entirely of figura- 
tive subjects such as the friezes of animals from Poggio Buco,^ 
the Gorgoneion and Warrior on horseback from Vignanello,* and 
the Warrior on horseback from the Roman Forum.* Slightly 
later come the more elaborate subjects of the Procession of bigae 
with winged horses from Velletri, Palestrina, and the Esquiline,* 
leading on to the more varied subjects of horse races, chariot pro- 
cessions, banqueting scenes, etc. The earliest element which was 
treated as purely decorative seems to have been the acroterion.^ 
With a desire for greater ornamental richness, floral motives were 
introduced which led to the elaborate decoration of such temples 
as that of Apollo at Falerii.' 

Careful comparison of these grills shows that the simplest and 
flattest designs are the more archaic. Perhaps the earUest is from 
the temple at Satricinn, which may be dated at the very beginning 
of the fifth century from the architectural remains and from the 
figurative terracottas found there; another very simple design 
comes from the Temple of Mercury at Falerii, which also belongs 
to the early fifth century B.C. The grill from Segni, although not 
complicated in design, has been shown by conclusions drawn from 
the building which it decorated to belong to the second century 
B.C.' Wiegand, in his description of the grill from Caere,* illus- 
trated by Dr. Luce, compares it with fragments from Alatri, a 
temple of the second century i.e., and certainly that is the impres- 
sion produced by the elaborate design and by the rose-crowned 
head and agitated garments of the winged figure of the Caere 
^rill. The grill in Philadelphia is similar, but slightly earlier than 
the one from Falerii which comes from a temple of the third cen- 
tury. This comparatively late date is confirmed by the prove- 

^NolScav. 1898, p. 436. 
*NoL Scav. 1916, p. 83, fig. 46. 
•Not. Scav, 1899, p. 167, fig. 17. 

* PeUegrini, Studi e Materiali, I, pp. 99 £f. 

* Rizzo, BvU. Com. Rom. 1911, p. 25. 

♦Taylor and Bradshaw, B.S.R. VIII, 1916, pp. 1-34, pla. I, II. 

^ BoU. ArUy X, 1916, (Cr(maca (f ArU, p. 14). 

« Amdt, La Glyptothkque Ny^arUberg, pi. 173, ii, p. 21. 



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160 E, DOUGLAS VAN BUREN 

nance of the Philadelphia grill, for excavations at Orvieto have 
proved that the temples there were all of the fourth to the second 
centuries, and the only terracotta fragment which might con- 
ceivably be placed in the late fifth century is the three-headed 
Daemon in Berlin.^ 

Since the provenance of the slab A J. A, XXII, pi. VIII, i, is 
unknown it is more difficult to date it accurately. A fragment of 
revetment from Orvieto from a necropolis of the fourth century 
bears a certain resemblance to the treatment and coloring of the pal- 
mettes and lotus buds.* The authors are probably correct in con- 
jecturing that the main fragment of pi. VIII, ii, has been restored 
upside-down, for the examples from Falerii show that in almost 
every instance a pattern of maeander or guilloche was introduced 
between two tori above the decorative design. From Alatri come 
close parallels to pi. IX, ii and Fig. 3, ii, which, by analogy, would 
relegate them to the fourth century at the earliest; the similar 
slab from Falerii is more ornate and belongs to the late third cen- 
tury. Akin to pi. IX, i, but earlier and simpler, is the revetment 
from the Temple of Mercury at Falerii of the fifth century. Here 
the palmettes and lotus buds are surmounted by a simple maean- 
der between two tori and capped by a narrow fluting. The frag- 
ments illustrated in Fig. 8, ii and in are probably parts of the 
decoration round the doors.' 

The subject of early Italic architectural terracottas is one 
about which we have still much to learn, but modern scientific 
excavations are daily adding to our knowledge, and when the im- 
portant recent discoveries at Veii are published they will assuredly 
reveal a whole new chapter in the early art history of Italy. 

American museums are to be congratulated upon the progres- 
sive and liberal spirit shown by those who have been entrusted 
with their development, in that they have acquired, not only 
unique and priceless examples of the flower of Classic Art, but 
also some extremely instructive specimens of the art handicraft in 
which was manifested, hardly less clearly, the spirit of the age and 
race which produced them. 

E. Douglas Van Buren. 
Rome, 

NOVEMBEB, 1918. 

I Berlin, Terrak, Kal., No. 7537. Ann. Inst. 1881, pp. 44 ff. Not. Scav. 1879, 
pp. 30 ff. 
tNot Scav. 1880, p. 447, fig. in text. 
»Cf. Temple of Mercury, Falerii. Helbig, Fiihrer*, II, p. 339. 



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inKtttttte 
nf iattierita 



NOTE ON ETRUSCAN ARCHITECTURAL 
TERRACOTTAS 



In the preceding pages, which, through the courtesy of the 
Editor of the Journal, I was able to read in proof, Mrs. Van 
Buren has ably discussed the chronology of the revetments from 
Etruria, published by Mr. Leicester B. Holland and myself. 
While we are aware of the general principles involved in assign- 
ing dates to these terracottas, the principle to which we tried to 
adhere was based, perhaps too largely, on the presence or absence 
of similar palmette-lotus ornamentation on Greek vases, with due 
allowance for the later date of the Etruscan type. We believe 
firmly in the development of the designs one from the other, as 
worked out in our article; but we realize fully that Mrs. Van 
Buren has had access to material, about which, in the very nature 
of things, it was impossible for us to be in possession of full de- 
tails. We therefore welcome the decision of the latest ItaUan 
authorities regarding the dating of these revetments, expecially 
since immense quantities of unpublished material, the existence 
of which we could not have ascertained, are available in the Ital- 
ian museums for comparison with the fragments published by us. 

The point raised by Mrs. Van Buren about the openwork grill 
which Mr. Holland and I published in an earlier article is one in 
which we cannot agree with her. Whatever may be the case 
with other openwork grills, the one in Philadelphia was undoubt- 
edly meant to be of two thicknesses, set back to back. That it 
could have had a plain base underneath the decorated base is 
impossible, since the bottom is the original surface, as a glance at 
our Figure 1 in that article will show. There are dowel holes on 
the bottom to attach it to the member below. That it was 
originally of two thicknesses is proven beyond peradventure by 
the presence of staples and staple-holes on the upper edges of the 
petals of the palmettes. We did not mean to imply that the 
grills were fastened into a round cover tile, although ridge tiles 
with palmettes attached have been found,* but that they were 

»See Perrot and Chipiez, Hist, de VArt, VII, pi. VII, 1 from Temple C at 

Selinus. Although the example is Greek, similar tiles may well have been 

used in Etruria. They are, however, in one piece, and can only be cited to 

prove decoration along the ridgepole, such as we have assumed. 

American Journal of Arohaeology, Second Series. Journal of the -lot 

Archaeological InsUtuto of America, Vol. XXIII (1919). No. 2. ^^^ 



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162 STEPHEN BLEECKER LUCE 

built into a ridge wall against which the roof tiles abutted^ (Fig. 1)» 
Such a construction of a pent roof is common at the present time 

^ in Italy. Furthermore the evidence fur- 

II G nished by the Roman revettnents in 

'^^.^.myi^'^ Boston* can hardly be dismissed by say- 
^'^l^^^^^f^^^r'^^Zi^^ ^8 *^* *^® palmettes are there merely 
I ^ I decorative. On the contrary, those re- 

vetments are purely architectural in their 
design, and clearly show an openwork decoration on the ridge- 
pole, above the sloping roof with its rows of tiles which appear 
above the architrave. There is, therefore', here an "intervening 
member" between the ornamented ridgepole and the columns. 
Moreover, the confirmatory evidence furnished by Olympia and 
southern France can hardly be neglected. 

Mr. Holland concurs with me in thanking Mrs. Van Buren 
for the interest which prompted her to write regarding our work; 
an interest which we recognize as of the highest value, knowing 
as we do her reputation as a student of terracottas; and he 
agrees with me in admitting the probability of her system of 
chronology being nearer the truth than ours for the reasons given 
above. I hope for my part that she wiQ not object to our dis- 
agreeing with her on the position of the openwork grill. A frank 
and open discussion should only result in improving and strength- 
ening the cordial relations already existing between members of 
the family of classical archaeologists. 

Stephen Bleecker Luce. 

Boston, Mabsachtjsbttb, 
April, 1919. 

1 Cf. Choisy, Hist, de V Architecture, I, pp. 531-532; Dunn, Baukunsi der 
Rdmer*, pp. 327-328. Our figure is not drawn to scale, and is merely intended 
to show the principle. R —ridge pole; W —ridge wall; G— the pair of griUs; 
d— dowels attaching grills to wall; S— staples hooking the grills together at 
the top. The grills were of course in close contact at the back. 

* These revetments have been published by P. Hartwig, Jh. Oest, Arch. I. 
VI, 1903, pp. 16-31, pis. II-III, figs. 11-16; espedaUy pi. Ill and fig. 11. 



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LATIN INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 
IP 



Lucius Aquillius Florus 

5 (Fig. 1) White marble block. Height 0.97 m. Width 
0.47 m. Thickness 0.35 m. Found in a room immediately east 
of Pirene, June 1910. 

Transcription: 
Liucio) A]quiUio C{ai%) f(Uio) Pom{ptina trihu) 
Fl]aro Turdano GaUo 
X inr(o)] 8tUt%b{vs) iudiicandis) trib{uno) milU(um) legiionis) 

Vim Macifidonicae) 

proq\uaesl{ori) Cypro ex auctorUate Aug(u8ti) 

ftr{ibuno) pl{€bi8)] pr(aetori) proco(n)8{uli) provindae Ach[ai{ae) 
T%{b€riu8) Clai^i{vs) Anaxilas et Tiiberiits) Claudiius) [fOptatvs 
II v] %r{i) quinq{tienndle8) siui pecunia [f{ecerunt) 

In line 5 the distance from the first bar of the last letter to the 
right side of the block is 0.045 m. In line 4 the letters run to 
0.02 m. from the edge of the stone. There seems to be room for 
two more letters in line 5. 

An inscription found at Athens* is repeated here because of 
its close connection with the stone at Corinth. 
L(wcM>) AquiUio C{aii) f{ilio) Pom{ptina tribu) Floro 
Turdano GaUo / X vir{o) 8tl{itilm8) ituliicandis) tribune mU{itum) 
leg{i(mi8) Villi / Macedonic{ae) qv,ae8tor{i) impieraiorU) 

Cae8ar{i8) 
Aug{iM8ti) I proq%tae8t{ori) provinc(iae) Cypri tr{ibuno) pl{ebi8) 
pr{aetori) proco{n)8{yli) Achaiae 
'H fiovXif i) k^ 'Aptlov T&yov Kal ij jSouXi) tQv 
^axocUav ica[i] 6 B'fifjun A. 'AkuXXiov ^^pov 
TiOvpKiavdv TdXSov b.vBi)Tarov tbvoias Ivectv r^s Tp6% rifv ir6\i,v. 
15x1 Uplas ^iTToaadevidos r^s NticoicX[^]oi;$ Iltpaikus dvyarpds. 

No argument is necessary to show that the man named in the 
inscription at Corinth is the same as the one honored by the 
Athenian inscription. The names are identical and the offices 

1 See A J A, XXII, 1918, pp. 18^197. 

^C.I.L. m, 551, add.^. 985. 

American Joumal of Arohaeology, Second Series. Journal of the tao 

Areh»eolo«ioal Inrtitute of America, Vol. XXIII (1919), No. 2. ADO 



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164 L. R. DEAN 

are enmnerated in the same order. The stones were erected by 
different persons and probably at different times. 

Mommsen has discussed the relation of this Aquillius Florus 



Figure 1. — Latin Inscription from Corinth, No. 5. 

to others of the same name in the commentary on the Athenian 
inscription. His suggestion is that this Aquillius Florus is the 
father of the /// vir monetalis about the year 20 B.C. who bears 



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LATIN INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 165 

the same name. Both stones record the office of decemvir stlitibus 
indicandis as the first held by Aquillins and following this comes 
the military tribunate held in the legio Villi Macedonica. Up 
to the time of finding this stone that legion was known only from 
the inscription at Athens and its editor has suggested that the 
legio Vim Macedonica may be the same as legio IX triumphatrix 
and legio IX Hispana, the name Macedonica being due to its 
bravery at Philippi.^ 

The next office to be mentioned on the stone at Athens is that 
of quaestor imperatoris Caesaris Augusti. The Corinthian stone- 
cutter either did not have any such office mentioned in his 
copy or he confused it with the next office, that of proquaestor 
of Cyprus, to which are added the words ex audoriiate Augusti. 
It seems not unlikely that the form Cypro on tBe stone is due to 
the stone-cutter. It will be noticed that the combination of let- 
ters PRO appears twice in the next line and must have occurred 
at the beginning of line 4 so that the cutter, whose knowledge of 
Latin may have been small, was led to cut an 'O' where an 'I' was 
written in his copy. 

In this discussion it is assumed that the quaestorship was not 
indicated in the original document from which the inscription was 
copied and that the stone preserves only the mention of the pro- 
quaestorship which Aquillius held in Cyprus on the authority, 
that is, on the appointment, of Augustus. As is well known the 
office of proquaestor is not imcommon in the time of the Republic, 
but for the imperial period the office is not often mentioned. 
Appointment of a proquaestor could be made by the governor of 
a province in case of a vacancy caused by the death or necessary 
absence of a quaestor. Or it sometimes happened that the 
number of quaestors appointed proved to be insufficient for all 
the provinces and someone who had already served as quaestor 
was named to fill out the number with the title of proquaestor, 
Cassius Dio speaks of two occasions, in 24 b.c. and 16 a.d., 
when such an appointment was found necessary.* 

If one turns to the history of the province of Cyprus during the 
early part of the principate of Augustus it will be noted that 
Cyprus became an imperial province in 27 b.c, probably still 
attached to Cilicia. Five years later Augustus turned it over 
to the Senate.* 

> CJZ. V, 397; von Domaszewski, Jh. OesL Arch, /. II, 1899, Beiblatt, p. 83. 
'Cass. Dio, LIII, 28; LVII, 16. 
'Ca88.Dio, LIV, 4. 
6 



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166 L. R. DEAN 

It does not seem improbable, therefore, that on account of the 
addition of this province to the senatorial provinces there was an 
insufficient nimiber of quaestors for that year and the Emperor 
asked his former quaestor Aquillius to serve as proquaestor in 
Cyprus until the Senate could elect officers in the usual way. It 
is possible, of course, that the dative Cypro on the stone is correct, 
and that we should explain it by saying that Aquillius was pro- 
quaestor for Cyprus on the appointment of Augustus. 

The reading of the inscription at Athens gives good ground for 
the restoration at the beginning of line 5 of the letters indicating 
the office of tribime of the plebs. Following the praetorship 
Aquillius became proconsul of the province of Achaia. The date 
of his administration of the province has been given by Ruggiero^ 
as before the battle at Actixun, i.e., before the year 31 B.C. That 
he could have been appointed as proconsul so early seems doubt- 
ful. Achaia was not constituted as a separate province until 27 
B.C. The proconsulship certainly followed the proquaestorship 
and reasons have been given for assigning the latter office to the 
year 22 b.c. However, in 15 a.d. Achaia became an imperial 
province so that AquiUius was governor there before that date. 
All the indications, therefore, point to some date not many years 
after 22 b.c, possibly about 14 or 12 b.c. 

The inscription concludes with the names of the dedicators. 
The repetition of the letters Ti. and the use of the nominative 
plural ClaudHj) indicates that two cognomina are to follow. 
One, Anaxilas, is preserved, the other is lost. The name Tibe- 
rius Claudius Anaxilas is known from Corinthian coins struck 
during the principate of Nero.* From other coins of this period 
we learn the name of another duumvir of Corinth, Tiberius Clau- 
dius Optatus, and the restoration of the cognomen Optatus is 
made in the transcription of the Corinthian inscription given 
above. Why these men paid for the setting up of an inscription 
in honor of a governor of the province who held office at least a 
half-century earlier, we may never know. It is not unreasonable 
to suppose that they restored an inscription which had been set 
up many years before. 

* Dizionario di ant. Rom., 8. v. *Achaia.' 

* Cohen, I, p. 304. 



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LATIN INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 167 

Mabcus Agrippa 
6 (Fig. 2) Bluish marble block. Height 0.60 m. Width 
0.465* m. Thickness about 0.44 m. Found April 3, 1899, prob- 
ably north of Pirene. 
Transcription: 

M(arco) Agrippae co(n)s{idi) 
tert{io) tribiunida) potest{ate) 
d(edit) d{edicavit) tribus Vinida 
patrono 

Marcus Agrippa was consul 
for the third time in 27 B.C. 

and received the tribunician 1 1 / A /^ D I pD X C ^ 
power in 18 B.C. He died in IMA Vifvl 11 Au V^^ 
12 B.C. This inscription was ILtFpTtRI fcPrtT TCTJ 
set up then between 18 and 12 V * ^'^^ 1 W D I Ui t Jl^ 
B.C., possibly about 16 B.C., W^DTKlfiVS-VlNlCIy 
when he passed through Cor- tfHE|kPA.T RHNn 
inth on his. way to the East, '™w*/M IVJriU 
or on his return in 12 b.c.^ 
The dedication to Agrippa on 
the large base at Athens' is not 
dated. Although ihetribunicia 
poUstas is not there recorded, ^^^^ 2.— Latin Inscription from 
it is not impossible that the Corinth, No. 6. 

base was erected at about the same time as the stones at Corinth 
and Sparta. 

The trihus Vinida was a division of the city of Corinth under 
Roman rule.* The wording of the inscription leads us to think 
that the tribe Vinicia had formally chosen Agrippa as its patronua 
and wished thus to commemorate its choice; and in so doing 
they honored themselves as much as their patron. It is possible 
that Agrippa was a patronus of the colonia Laus lulia Corinthua 
and not of a single tribe, for we know from another inscription* 
that there was in Corinth a irihus Agrippa. Had Agrippa 
wished to become the paironua of any trihus one would expect 
him to hold that relation to the tribe which bore his name. 

The majority of inscriptions erected in provincial towns to 
paironi state openly or imply clearly that the patronus is patronus 

^Cf. C.LL, III, 493, at Sparta, which is dated 736-742 a.u.c. « 18-12 b.c. 

»J.(?.m,676. 

• A J.A. XXII, 1918, pp. 195-197. 

^ To be published shortly. 



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168 



L. R. DEAN 



coloniae. An inscription much like this one at Corinth has been 
found at Gurza in Northern Africa.^ It reads L{ucio) Antonio 
Rogato Curiales curiae Antoniae patrono et . , . ; the re- 
mainder is lost. Here it will be noticed that the curia honors a 
paironus whose name it bears. 

Cnaeus Babbius Philintjs 

7 (Fig. 3) Marble epistyle block from a round building. 
Height 0.645 m. Length 1.70 m. Thickness 0.58 m. Dowel, 
pry, and clamp holes on top. Egg and dart and astragal mould- 



^'-^ ^ 



r > f/ji^ / 



a a-BA6B I VS-PHILINV5AEPPQNrri 

^M- c n fT"^^^!^ y^-*^ Tr\ A/^\ /c r f \ /to d 



■a 



-^EMQVE'II-VIR'P' 



■^•^V-^l-^^ 



Figure 3. — Latin Inscription from Corinth, No. 7. 

ings almost completely destroyed. Letters 0.08 to 0.07 m. in 
height. Found June 17, 1907, southwest of the shop with a 
barrel-vaulted roof still preserved in the agora. 

Transcription: 
Cn(aet*5) Babbius Philinus aed(iUs) pontif{ex) 
tqiuaestor) 8{ua) piecunia) f{aciendum) c{uravii) idemque II vir 

pipsuit) or pixphavit) ^ 

8 (Fig. 4) Marble block used as a base. Smooth on all sides. 
On top a rectangular cutting 0.785X0.285 m. for holding a 



JcNBABBIVSPHIUNVS 



Figure 4. — Latin Inscription from Corinth, No. 8. 
'C./X.VIII,72. 



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LATIN INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 169 

statue or a stele. Height of stone 0.31 m. Length 1.205 m. 
Width 0.565 m. Found June 25, 1907, not far from No. 7. 



Transcription: 



Cniaeus) Bahhius Philinus 
Neptuno 8acr(um) 



9 (Fig. 5) Poros architrave block, now built into a late wall 
west of St. John's Church. Height 0.545 m. Length 1.55 m.; 
the stone was originally longer; the surface of the right end 

CNBABBIVSPHILII 

Figure 6. — Latin Inscription from Corinth, No. 9. 

shows later cutting. Thickness 0.55-0.49 m. Remains of 
cement stucco on the surface of the stone. Height of letters 
0. 12 m. The drawing reproduces the letters only, as the location 
of the stone made the taking of measurements very difficult. 
Date of finding not known. 
Transcription: 

Cn{aei^) Bahhius Philin{us) 

10 (Fig. 6) Fragment of a marble architectural block now in 
two pieces. Height 0. 25 m. Width 0.40 m. Thickness 0.66 m. 




•BABBl 




Figure 6. — Latin Inscription from Corinth,*No.^10. 

Height of inscribed face 0.10 m. In the Museum at Corinth; no 
record of date or place of finding obtainable. 



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170 

Transcription: 



L. R. DEAN 



Cn{aeu8) Babhius 



11 (Fig. 7) Fragment of marble architectural block. Meas- 
iirements indicated in the cross section given with the drawing 





Figure 7. — Latin Inscription irom Corinth, No. 11. 

of the stone. Like No. 10, this stone is in the Museum at Cor- 
inth but without data concerning its discovery. 
Transcription: 



C\n{aeuB) Babhi[u9~ 
ei*u« 



-?6o?- 



12 (Fig. 8) Top of a bluish marble slab. Length 0.28 m. 
Height 0.055 m. Thickness 0.095 m. Found April (?), 1898, 
place not recorded. Only the upper portion of the following 
letters preserved, Babhius P[hilinu8]. The stone is too small to 
show what its original size and shape were; nor can we deter- 
mine the character of the monument of which it formed a part. 

The name of Cnaeus Babbius Philinus has come down to us in 
whole or in part in six inscriptions. Of these four are on blocks 

Figure 8. — Latin Inscription from Corinth, No. 12. 

belonging to buildings which Babbius caused to be erected. 
Number 7, as was noted above, was cut on a frieze block belong- 



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LATIN INSCRIPTIONS PROM CORINTH 



171 



ing to the circular building of early Roman imperial times which 
replaced the Greek temple with an apse-like end.' The circular 
building stood near the ancient Greek fountain in the agora.' 

Cnaeus Babbius Philinus was evidently a man of considerable 
wealth who held the offices of aedile, pontifex, quaestor perhaps, 
and duumvir. The office of pontifex is mentioned on another 
stone from Corinth.* The dedication to the sea-god may have 
marked an altar or a small temple of Neptune. 

PuBLius Caninius Aqrippa 

13 (Fig. 9, a) Marble block. Height originally 0.40 m. With 
the exception of a small portion the original upper surface has 
been cut away 0.08 m. Width 0.535 m. Thickness 0.61 m. 




A B 

FiGTTRS 9. — Latin Inscriptionb from Corinth: a, No. 13; b, No. 14. 

Lines 4 and 5, except the word Quinta, appear to have been added 
later. In the Museum at Corinth. Nothing is known concern- 
ing date and place of finding. 
Transcription: 

P(ublio) Caninio Alexiadae 
f{ilio) Agrippae procur{atori) Caesairis) 
Aug{vsti) provinciiae) Achaiae 
Quinta 

14 (Fig. 9, b) Marble block much broken. The original surface 
is preserved on the top and possibly on the bottom, but the latter 

1 D. M. Robinson, 'Recent Archaeological Work in Greece/ A./.A.XII, 1908> 
p. 67 (summary). 

' A set of drawings of the Roman building dedicated by Babbius has been 
made by H. D. Wood; see AJ.A. XII, 1908, Suppl. p. 15. 

' To be published shortly. For other instances of it in provincial towns see 
CJJj^ III, Index, p. 2522, «.«. 'pontifex.' 



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172 L. R. DEAN 

is very rough. Height 0.305 m. Width 0.39 m. Thickness 
0.52 m. Roughly cut moulding along upper edge of stone. 
Letters of line 4 are not so well cut as those in lines 1-3 and seem 
to be later. Line 4: First letter probably B; sixth letter seems 
to be R; the following letter, D, is' somewhat better cut than 
the other letters in line 4. Found June (?), 1903, place not 
recorded. 
Transcription: 

P(ublio) Ca]ninio Alexiad{(ie) f{ilio) Co[r(nelia?) 

Agripp]ae procur{aton) Caesar{is) 

A%tg(%k8ti) prov{inciae)] Achaiae 

b strar D patron{o) 

We have two inscriptions in honor of Publius Caninius Agrippa 
the son of Alexiadas,aprociu-ator of the province Achaia, probably 
during the principate of Tiberius. Corinthian coins struck 
during this principate preserve the name P. Caninius Agrippa, 
recording also the fact that the man who bore the name was 
duumvir quinquennalis of Corinth.^ It seems almost certain 
that inscription and coins refer to the same man and we may 
conclude that the stone was erected during the reign of Tiberius. 
The last lines of both inscriptions appear to be in part, if not 
wholly, later additions and no satisfactory explanation of them 
has been found. It does not seem likely that this Caninius was 
related, — or at least not closely related, — to Caninius Rebilus 
the consul on the last day of December, 45 B.C. 

QuiNTUs CispuLEius Theophilus 

15 (Fig. 10, a) Base of white marble, broken at bottom, dowel 
hole in the top; it may have supported a statue. Height 0.51 
m. Width 0.425 m. Thickness 0.33 m. Found April 21, 1898, 
place not recorded. Line 6 : Some letters are missing at the right 
end of the line. 

Transcription: 

Q{uinto) Cispuleio 

Qiuinti) fiilio) Aem{ilia tribu) 

Theophilo 

decurionalibus 

et aedilidis omament{is) 

» Cohen, I, p. 205. 



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LATIN INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 



173 



diecreto) d{ecurionum) honorato 
Q(uintus) Cisptd [eius 

The inscription tells its own story. A Roman citizen of Greek 
ancestry, judging from the cognomen, had held the local offices 
and received from the decuriones this mark of honor.^ The in- 
scription appears to have been set up by a relative. The con- 
clusion is lacking. 



3 



Q:C15PVLEIi 
Q^F-AEM 

THfOPHILO 

DECVKIONALIBYS 

FMBHIlCi&OXVXKENri 
D-D-HOMORATO 



Tl'CLAVDtC 
iJ.TICLAVDl 

|hii>par.ch1f 

lOyjR'ATTlCO 

PRAETORlIS 

ORNAMENT 

''KNATOEXSC 

TVS 



Figure 10. — Latin Inscriptions prom Corinth: a, No. 15; b, No. 16. 

Tiberius Claudius Atticus 

16 (Fig. 10, b) White marble block. Height 0.67 m. Width 
0.465 m. Thickness 0.33 m. Letters very well cut. Found 
May 23, 1896, place not recorded. Now in New Corinth. 
Transcription: 

Ti{berio) Clavdio 

THJberii) Claudi{i) 

Hipparchi f{ilio) 

Quir(ina tribu) Attico 

praetoriis t 

omamentiis) 

omato ex sienatv^) cionsulio) 

l{aeius) liibens) v{otum) s{olvit) 



^For omamerUa decurianalia et aedilicia see Daremberg-Saglio, s.v, 'Orna- 
menta.' 



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174 L. R, DEAN 

It appears that this stone preserves the name of one of the 
leading citizens of Corinth, a Roman citizen of Greek lineage, as 
the cognomina show, who received from the Senate at Rome the 
arnamerUa praetoria} From the form of the letters the inscrip- 
tion probably belongs to the first century after Christ. The 
letters in the last line are somewhat puzzling. It is possible that 
we should read TIVS and perhaps interpret Ti{beriu8) v{ivu8) 
8{ibi). In the reading given above it is assumed that the name 
of the person giving the inscription followed in a line now lost. 

L. R. Dean. 

EaRLHAM Ck)LLBOE, 

Richmond, Indiana. 
1 For omamenta praetoria see Daremberg-Saglio, a.v, 'Oraamenta.' 



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Itl8 
Jiil7-l>oo«iiib€r 

ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCUSSIONS* 

SUMMARIES OF ORIGINAL ARTICLES CHIEFLY IN 
CURRENT PUBLICATIONS 

William N. Bates, Editor 
220 St. Mark's Square, Philadelphia, Pa. 



GENERAL AND MISCELLANEOUS 

The Brazen Serpent Made by Moses and the Healing Serpents of Escula- 
pins.— In R. Arch., fifth aeries, VII, 1918, pp. 36-49, Maumck Vernbs finds 
that the scene of the elevation of the brazen serpent was at or near Obot, in 
eastern Arabia, on the confines of Moab. There are copper mines in the neigh- 
borhood. Here was, the author supposes, a sanctuary of Eshmoun (Greek 
Asclepius), and Moses may have brought away with him a bronze image of 
one of the sacred serpents. A brazen serpent was much later destroyed by 
Hesekiah (// Kings, XVIII, 4). This was supposed by the people to have 
been made by Moses. The name Obot signifies Spirits of the dead which are 
invoked and, therefore, supports the theory that there was a sanctuary of Esh- 
moun at that place. The bronze serpent destroyed by Hezekiah probably 
did not date from the time of Moses, but more likely from that of David. 

Bronze Razors.— In R. Arch., fifth series, VII, 1918, pp. 259-262 (2 figs.) 
M. Vai/xtaibb publishes side by side a razor of the Bronze Age and an iron 
razor from Abyssinia in the museum at Samur. Both have the same nearly 
circular form, which may serve as a proof, if proof were still needed, that the 
so-called circular bronze razors really are razors. 

The So-called "Bow-puller."— In Proc. Soc. Ant. XXIX, 1917, pp. 24-41 
(19 figs.), R. Smith discusses the bronze object sometimes called a ''bow- 
puller." He recognizes the fact that this name is not correct and tries to prove 
with the help of similar bronzes found in England that these objects were at- 
tached to the cheek straps of a horse's bridle with the spines pointed inward, 
so that a pull on one rein would press the points into the cheek on the opposite 
side. If the nose-band and chin-strap passed through one or both loops of a 
pair of these bronzes the points would always remain at right angles to the 
cheek. He quotes a harness-maker in support of his theory. 

The Kermes in Antiquity.— In R. ArcA., fifth series, VII, 1918, pp. 92-112, 
J. and Ch. Cottb collect the Greek and Latin passages in which the Kermes 
(Coccus ilicis) is mentioned. It was widely used in making red dye and also 

1 The departments of Archaeological News and Discussions and of BibUography of Archae- 
ological Books are conducted by Professor Batbs, Editor-in-charge, assisted by Professor C. N. 
BmowK, Miss Mabt H. Buckinoham, Dr. T. A. Bubnobr, Dr. L. D. Caskbt, Professor Habold 
R. Hajbtinos, Professor Elmer T. Mbbrill, Professor Lxwis B. Paton. Professor A. 8. Pbasb, 
Professor S. B. Platneb, Professor John C. Rolfb. Dr. John Sbaplet, Professor A. L. 
Whbblxr and the Editors, espedally Professor Marquanb. 

No attempt is made to include in this number of the Journal material published after 
December 31. 1018. 

For sm explanation of the abbreviations, see pp. 90-100. 

175 



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176 ^AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

in medicine. The ancient names for the creature show that it was regarded 
as a worm or inferior animal. The word furnished by Pliny, Cuscidiumj and the 
Basque bermejoa were used in southern France before the coming of the 
Romans. From bermejoa^ the Castilian bermejo and all such words as vermUion 
are derived. 

Note on the Libyan Alphabet.— In C. R. Acad. Insc. 1917, pp. 558-564, 
J. B. Chabot discusses the significance of certain letters in the Libyan 
alphabet and tries esj)ecially to establish the value of the character made 
with four vertical strokes. 

Thradan Archaeology.— In R. Arch., fifth series, VII, 1918, pp. 76-91 
(fig.), Georges Seure continues his discussions of unknown or little known 
Thra'cian monuments and inscriptions (see A. J. A. XXII, 1918, p. 200). In 
this article six inscriptions are published, all Latin epitaphs. The names 
Drizu(parus?) and Farfinias seem to be new. Nos. 156 and 157 come from 
tombs near the village of Artchar. These tombs form five groups. Most of 
them had vaulted ceilings. 

A Gold Ornament in New York. — In Proc. Soc. Ant. XXIX, 1917, pp. 11- 
13 (fig.). Sir Martin Conway publishes a gold ornament in the collection of 
Mr. J. P. Morgan of New York. It represents an eagle with spread wings 
inside a circle which was originally surrounded by eighteen stones of a grayish- 
green color. Seven of these now remain. It is Scythian work of the third 
century a.d., but of Roman derivation. 

Cruciform Interlacing Ornaments. — In C. R. Acad. Insc. 1918, pp. 197-209 
(20 figs.); Dr. Capitan discusses the extent and variety of cruciform interlacing 
ornaments in different parts of the world. In the earUest example, found at 
Susa and dating from the time of Naram Sin, two serpents compose the design. 



Figure 1. — Statuette op one op the ''Souls op Pe": 
New York Historical Society. 



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Egypt] ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCUSSIONS, 1918 177 

Sometimes this type of ornament probably had some mystic significance, but 
in most cases it was simply a decorative motive. Its use wm extensive on 
both sides of the Atlantic. 

EGYPT 

Bronze Statuettes in New York. — In the Quarterly BvUetin of the New 
York Historical Society, II, 1918, pp. 43-^53 (12 figs.) Mrs. Caroline Ransom 
Williams calls attention to several of the bronze statuettes from Egypt in the 
collection of the New York Historical Society. The most remarkable (1) 
represents one of the "Souls of Pe." It is a falcon-headed figure kneeling in 



Figure 2. — Statuette op a Negro Captive: New York Historical Society. 

an attitude of adoration (Fig. 1), and was cast in one piece over a core. The 
subject is very rare among Egyptian bronzes; the only parallels which can be 
cited are two bronze statuettes in the museum at Cairo. The others are, (2) 
a fine statuette of Hathor with cow's head in which the eyes are inlaid in gold 
and electrum; (3) a cat-headed figure of Bast; (4) a human-headed figure of 
Bast; (5) a group of a cat and four kittens; (6) a throne for a statuette of Har- 
pocrates with a human suppliant before it; (7) a nude standing figure of 
Harpocrates wearing the crowns of Upper and Lower Egypt with a small box 
for an amulet in front of him; (8) a kneeling negro, 14.3 cm. high, with hands 
tied behind his back, evidently a captive (Fig. 2). It was cast solid and is 
apparently unique. The last statuette discussed (9) is a realistic figure of a 
priest. The arms were cast separately and doweled into the shoulders. 



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178 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

Wooden Statuettes In New Yoric — In the Quarterly BvUetin of the New 
York Historical Society, II, 1918, pp. 75-88 (17 figs.), Mrs. Cabouns Ransom 
Williams calls attention to some of the Egyptian wooden statuettes of gods 
in the possession of the Society. (1) One is a jackal-headed figure 34.7 cm. 
high in the back of which is a cavity 16 cm. high, 1.7 cm. wide and 2 cm. deep 
still containing part of a tightly rolled papyrus. As early as the eighteenth 
dynasty there were deposited in the tombs wooden statuettes containing magi- 
cal papyri intended to aid the dead man in his journey in the other world. 
This statuette is probably later than the twenty-first dynasty. (2) A statuette 
of Osiris, 62.7 cm. high, dating from the twentynsecond dynasty, probably 
served for the same purpose. (3) Another statuette of Osiris has a hollow in 
the base, probably to hold a small mummified animal. (4) A statuette of Bast 
and (5) an Osiris seated against an obelisk were also reliquaries. (6) Still 
another Osiris figure contained grasses wrapped in linen, perhaps intended to 
represent a mummified serpent. (7) A statuette of Bast, 43 cm. high, repre- 
sents the goddess seated with arms at her sides and hands near her knees. 
This was made in two halves and: contained the mummy of a cat. It probably 
dates from the Ptolemaic period. (8) One of the best statuettes in the col- 
lection is that of a standing male figure, 37 cm. high, covered with bitumen 
and probably dating from the eighteenth dynasty. (9) A statuette of Osiris, 
20.2 cm. high, is remarkable because its surface covering of gold is nearly 
intact. (10) Still another Osiris has its gold leaf surface finely preserved. 

Two Reliefs in New York. — In the Quarterly BvUetin of the New York 
Historical Society, II, 1918, pp. 14-21 (2 figs.), Mrs. Cabounb Ransom Wil- 
UAMS publishes two of the forty or more £g3rptian reliefs belonging to the Society. 
The first is one of four sculptured blocks from the tomb of a certain Semenkhu- 
ptah and dates from the end of the fifth or beginning of the sixth dynasty. 
The head of the deceased is shown without wig or beard and is a strong realistic 
portrait. The site of the tomb is recorded by Mariette as north of the Step 
Pyramid of Sakkara. The second is a temple rehef dating from the reign of 
Se-ankh-ka-re of the eleventh dynasty. It is 4 ft. 4 in. long and 2 ft. 7^ in. 
high and was found at Erment, the ancient Hermonthis. Parts of two scenes 
are preserved. At the right the king is standing before the goddess Wazit; 
at the left he appears again, this time wearing the crown of Lower Egypt. 
The portraits are ideal, and the whole relief modeled and finished with great 
delicacy. A similar portrait of Se-ankh-ka-re was found by the French on 
the island of Elephantine in 1908. 

A Memphite Statuette of the Ne^pr Empire. — A comparison of the art of 
Memphis with that of Thebes accompanies G. B^n^itb's publication in 
Gaz. B.'A. XIV, 1918, pp. 115-122 (pi.; 2 figs.) of a Memphite statuette of 
the end of the eighteenth dynasty in the Louvre. A fine example for compari- 
son with this representation of the Priest Zai is the Theban figure (nineteenth 
dynasty) of the Priestess Toui. These two are characteristic of the arts of the 
two cities. The Memphite figure is precise, hard, restrained, conceived in a 
cold elegance; while the Theban priestess is infinitely more supple, more 
abandoned, and free. They show the difference in temperament that exists 
in all latitudes between the north and the south. 

A Nomarch of Edfou of the Sixth Dynasty.— In C. R, Acad, Insc. 1918, 
pp. 105-115, A. MoRET translates and comments upon an inscription found 



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Babylonia, BTc.l ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCUSSIONS, 1918 179 

at Edfou relating to the career of the nomarch Kara, sumamed Pepinefcfi 
under the first three kings of the sixth dynasty. As a child he was included 
in the group of sons of nomarchs educated by the king. These boys had cer- 
tain duties to perform at court, although they were really hostages. In the 
first year of Merenra he was made nomarch of Wtes-Hor at Edfou where his 
father had held the same office. The inscription throws considerable light 
upon certain Egyptian institutions. 

Maspero's Introduction to Egyptian Phonetics. — ^At the time of his death 
Professor Maspero was engaged in writing a work on Egsrptian grammar, the 
first section of which had to do with Egyptian writing. Two parts dealing 
respectively with the consonants and the vowels were completed, and a third 
on the sonants begun. Unfortunately no papers were left to show how he 
intended to finish this chapter. Maspero's object was to set forth in this work 
the results of his long years of study in the field of Egyptology. Enough was 
written to show that he differed from the Berlin school. (£. Navillb, C. R. Acad. 
Insc. 1918, pp. 167-170.) 

Egyptian Bibliography.— In R, Arch., fifth series, VII, 1918, pp. 158-176, 
Setmour de Rigci continues (see A J. A. XXII, 1918, p. 442) his sketch of 
Eg3i)tian Bibliography. The divisions of Museography and Philology are 
included in this instalment. 

BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA 

Babylonian Symbolism in the Casdte Period. — ^In Mus, J. IX, 1918, pp. 
151-156 (fig.), S. L(angdon) describes a Babylonian tablet in the Museum of 
the University of Pennsylvania which dates from about 1600 B.C. It bears a 
note of the scribe which begins, ''Let the knowing instruct the knowing, and 
let him who does not know not read,'' words also found on a few of the tablets 
of Asurbanipal at Nineveh. The text explains the divine powers which are 
controlled or symbolized by various substances and utensils employed in the 
rituals. Thus the jar of holy water signifies Ninhabursildu, queen of incanta- 
tions; the tamerisk signifies the god of the heavens; the head of the date palm, 
Tammuz; the cypress, the aid of Adad; the censer invokes the god of the spring 
sun, Urasha, etc. It also gives the only information yet recovered about the 
mystic meanings of metals. Silver is the god of the heavens, gold the earth 
god, copper the god of the sea, lead the great mother goddess. The reverse 
of this tablet has to do with cryptic connections between fruits employed in 
rituals and parts of the human body, e.^;, wine and the eyes, figs and the loins, 
mead and the legs. Another section explains how certain deities have power 
over houses and cities; and still another is a philological commentary on cer- 
tain difficult cult words. 

An Ode to the Word in a Sumerian Liturgy. — In Mus, /. IX, 1918, pp. 
157-163 (fig.), S. L(anqi>on) discusses a tablet in the Museum of the Univer- 
sity of Pennsylvania containing an "Ode to the Word." It originally consisted . 
of five columns of about fifty lines on each side, or about five hundred lines for 
the whole liturgy. It is a lament for the destruction of the city of Ur divided 
into about twelve melodies, and was probably composed in the dynasty of 
Iain. The fifth melody is an ode to the Word, or Spirit of Wrath, and is 
unique. It reads: 



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180 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

Enlil utters the spirit of wrath and the people wail. 

The spirit of wrath has destroyed prosperity in the land, and the people 

wail. 
The spirit of wrath has taken peace from Sumer and the people wail. 
He sent the woeful spirit of wrath and the people wail. 
The "Messenger of Wrath" and the "Assisting Spirit" into his hand he 

entrusted. 
He has spoken the spirit of wrath which exterminates the Land and the 

nation wails. 
Enlil sent Gibil as his helper. 

The great wrathful spirit from heaven was spoken and the people wail. 
Ur like a garment thou hast destroyed, like a . . . thou hast scattered. 
About half of this song to the Word has been lost. 

Cappadocian Tablets in Philadelphia. — In Mils. /. IX, 1918, pp. 148-150, 
A. H. S(aycb) gives a brief account of the so-called Cappadocian tablets, 
dating from the third dynasty of Ur (2500 B.C.), in the Museum of the Uni- 
versity of Pennsylvania. Most of them are commercial documents, but there 
are some letters. One tablet has to do with the sale of a boy by his parents. 

The Excavations of Victor Place. — In R. Arch.^ fifth series, VII, 1918, pp. 
113-130, Maurice Pillet concludes (see A. J. A. XXI, 1917, p. 453) his publi- 
cation of letters and documents relating to the excavations of Victor Place in 
Assyria and the transportation to the Louvre of some of the objects he found. 

SYRIA AND PALESTINE 

Religious Employment of Megalitfaic Monuments by the Ancient Hebrews. — 
In R. Arch., fifth series, VII, 1918, pp. 275-290, Maxteice Vernes advances the 
theory that the Hebrews adopted megalithic cromlechs (circles of twelve stones 
representing the twelve stations of the Zodiac) into their own religious history 
by making the twelve stones symbolize the twelve tribes of Israel. The 
"Gilgal" near Jericho (Joshua IV, 1-11, 19-24), another, perhaps, at Sichem, 
one at Mount Sinai {Exodus XXIV, 4-8), and the altar at Mount Carmel 
(/ Kings y XVIII) are discussed as grounds for the theory. 

Eastern Exploration Past and Future. — Under the title Eastern Exploration 
Past and Future (London, 1918, Constable & Co. 118 pp. 8vo. 28. 6d. net), 
W. M. Flhtobrs Petbie publishes three lectures delivered by him at the Royal 
Institution. In the first he sketches the history of Palestine in the light of 
modern studies and excavations, and in the second he does the same for 
Mesopotamia. In the third, which he entitles "The Future," he argues that 
in the reconstitution of Mesopotamia and Palestine after the war great care 
must be taken for the preservation of ancient remains and the protection of 
the historical documents which'are known to exist beneath the soil. Provision 
should be made for research, and excavation be permitted freely to any scholar 
of standing who has had the proper training. Furthermore there should be no 
government monopoly of antiquities. Every effort should be made, e.^., 
by pa3dng a higher price for them than could be obtained elsewhere, to induce 
all who make chance discoveries to turn over their finds to the proporly con- 
stituted authorities. In Jerusalem all building should be forbidden, and a 
new city established a mile or two to the southwest in the Vale of Rephaim, or 



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Palbstinb, etc.] archaeological DISCUSSIONS, 1918 181 

better two miles to the northwest in the valley running down from Ramah. 
The old city could then be gradually cleared down to the Solomonic level, 
except where churches and other important buildings are located, and its 
historical monuments be made accessible and preserved for all time. 

GREECE 

SCULPTXTRE 

A Female Figure in the Early Style of Phidias. — A statue recently added to 
the Ashmolean Gallery of Sculpture at Oxford, from the Hope Collection at 
Deepdene, is published and discussed by P. Gardner in J.H.S. XXXVIII, 



Figure 3. — Greek Statue in the Style of Phidias: 
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. 

1918, pp. 1-26 (3 pis.; 8 figs.). It is of Pentelic marble and in an unusually 
good state of preservation, and appears from the style to be an original Greek 
work from an Athenian studio, probably that of Phidias, of the period 460-440 
B.C., hence earlier than the Parthenon sculptures. The figure (Fig. 3) is of 
heroic size (6 feet high) and wears the Ionic Unen chiton covered, except on 
the upper arm, by the heavy woolen Doric peplos. The hair is bound with a 
hood-like fillet and has two short, stiff curls in front of each ear, — a transition 
style from the earlier long shoulder-curl. The forearms are missing. The 
7 



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182 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIH, 1919 

face is so individual as to indicate a portrait only slightly idealized. A compari- 
son with other somewhat similar statues and heads and a consideration of the 
historical circimistances of the time suggest that it is a portrait of Aspasia in 
the guise of Aphrodite. Another female statue of the same period, which has 
been put together by Amelung, has the same unusual appearance of slightly 
idealized portraiture. This is a heavily draped figure wearing the matron's 
veil and is thought to be a copy of the Sosandra of Calamis which was dedi- 
cated on the Acropolis by Callias. If this is so, it is probably a portrait of 
Elpinice, wife of Callias and sister of Cimon, who obtained from Pericles the 
pardon of her brother when he was accused of treason in 463 B.C. 

Greek, Lion Monuments. — ^The colossal monolithic recumbent Lion of 
Cnidus, now in the British Museum, is a superb example of Greek adaptation 
of sculpture to its environment, even the empty eye-sockets, by the play of 
light and shade, giving the effect of real eyes. It was set upon a square, 
pyramidal-topped tomb, forty feet high, which crowned a bold and rocky 
headland, probably the burial place of the Athenians who fell in Conon's 
victory over the Lacedaemonians in 394 B.C. The Lion of Venice, which was 
brought from the Piraeus, may have commemorated the same event. The 
Lion of Chaeronea, commemorating in the same way the Thebans who feU 
fighting against PhiUp of Macedon in 338> was broken into fragments during 
the Greek War of Independence, but has recently been set up again on a mod- 
em pedestal. It is sitting up on its haunches with the fore legs quite vertical. 
The fallen Lion of Hamadan (Ecbatana), now l3dng on the ground, probably 
had originally the same attitude, and was likewise a Hellenistic work, com- 
memorating Alexander's visits to the city. (W. R. Lbthaby, J.H^, 
XXXVIII, 1918; pp. 37-44; 4 figs.) 

VASES 

Seven Vases from the Hope Collection. — ^Two black-figured lecythi, two red- 
figured cotylae, a column crater, and two cyUces, all from the Hope sale, are 
published with brief comments by the new owner, W. Lamb, in J.HjS. 
XXXVIII, 1918, pp. 27-36 (pL; 8 figs.). The scene of dragging the body of 
Hector in the dust, on one of the lecythi, is of the type in which Achilles is 
driving the chariot past the tomb of Patroclus and the eidolon of Patroclus ia 
seen flying in the air. The other lecythus has the common subject of the har- 
nessing of a quadriga, and four bearded men wearing wreaths. The cotylae, 
made with one vertical and one horizontal handle, have satyrs, a flying Eros, 
and an athlete holding his hand out over an altar. The crater shows a woman 
giving a drink to a young soldier, with two other figures at the sides, and on 
the reverse three draped athletes conversing. A nude youth leaning on a pillar 
on one of the cylices, has his head thrown back as if looking at something in 
the sky. 

Two BUck-figured Onoi.— In B, Melr. Mua. XIII, 1918, pp. 235-237 (4 
figs.), Mabt Lois Kissel calls attention to two black-figured onoi, or im- 
plements used in making rove for spinning, in the Metropolitan Musemn, 
New York. Horses and chariots are painted on one, while on the other 
women are represented washing and beating wool and making it ready for the 
distaff. 



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Itau Sculpturb] archaeological DISCUSSIONS, 1918 18» 

INSCRIPTIONS 

The Cretan War of 204 B.C.— In R. tlL Gr. XXX, 1917, pp. 88-104, M. 
HoLLEAUX shows that the Cretan War mentioned m the decree of Halasama 
in honor of a certain OcwcX^ 'Krf\ho\f (published by Herzog, KliOy II, 1902, 
pp. 316 ff.) is the same war as that mentioned in the inscription of Nisyros 
(/.(?. XII, 3, 103). It began in 204 B.C. Both decrees date from 201. 

The Inscriptions of DelphL— In R, Arch., fifth series, VII, 1918, pp. 209- 
251, Smilb Boxjbgubt discusses the publication of inscriptions from Delphi 
in the third edition of the SyUoge I nscriptionumGraecarum by Pomtow. He 
shows by many examples how Pomtow used the work of others without 
right and without acknowledgement and also shows that his publication con- 
tains so many errors as to make it thoroughly imtrustworthy. In the inscrip- 
tion p. 240, Inv. No. 4678, the archon*s name is certainly not to be restored as 
'Apxupot (so Pomtow); perhaps Orifiay6pa is the correct reading. 

GENERAL AND IHSCELLANEOUS 

The Greek Theatre. — ^Professor Rot C. Flickingbb of Northwestern Uni- 
versity has published a book on the Greek theatre. In an introduction of 118 
pages he discusses the origin of tragedy and of comedy and describes the 
Greek theatre as known from extant remains and from literary testimony. 
He then takes up in turn the influence of the religious origin on the drama, of the 
choral origin, of the actors, festival arrangements, physical conditions, national 
customs, theatrical customs and ideas, theatrical machinery, dramatic conven- 
tions, and finally the theatrical records. [The Greek Theater and Us Drama. 
By Rot C. Fuckingeb. Chicago, 1918, University of Chicago Press, 
xxviii, 368 pp.; 76 figs. 8vo. $3.00.] 

S€lieria-Corcyra.~In CI. Phil. XIII, 1918, pp. 321-334, A. Shbwan sup- 
ports, upon philological grounds, B6rard's identification of the Homeric 
Scheria and the modem Corcyra. 

ITALY 
SCULPTURE 

The Roman Sarcophagus of Belluno. — In Atene e Romaj XXI, 1918, pp. 
47-49, G. Bellissima describes a Roman sarcophagus found at Belluno in 1480 
and still preserved there. It was made for a certain C. Flavins Hostilius and 
his incomparabilia coniunx, Domitia, as the inscription states. Figures of 
Hostilius wearing the toga and of his wife stand on either side of the inscrip- 
tion. On the opposite side of the sarcophagus Hostilius is seen mounted on a 
mule returning from a boar hunt. On one of the ends a youth on horseback 
(Hostilius?) is fighting a boar; and on the other a middle-aged man (also 
Hoetilius?) is slaying a stag. The monument is of late Roman date. 

A Roman Bust in Milan.— In Raas. d'Arte, XVIII, 1918, pp. 58-66 (12 
figs.), C. Albizzati writes on a bronze Roman bust (Fig. 4) from Lodi Vecchio 
acquired by the Archaeological Museum of Milan in 1864. The bust por- 
trays a civilian between maturity and old age of a type still common in Lom- 
bardy. The features are delicate and regular, the expression instantaneous 



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184 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

and penetrating. The hair and beard are carved with incomparable boldness 
and the modelling of' the whole bust is minute and exact. Comparisons with 
dated sculptures and coins places the date of the Milan bronze between 270 
and 300 a.d. It is the work of a superior artist, and is afi&liated with the 
better productions of his time, among which this portrait is one of the best. 
The Death of Tumus In Etruscan Art.— In Atene e Roma, XXI, 1918, pp. 

94-103 (3 figs.), N. Tebzaqhi 
discusses the figure of a kneel- 
ing warrior in full armor and 
with drawn sword which ap- 
I)ear8 on one end of two 
Etruscan funeral chests in the 
museum at Florence (Nos. 
74232 and 75509). A bird 
perched on his helmet is strik- 
ing at the warrior's eyes. 
Terzaghi thinks that the scene 
represents the death of Tur- 
nus, and that the artists had 
in mind a myth which Vergil 
afterwards used in the Aeneid 
(XII, 861 ff.). He also argues 
that the same story is repre- 
sented on the right side of the 
chariot from Monteleone in 
New York. 

INSCRIPTIONS 

Notes on the Inscription of 
Volubilis.— In C. -R. Acad. 
Insc. 1918, pp. 227-232, fi. 
CuQ discusses various places 
in the great inscription of 
Volubihs (see AJ.A. XXI, 
1917, p. 102), pointing out 
where his interpretation dif- 
fers from that proposed by 
de Sanctis in AtH deUa R, 
Accademia ddte scieme di 
Tonno, 1918, pp. 453-458. 

The Roman Milestones at 
Juvigny. — In C. R, Acad, 
Insc. 1918, pp. 157-160, Set- 
Figure 4.— -Roman Bust: Milan mour de Ricci points out 

that although the village of 
Juvigny, 8 km. north of Soissons, was utterly destroyed by the Grermans 
the three Roman milestones preserved there were uninjured. He succeeded 
in reading the last part of these inscriptions which had previously defied 
decipherment as, vias [el] lpo]nte[8] velustlate] corUabsas resltiUyit ab 
Aug. L. , , . 



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France] ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCUSSIONS, 1918 185 

A Lost Inscription Rediscovered.— In Not, Scav. XIV, 1917, pp. 320-331, 
G. Marruchi publishes a fragmentary inscription, which was seen in the 
seventeenth century by Suarez in the pavement of the cathedral of S. Agapito 
at Palestrina and has recently been rediscovered in the Via delle Grotte. It 
was published in C.I.L, XIV, 2983, by Dessau, who mistakenly regarded the 
first three lines as mediaeval and consequently omitted them. As published 
in full with supplements by Marruchi the inscription seems to contain the 
names Dindius and Magulnius, recalling Dindia Macolnia of the Ficoroni 
cista. 

GENERAL AND MISCELLANEOUS 

The Industries of PompeiL — ^The trade, manufactures, and general economic 
life of an ancient city of the period of the Roman Empire are discussed by T. 
Frank, in CI. Phil, XIII^1918, pp. 225-240, upon the basis of evidence offered 
by the remains of Pompeii. 

A Model for an Etruscan Mirror.— In R. £t, Anc. XX, 1918, pp. 77-112 
(12 figs.) W. Deonna publishes an object of bronze in Greneva shaped like an 
Etruscan mirror, but much heavier (the weight is 1.2 kg.) and with the design 
very deeply cut. Upon it are two figures bending over a polygonal-shaped 
enclosure in which appears a human head. The names, as well as the attri- 
butes of the figures make it clear that they represent Athena (MENEDFA) 
and Perseus (♦EDME) gazing at a reflection of the (Jorgon's head in a pool. 
An Etruscan mirror in Florence has the same scene engraved upon it except 
that the positions of the figures are reversed. It is evident that the design 
was to be seen as in the mirror in Florence, for Athena is holding her spear in 
her left hand, Perseus his knife in his left hand, etc. Deonna shows that it 
could not have been a mirror, but was a model from which the design was 
transferred reversed to metal disks for engraving, though the exact nature of 
the process is unknown. The model is Etruscan and dates from the fifth 
century B.C., but was copied from a Greek source. Numerous analogies with 
Attic vases of the severe red-figured style are pointed out. No other such 
model is known. 

The Location of the Portus Lunae. — In Atene e Rortuiy XXI, 1918, pp. 
131-158 (7 figs.), L. Pareti discusses the evidence for the location of the Portus 
Lxmae and shows that it lay near the mouth of the Magra, which, in antiquity, 
was further to the south than it is to-day. The town of Lima was northeast 
of Marinella where remains of an amphitheatre, etc., are still to be seen. 
Excavations would probably yield important results. 

Samoa Parva.— In R. Arch,, fifth series, VII, 1918, pp. 252-258 (map), 
S. ReinXch argues that in Lucan's account of Pompey*s flight (VIII, 243-249) 
the expression parvae . . . Sand (245-246) diould be emended to read 
laevae . . . Sand. 

FRANCE 

Ancient Stations of the Lower Loire. — In R. Arch., fifth series, VII, 1918, 
pp. 263-274, LioN Mattrb briefly describes the numerous ancient stations 
along the Loire from Varades to Saint Nazaire (the earlier name of which 
appears to have been Nyon). These stations, chiefly villas, are for the most 



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186 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

part on the right bank of the river. Remains of walls and floors have been 
found, in several instances with hypocausts. Some small objects, such as 
coins, have also come to light. 

Objects Relating to the Worship of Isis in GauL-— In R, Arch., fifth series, 
VII, 1918, pp. 177-178, W. Deonna, with reference to a recent article by E. 
Ouimet (see A, J, A, XX, 1916, p. 498) mentions as proof that certain Ushabti 
figures were made in Gaul a figure at Autun on the back of which, and several 
times repeated, is a solar emblem in the form of an eight-pointed rosette or 
star. Such eniblems on the back of figures are frequent in Gallic art and sev- 
eral examples of this use are cited. 

A Sketch from the Cabinet of Peiresc.— In R. Arch., fifth series, VII, 1918, 
pp. 151-157 (fig.), Georges Lafate publishes and describes a sketch in the 
papers of Peiresc (Bibl. Nat., Ms. fran^ais 9530, folio 3). It represents 
very roughly the front of a sarcophagus on which three scenes from the myth oC 
Hippolytus were carved. The representation has some resemblance to that 
on a sarcophagus in the Villa Albani at Rome (Robert, Die Ant.Sarkophagrdirfs 
No. 159), but the two are not identical. The sketch is accompanied by notes 
stating that the sarcophagus had been at the church of Notre Dame de la 
Plaine at Hy^res and was sent in 1648 to Cardinal Alphonse de Richelieu at his 
country house near Lyons. If still in existence it may be at Lyons. 

Gallo-Roman Towns in Limousin.— In R, tit. Anc. XX, 1918, pp. 181-184, 
J. Plantadis publishes with a bibliography a list of the Gallo-Roman towns 
of Limousin of which remains exist. 



EARLY CHRISTIAN, BYZANTINE AND MEDIAEVAL ART 
GENERAL AND IHSCBLLANEOUS 

The Mosaic Pavement of ShellaL — ^The interesting mosaic pavement found 
during military operations in 1917 in southern Palestine near Gaza (see A .J. A, 
XXII, 1918, pp. 83-84.) is published by Capt. M. S. Brigos in Bwrl Mag. 
XXXII, 1918, pp. 185-189 (pi.; fig.). The fragments that remain are suffioi^it 
to suggest the pavement's original splendor, the spirited and delicate com- 
position, the superb technique. The principal motives are birds, animals 
and the vine, with an inscription that gives the date, 622, of the founding 
of the church. Other fragmentary remains of the church that were found 
are a damaged Doric capital and what is apparently part of a threshold. 
The mosaic has been transferred to Cairo. Its future destination is unknown. 
See also F. M. Drakb, Pal, Ex, Fund, L, 1918> pp. 122-124 (2 pis.). 

Early Representations of the Baptism of Christ. — ^In Ptoc, Soc. Ant, XXIX, 
1917, pp. 2-10 (5 figs.), Sir Mabtin Conway points out that in representations 
of the baptism of Christ down to the sixth century Christ was regularly de- 
picted as a child and John the Baptist as a man of middle age. He enumerates 
more than thirty examples all of which can be shown to be of oriental derivation. 
After the sixth centiuy Christ appears as a grown man. The earliest known 
representation of the Baptism is a wall-painting dating from the end of the 
first or beginning of the second century in the cr3rpt of Lucina in the Catacomb 
of Callixtus, and here both Christ and John are young men. This is, how- 
ever, unique before the sixth century. 



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Chbistian Abt] ARCHAEOLOOICAL DISCUSSIONS, 1918 187 

The MiradM of the Virgin.--In BoU. Arte, XII, 1918, pp. 1-32 (21 figs.), 
£. Levi writes on the representation of the Miracles of the Virgin in mediaeval 
and later art and its relationship to literature on the subject. It is found that 
thirteenth century Uterary accounts of the miracles exercise a decisive influence 
upon their appearance in plantings, miniatures, sculptures, and engravings. 
In the last-named technique the subjects are repeated almost to the present 
day, seeming to ignore the abyss which separates our world from the mediaeval 
world of myth. The most popular of the miracles in art, the Madonna of 
Succor (Fig. 5) is discussed at length and representations of it through several 
centuries are described. 



Figure 5. — Madonna del Soccorso: Nicolo da Fougno. 

Alexander, the Great's Celestial Journey.— In Burl Mag, XXXII, 1918, 
pp. 136-140 and 177-185 (3 pis.; 2 figs.), R. S. LooMis traces the widespread 
representations in eastern and western art of Alexander's journey to heaven, 
bome. up by two griffins whom he guided by means of two lances baited with 
meat. The legend grew out of the myth of the ascent of the Persian king. 



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188 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

Kai Ka'us, who was borne up by four eagles. Since the literary tradition 
passed westward from Persia, it is natural that the earliest representations in 
art of Alexander's feat are Byzantine in provenance or treatment. Greece 
offers some examples; then the subject i>as8ed into Italy, up the Rhine, and 
even into England (France, strangely enough, offers no certain examples). 
Tapestries, stone carvings, and enamels show the popularity of the subject. 
Though in some few instances the Celestial Journey seems to have been under- 
stood as a type of laudable striving heavenward, in most cases there apparently 
was found in the episode an instance of overweening pride, and even a type 
of Lucifer's supreme attempt against the throne of God. (See A J, A, XX, 
1916, pp. 80-81). 

Byzantium, the Orient, and the Occident. — In R. Arch,^ fifth series, VII, 
1918, pp. 1-35 (7 figs.), Louis Br£hier contributes an appreciative review of 
a remarkable book by Gabriel Millet (Recherches sur V Iconographie de VSvatk' 
gUe aux XIV*, XV*, et XVI* sihcles, d^aprha les monumenls de Mistra, de la 
Macidoine ei du Mont Athos, Paris, Fontemoing, 1916). This work treats of 
the sources and development of the later Byzantine iconography and art in 
general. The method is strictly scientific. The influence of eastern schools 
of art upon the art of Constantinople and their direct and indirect influence 
upon the art of western Europe are carefully traced. Eastern influence upon 
the Romanesque art of France and the beginnings of the Renaissance in Italy 
is clearly proved. 

Signatures of Primitives. — ^Roger Van der Weiden. — In R, Arch,, fifth 
series, VII, 1918, pp. 50-75 (5 pis.), F. de M£ly first defends himself against 
charges of "autonauggestion" and arbitrary choice of certain letters in inscrip- 
tions on paintings, and then identifies the signature of Van der Weiden. The 
artists of the Middle Ages were not obscure or ignorant. More than 20,000 
of them are known by name, examples are given of the use, in artists' inscrip- 
tions of letters and words of different languages, sometimes in remarkable 
combinations. The signature of "WIYDEN" is read in a Hebrew, or pseudo- 
Hebrew inscription on the turban of the Magdalen in the triptych formerly 
in the collection of Theodore Guest and since 1913 in the Louvre. The same 
signature is found on the cuff of the High Priest in the Marriage of the Virgin 
of the Triptych in the Prado. 

The Collection of Francis Flameng. — In Les Arts, No. 164, pp. 1-12 (14 
figs.), No. 165, pp. 1-10 (13 figs.), and No. 167, pp. 16-24 (17 figs.), C. Saunieb 
writes on the Flameng collection of paintings and sculptures. The attraction 
of the collection is enhanced by its being installed in the Flameng home, 
where the furnishings are in harmony with it. The sculpture includes fine 
examples of Virgins and other figures from the thirteenth, fourteenth, fifteenth, 
and sixteenth centuries in France; and in painting, other countries, as well, ajre 
represented. The Clouets and Corneille de Lyon of France; Rembrandt, 
Rubens, Van Dyck, Cranach, and Holbein of the Netherlands; Velasquez of 
Spain; Pisanello and an artist of the Umbrian school of Italy, are among the 
artists of the Renaissance whose works form part of this collection. 

A Permanent Outer Roof in Gothic Churches. — In Archaedogia, LXVIII, 
1916-17, pp. 21-34 (6 pis.; 9 figs.), D. H. S. Cranage, apropos of the destruc- 
tion of the outer roof of Rheims cathedral by fire in 1914, considers the ques- 
tion whether an outer roof is necessary in Gothic churches, and if so, why it 



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Chriotian Abt] archaeological DISCUSSIONS, 1918 189 

should not be made permanent like the inner roof. He points out that in 
southern France th^re are several examples of Gothic churches with no upper 
roof, e,g., the thirteenth century abbey church of Vignogoul, near Montpellier; 
but he believes that a permanent outer roof is desirable. 

War Tapestries. — ^The rich hangings used to decorate the walls of the tents 
of kings or great captains in their wars are discussed by M. VAUCAisE-in Lea 
Arts, No. 165, 1918, pp. 18-24 (10 figs.). Those that followed Charles the 
Bold in his campaigns form the basis of the study. As the character of the 
court of Burgundy, very rich in art, would lead one to expect, the tapestries, 
displayed by the duke were of great splendor. The Allegory of the Banquet, 
found in the tent of Charles the Bold near Nancy (1477) illustrates the elab- 
orate designs employed. 

Bibliography of Costume. — M. Camille Enlart's recent contribution to the 
bibliography of costume forms the point of departure for F. M. Kellet's 
discussion in Burl Mag, XXXIII, 1918, pp. 89-95 (2 pis.), of the deplorable 
condition of the study of coetiune. Enlart's work is the only one that in many 
years has deserved serious consideration. It has faults, particularly that of 
attempting to cover too much ground; but it shows conscientious and able 
study. 

The Death and Burial of Constantine.— In Mil Arch. Hist, XXXVI, 191&- 
1917, pp. 205-261, P. Franchx db' Cavaliebi gives a detailed account of the 
death and burial of Constantine and of the attendant circumstances, based 
on an exhaustive study of all the extant evidence. 

Mediaeval Hand Bombs. — Mediaeval hand bombs found in the pits of 
Fostat (ancient Cairo) and of Mesopotamia are described in Faenza, VI, 
1918; pp. 32-33 (3 figs.). With the exception of the material of which they 
are made, they are just like those now used. 

ITALY 

SymboUc Animals of Perugia and Spoleto.— In Burl Mag. XXXII, 1918, 
pp. 152-160 (pi.), M. Garver discusses the significance of animals in mediaeval 
church decoration, particularly as illustrated by the church of S. Costanzo, 
Perugia and the church of S. Pietro, Spoleto. The animals in the decorative 
arrangement on the former church (twelfth and thirteenth centuries) and 
part of those on the latter (twelfth century) originate in the symbolism which 
descends from the catacombs. In such instances the s3nnbols rarely retain 
vital meaning for their carvers; they are no longer looked upon as much 
more than pure decoration. But part of the decorations on the church at 
Spoleto derive their inspiration from a new source, the "Bestiary." There 
we may find the interpretation of most of the scenes represented. 

Two So-called Antique Sculptures. — A baptismal font and a font for holy 
water in the baptistery of Camaiore, which have attracted attention previously 
because of their likeness to Roman sculpture, are published by G. Vinbr in 
BoU. ArUy XII, 1918, pp. 44r-48 (2 figs.). The baptismal font, in the shape of 
a sarcophagus, is decorated on one side with a seated old man in tunic and toga 
discoursing from an open book to three nude children. The style of the foliage 
decorations in the panels at the ends of this scene (and these panels are clearly 
oont^nporary with the figure subject) furnishes conclusive proof of the writer's 



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190 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXni, 1919 

conjecture that the work was done in 1387, the date given in the inscription. 
The font for holy water, decorated with single figures, is also probably of the 
fourteenth century. As in the preceding example, the suggestion of the antique 
in the figures is to be accounted for by the lack of skill on the part of the 
sculptor in the carving of human figures. 

An Old Representation of Theodoric. — So rare are the portraits of Theodoric 
that two representations published by G. Gerola in BurL Mag, XXXII, 1918, 
pp. 14^151 (pi.), have especial interest. The trecento example, a fresco in 
the north i^^sidal chapel of the suburban church of 8. Maria in Porto Fuori, 
Ravenna, by a follower of Giotto has for its subject the interview between 
Pope John I and Theodoric. This fresco is little known. But entirely 
unknown is the sculptured reUef on the back of a shrine in the street that 
leads from Galeata to the old church of S. Ellero, which represents in two 
slabs Theodoric and his horse prostrating themselves before S. Hilarus. The 
types of the rude figures and the form of the letters of the inscription, con- 
taining an epitome of the legend, on the back of the slabs point to the eleventh 
century as the date of the work. 

The Church of S. Susanna.— In Ma, Arch. Hist. XXXVI, 1916-1917, pp. 
27-56, Duchesne discusses the legends attached to the existing church of S. 
Susanna in the Via Venti Settembre, Rome, and that of S. Ciriaco, of which the 
ruins lie beneath the Ministero delle Finanze. He examines the Passio Susar^ 
nae and the Pasno MarcelU in relation to these churches, and shows that 
the tittdtts Oax of the fourth and fifth centiuies became S. Susanna after 499; 
also that the founder of the chiu^h of S. Ciriaco is to be distinguished 
from the martyr who was buried at the seventh milestone of the Via Ostiensis 
(cf. Fomari, 'Le recenti esplorazioni nel cimitero di S. Ciriaco al vii. migUo 
della via Ostiense,' tbid. pp. 67-72). 

The Church of S. Bfacuto.— In MU. Arch. Hist. XXXVI, 1916-1917, pp. 
85-108 B. PocQUET DU Haut-JussA outlines the history of the church of the 
Breton saint, S. Macuto, near the Piazza di S. Ignazio, Rome, from its founda- 
tion in the twelfth century to the present time. 



SPAIN 

Hispano-Moresque Ceramic— In B. Soc. Eap. XXV, 1917, pp. 153-168 
(8 pis.) and pp. 266-275 (8 pis.), P. M. de Artinano writes on the origins and 
the development of Hispano-Moresque ceramic. As early as the tenth cen- 
tury two distinct schools are discernible: one decorates with painting, princi- 
pally in blue with touches of gilt, producing pieces of intrinsic beauty; the 
other produces tiling, not artistic in itself, but only in its relationship to the 
architecture which it was destined to decorate. These two schools existed 
separately down to the end of the fifteenth or the beginning of the sixteenth 
century, when they were united. In the sixteenth century the Pisan Francisco 
Niculoso introduced new methods of procedure in the production of designs. 
Instead of the mosaic method formerly used, the Spanish ceramic worker was 
taught to paint directly on a yellow or white ground, without first having done 
more than trace the contours with a fine line. All the qualities of an artist 
were required for the new manner of decoration. 



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Chwstian A»r] ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCUSSIONS, 1918 191 

The Institut d' Estudis Catalans.— In Burl, Mag, XXXIU, 1918, pp. 20- 
24, R. ScHWABE calls attention to the important results being obtained by the 
scientific research of the Institut d'Estudis Catalans by the formation and 
arrangement of national archives, by a series of sumptuous detached publica- 
tions, and by the issue of an ''Anuari/' Some of the "Institut'' publications 
dealing with phases of the wealth of art in the Catalan inheritance are here 
reviewed. 

"RoUos y Picotas."-— In B. Soc, Eap, XXV, 1917, pp. 238-266 (6 pis.), 
the CoNDE DE Cedillo offers a study of two classes of monimients of jurisdic- 
tion still standing in the province of Toledo known as ''rollos'' and "picotas." 
The analysis of these coltunns and pillars is taken up both from a historical 
and from a descriptive standpoint. Though the terms by which the monu- 
ments are designated have come to be used interchangeably, they are really 
quite distinct in their original significance, and the class called ''picotas'' is 
the more ancient, having been used as early as the thirteenth century. The 
evolution of the "roUos'' comprehends four stages, the Gothic, the transition, 
the Renaissance, and the decadence. 

The Monastery of Monsalud de Cdrcoles. — In B, Soc, Eap, XXVI, 1918, 
pp. 7-17 (4 pis.), L. Torres Campos y BalbXs publishes a history and descrip- 
tion of the little-known monastery of Monsalud de C6rcoles (Guadalajara). 
The building was begun in the second half of the twelfth century, about 1167, 
and was finished by the end of the century. The original plan was Roman- 
esque, but b^ore the work had gone far the plan was altered by the Gothic 
style which was then being introduced into Spain. 

FRANCE 

**Le Rd de Bourges."— In Art in America, VI, 1918, pp. 264-273 (5 figs.), 
A. K. Porter gives a short sketch of the development of glass painting and 
discusses the stained glass panel in the collection of Mr. Henry C. Lawrence, 
New York, which is traditionally called "Le Roi de Bourges." Though two 
important meand of identification, the original border and iron bars, are lack- 
ing, -the colors of the glass, the richness of the purely conventional decorations, 
the tsype of figure, and treatment of drapery distinguish the work as a product 
of tlae school of Saint-Denis. -The closest analogy to it as regards drawing 
is to he found in the Virgin of Venddme. The two works must be the product 
if not; of the same painter, at least of the same atelier. The King of Bourges is 
evidently from a Tree of Jesse closely related to those of Saint-Denis and 
Cbartres, but Poitiers seems a more likely provenance for it than Bourges. 
A pendant to this piece is the panel recently acquired by the Metropolitan 
Museum {ibid, VII, 1918, pp. 39-43; pi.). It is an excdlent representative 
of the other great school in France in the second half of the twelfth century, 
the school of Champagne. It is fairly well preserved and apparently comes 
from a clearstory window. The subject is Abiud, an ancestor of Christ. As 
in the glass of St. Remi of Rheims, to which the panel bears closest resem- 
blance, the figure is without a niche, but is seated on a throne. The treatment t 
of the drapery and the fiery color are also similar in the two cases. 

Some Groups of French Gothic Ivories. — A class of ivory diptychs of the 
fourteenth century distinguished by simple rectangular fields separated by 



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192 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

bands of roees is discussed by R. Koechlin in Oaz, B,'A. XIV, 1918, pp. 225- 
246 (pi.; 10 figs.)* This class falls into two groups, entirely opposed to each 
other in subject-matter. The first, represented by such examples as the 
diptych with scenes from the life of Christ, part in the Ashmolean Musemn, 
part in the Morgan collection, and another representation of the same subject 
in the Library of Amiens, revels in picturesque genre scenes, which are treated 
naturalisticaUy. Such scenes as the Crucifixion are relegated to imimportant 
places and are done badly, or bits of genre are introduced into them. The 
second group prefers tragic dramatic subjects. Scenes from the Passion from 
the Cottreau collection, the fragment with the Crucifixion in the collection of 
Martin LeRoy and the Book of the Passion in the Escurial Museiun are in- 
stinct with deep grief and tragic emotion. This second group is sufficiently 
homogeneous to have come from a single atelier. The two groups bear som^ 
marks of similarity aside from their decoration of roses; t3rpes of figures, arrange- 
ment and details of scenes indicate that the whole class of rose diptychs has a 
common parentage. Former ascriptions of the class to English derivation are 
not borne out by study. The carvers of these ivories were undoubtedly French. 

BELGIUM 

A Bronze by Godefrbid de Claire.— In Burl, Mag, XX5CIII, 1918, pp. 
59-65 (2 pis.), H. P. Mitchell publishes a small bronze personification of 
the Sea in the Victoria and Albert Museum. The figure with its plinth is 
shown to have been made to serve as a foot to some object, no doubt to a 
pedestal such as the well-known one of an altar-cross in the Museum of St. 
Omer. Comparison with the supporting figiures of this pedestal proves that 
the personification of the Sea is even by the same master as the figures of the 
pedestal, t.c., by Godefroid de Claire, the Walloon goldsmith of Huy on the 
Meuse. It is to be dated about 1160. 

GERMANY 

The Reichenau Crosier.— In Burl, Mag, XXXII, 1918, pp. 65-73 (2 pis.) 
H. P. Mitchell writes on an important example of translucent enamelling, the 
Reichenau crosier in the Victoria and Albert Museum. It has formerly been 
considered to have originated in Basel. Apparently this was due to a misread- 
ing of the inscription. From this inscription it appears that the crosier was 
made by order of the Benedictine abbey of Reichenau in 1351. The precise 
locality of its production is not known, but it is probable that it was made 
by a goldsmith of Augsburg, or another of the famous centres of South Grer- 
man craftsmanship, lodged in the monastery for supervision. 

SWEDEN 

A Swedish Embroidery of the Twelfth Century. — In Proc, Soc, Ant. XXIX, 
1917, pp. 129-131 (pL), P. Norman publishes a piece of Swedish embroidery 
from the church of Skog, Helsingland, and now in the Historical State Museum, 
Stockholm. The design, which is very primitive, represents a church with a 
priest at the altar celebrating mass, while members of the congregation stand 



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Christian A»r] ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCUSSIONS, 1918 193 

about. In front of the church are several monstrous animals which the 
writer thinks may be intended for dogs. The borders have geometrical de- 
signs. This piece of embroidery probably dates from the beginning of the 
twelfth century. 

Swedish and English Fonts,— In Burl. Mag, XXXII, 1918, pp. 85-94 
(2 pis.; 17 figs.), J. RoosvAL discusses the various iygea of Swedish baptismal 
fonts of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries and the influence of English 
design upon them. Large numbers of these fonts are extant, owing to the 
durability of their material and shi^. The district of Vfistergotland is 
particularly rich in examples. Here cylindrical-shaped fonts at first predomi- 
nated. Frequently they were imdecorated, but where ornamentation does 
occur, it points manifestly to English art of the Norman period. At the end 
of the twelfth century the cylinder form was superseded by the chaUce shape 
and the quadrilateral tjrpe. These were more elaborately decorated, often 
with figure subjects. They, too, show plainly their English inspiration. 
Contemporaneously with the development of these iype& in western Sweden, 
there flourished a very rich form of stone sculpture in the east, particularly 
on the island of Gotland. The whole circumference of the fonts was carved 
in relief, and work was done for exportation to other Swedish provinces, to 
Denmark, and North Germany. With the remari^bly high culture of the 
island there combined to make possible this advanced development certain 
foreign elements — oriental and Italian. But about 1230 the abundance of 
figures in the fonts of Gotland began to give place to sprays of vegetation 
And protruding folds or scallops, in which English origin again appears. 

GREAT BRITAIN 

^oman Roads and Saxon Churches in London. — In Archaeologia, LXVIII, 

^\^17, pp. 228-262 (10 figs.), R. A. Smtph shows that the Saxons built 

^*^ churches in London mostly along the line of existing Roman roads. 

/mJ0 A.« does by examining the sites of twenty-six Saxon churches together 

t^lae evidence for the position of Roman roads afforded by gates, fords, 

, etc. The churches thus become an additional means of locating these 

which were used long after the withdrawal of the Romans from 

'^^« Sarum Consuetudinary and the Church at Old Sanim. — In Arc/uieoZo- 

^, IXVIII, 1916-17, pp. 111-126 (3 pis.; 2 figs.). Sir W. St. John Hope 

^0!W8 by a comparison of their plans that the Sarum Consuetudinary does not 

^er to the cathedral church at Salisbury, but to its predecessor the church 

oi St. Oamimd as enlarged by Bishop Roger at Old Sarum. 

The Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Wheatley.— In Froc. Soc. Ant. XXIX, 1917, 
pp. 48-63 (6 figs.), E. T. Leeds publishes details in regard to the Anglo-Saxon 
cemetery excavated at Wheatley, Oxfordshire, in 1883. It was the burial 
place of a commimity which was not rich, and which consisted of people of 
Romano-British stock as well as Saxons. Spearheads, vases, brooches, and 
various other objects were taken from the graves. 

LLaXt Romanesque Processional Cross. — In Ftoc, Soc, Ant. XXIX, 1917, 
p4-98 (2 figs.), W. L. HiLDBURQH publishes a romanesque processional 
^hich dates from about the year 1200. It is Italian, of copper, and was 




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194 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXin, 1919 

originally gilded. It bears on one side the inscription M ASTRO PETRO 
CANPANAIO; and on the other BONAGIUNTA ALBARELLI. F. 

Choir Screens in English Churches.— In Archaeologia, LXVIII, 1916-17, 
pp. 43-110 (11 pb.; 22 figs.), Sir W. St. John Hope discusses choir screens in 
English churches with special reference to the twelfth century screen formerly 
in the cathedral church at Ely. 

A Wooden Statuette of Christ.— In Proc. Soc. Ant, XXIX, 1917, pp. 98- 
100 (fig.), W. L. HiLDBURGH publishes a wooden figure of Christ of Spanish 
workmanship now in England, dating probably from the fourteenth century. 
The arms were made separately and attached; the feet are now missing. 
Over the wood was a thin coating of plaster upon which the colors were 
applied. The figure was formerly about eighteen inches high. 

A Late Romanesque Gold Ornament.— In Proc, Soc, Ant, XXIX, 1917, 
pp. 13-16 (fig.), Sir Martin Conway publishes a late romanesque gold orna- 
ment in the Victoria and Albert Museum. It is circular, 4.4 in. in its greatest 
diameter and 2.2 in. high. Gems were originally set about the outer edge 
alternating with lions' heads and bosses with a radiating curved design. The 
remaining decoration is arranged in zones. In the centre is a figure of St. 
Eloi before an anvil. It was a breast ornament and probably dates from the 
first years of the thirteenth century. 

A Cologne Enamel of St Reynofle.— In Proc. Soc. Ant. XXIX, 1917, pp. 
124-127 (2 figs.). Sir Hercules Read calls attention to a small panel of copper 
decorated with the figure of St. Re3rnofle in enamel and gilt. The colors 
are blue, white, green, and yellow. It dates from about the year 1260. On 
the back is another panel, dating from about 1140, which was never finished. 
The artist had begun his outline with the sharp point and partly hollowed out 
the cavities into which the enamel was to be fused, but for some reason the 
work was abandoned. 

Master Walter of Durham. — In his eighth contribution on English Primi- 
tives in Burl. Mag. XXXIII, 1918, pp. 3-8 (pi.; 3 figs.), W. R. Lethabt 
writes on the work of the King's painter, Master Walter of Durham {ca, 
1230-1305). This involves a historical discussion of the painted chamber in 
the Royal Palace at Westminster and of Queen Alianor's Tomb. After the 
fire of 1262 the new decoration of the chamber, a restoration of which is here 
reproduced, was in charge of Master Walter. The scenes on the walls are 
described as representing The Wars of the Bible. Just preceding his work in 
the Palace chamber Master Walter had executed a painting on the base of 
the tomb of Queen Alianor; only a faded stain remains as witness to that work. 
From a copy in the Burges collection at South Kensington made about fifty 
years ago the figures may be distinguished; the principal one, a knight, must 
have represented Sir Otho de Grandison. Other tombs decorated by Master 
Walter were those of Edmund Crouchback, son of Henry III and of his wife 
Aveline {ibid. pp. 169-172; 3 figs.). Edmund's tomb is attributed to about 
1300 and that of his wife to a slightly earlier date. The whole of the elaborate 
stonework of both tombs was covered with painting and gilding on raised 
gesso-work. The Coronation Chair, another work by this master, was also 
decorated with painting and gilding. On the back was painted a king, and 
since the chair is traditionally called the Chair of St. Edward, it seems likely 
that the figure was that of the Confessor. 



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Renaissance Akt] ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCUSSIONS, 1918 196 

RENAISSANCE ART 

GENERAL AND MISCELLANEOUS 

Ancient Subjects in Tapestry. — In R, Arch,, fifth series, VII, 1918, pp. 131- 
150, L. Roblot-Delondre continues (see A J, A, XXII, 1918, pp. 226 f.) his 
list of ancient subjects represented in tapestries. The subjects included in 
this instalment are mythology (gods and goddesses; heroes and heroines; leg- 
endary cycles; Triumphs and Honors; allegories; various subjects located in 
mythological fashion; metamorphoses), Greek and oriental history, Roman 
history, and Jewish history. 

ITALY 

Italian Scnlptures in the Shaw Collection. — In Art in America, VI, 1918, 
pp. 229-239 (6 figs.) and 25^-263 (5 figs.), A. Mabquand discusses the sculp- 
tures of the schools of Donatello and della Robbia in the Shaw collection in 
the Boston Museum. To Donatello himself may be attributed the general 
sketch and the modelling of the Madonna's face in the relief of the Madonna 
of the Clouds, which is to be dated between 1427 and 1440. The Madonna 
della Scodella, signed by one of Donatello's best known pupils, Bartolommeo 
B«]lano, and dated 1461, is the artist's earliest dated work. The same artist 
is probably responsible for the Madonna and Two Angels, modeled about 
thuty years later. And the relief of the Madonna and Child with a Book is 
by a contemporary of Bellano, done in a period between these two. The 
della Robbia school, also, is represented in the Shaw collection by an example 
from the hand of the master himself; the Madonna of the Niche is undoubtedly 
the work of Luca della Robbia. It appears to have been cast from the same 
mould as the Madonna of the Niche in the collection of Mrs. G. T. Bliss of 
New York. To the atelier of Luca are assigned the Nativity and the Madonna 
of the Lilies; and from the atelier of Andrea della Robbia comes the less serious 
Madonna of the Dove. The bust of the youthful St. John the Baptist, long 
attributed to Antonio Rossellino, is more probably by a member of the Robbia 
school strongly influenced by Rossellino. In the third contribution to this 
series of studies on the Shaw collection (ibid, VII, 1918, pp. 3-10; pL; 2 figs.) 
three works by Florentine marble sculptors of the fifteenth centiuy are 
discussed. The first, the Madonna with an Angel Supporting the Child, has 
been attributed to various masters, among them to Verrocchio; but the attri- 
bution to Francesco di Simone while he was inspired by such artists as 
Desiderio da Settignano and Filippo Lippi, and before he came into Verrocchio's 
workshop, seems most plausible. The Angel with a Palm is a survival of 
Gothic traditions and comes from the school of Bernardo Rossellino, or of his 
follower, Matteo Civitali. By analogy with Orcagna's Tabernacle in Or San 
Michele, it appears to have formed a part of an angel frame for a relief or 
painting of some scene from the life of the Virgin. The Relief Bust of an 
Emperor (Julius Caesar?) is accepted by the best authorities as the work of 
Mine da Fiesole. 

Sculptures in S. Maria Maggiore at Rome. — ^Examples of several epochs of 
art preserved in S. Maria Maggiore are described by G. Biasiotti in Rasa, 
d^Arte, XVIII, 1918, pp. 42-67 (18 figs.). Cosmatesque art is well represented 



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196 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXm, 1919 

by a lunette, a fragment of a ciborium, decorated with mosaic and scu^tures 
(Fig. 6), and an altar-frontal richly ornamented with engraving and mosaic. 
Comparison with similar dated examples places the limette at about 1300, 
the frontal in 1230-1240. A Crucifixion sculptured in wood and colored, as a 
dignified work of the fifteenth century, deserves more attention than it has 
received hitherto. The tomb figure of Cardinal Lando belongs to the first 

half of the fifteenth century, 
but compared with contem- 
porary monuments it appears 
more archaic, reminiscent of 
the Gothic. Its author is not 
known, though some see in 
it the style of Paolo Romano. 
The problem of the connec- 
tion of Mino da Fiesole with 
the ciborium erected undef 
the patronage of Cardinal 
Estouteville (see J. Alazard: 
'Mino da Fiesole at Rome,' 
Gaz. B,'A. XIV, 1918, pp. 
83 ff.) is elucidated by doc- 
FiGURE 6. — Lunette in S. Maria umentary and prima facte 

Maggiore, Rome. proof that the bas-relief signed 

"OPUS MINI" did not be- 
long to the original ciborium. The Madonna in the Stroganoff collection (Fig. 
7) occupied its place. Finally, the marble altar decorated with figures in high 
relief of the Madonna and two saints and the bust of Christ, which was dedi- 
cated in 1498 by Guglielmo de Perriers, is imdoubtedly from the design of 
Andrea Bregno. 

Frescoes in the Casa Borromeo. — In Burl, Mag. XXXIII, 1918, pp. 8-14 
(2 pis.), L. CusT discusses the frescoes in one of the small rooms of the Casa 
Borromeo at Milan, where pastimes and amusements of the fifteenth century 
nobility are represented. The character of the work shows that at least its 
design can be ascribed to Pisanello. The fact that this artist was patronized 
at the time of the execution of the frescoes — ^the middle of the fifteenth cen- 
tury — ^by Filippo Visconti, Duke of Milan, makes this attribution the more 
plausible. 

Milanese Bobbin Lace.— -In Burl. Mag. XXXII, 1918, p. 112 (2 pis.), 
P. G. Trendell discusses two fine examples of bobbin lace of Milanese work- 
manship, recently given by Mr. Louis Clarke to the Victoria and Albert 
Museum. They depart from the usual type of bobbin lace in that they have 
representations of hunting scenes instead of simple decorative motives of 
repeating floral character. Yet their general decorative effect is not marred 
by too much naturalism in the figures of huntsmen and animals interspersed 
among the foliage patterns. The larger and more elaborate example dates 
from the first half of the seventeenth century, the other belongs to the latter 
part of the same century. 

Two Florentine Cassoni. — In Burl. Mag. XXXII, 1918, pp. 169-170 and 
218-226 (5 pis.; fig.), G. de Nicola describes two cassoni in the Museo Nazion- 



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Renaissance AotJ ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCUSSION^, 1918 197 

ale, which illustrate the importance of subject-matter in this form of art. The 
first of these presents in its decoration the oldest illustration of the Decameron, 
The particular theme is composed of three episodes from the story of Saladin. 
The style of the painting of this cassone and its provenance from the Hos- 
pital of Santa Maria Nuova, together with the coat of arms on a cassone in 
the Castello di Vincigliata near Florence, a cassone that is to be referred to the 
same school as the one here described, lead to the attribution of the work to 
a secondary Florentine painter working about the end of the fourteenth 
century and the beginning of the fifteenth within the group headed by Lorenzo 



Figure 7. — Madonna: Stroganopf Collection, Rome. 

di Niccold and Niccold di Pietro Gerini. The second cassone may be dated 
by the arms on it and by chronicles relating to the families concerned, in 1416 
or 1417. It, too, came from the Hospital of Santa Maria Nuova, and is ^even 
more Florentine than the first. Its subject is the Feast of St. John as then 
celebrated at Florence. Not only are the details of this celebration more 
vividly given than in any written account, but it supplies us, better than any 
other graphic document, with the details of the appearance of the Piazza del 
Duomo in the first half of the Quattrocento. 

Giannicola di Paolo. — New documents concerned with the career of Gianni- 
cola di Paolo (wrongly sumamed Manni) disciple of Perugino, are published 
by U. Gnoli in Boll. Arte, XII, 1918, pp. 33-43 (3 figs.). Aside from details 
of the artist's private life these docimients furnish important data on his 
8 



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198 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

artistic activity, confirming or changing old attributions, providing extant 
work with documents and recording works lost or dispersed. The Cruci- 
fixion in the Picture Gallery, Perugia, which has been attributed to Perugino, 
is recorded in 1501 as a product of the art of Giannicola. The attribution to 
him of the Ognissanti now in the same gallery is confirmed and the painting 
dated in 1506-1507. The Madonna of the Bower, also in the Perugia gallery 
which was painted by Giovanni Boccati da Camerino, is shown to have been 



Figure 8. — Detail from the Madonna or the Bower: Perugia. 

restored by Giannicola; this accounts for the loss in some of the figures (Fig. 8) 
of every trace of the style of the original painter. These are only a few of the 
interesting facts revealed by the new documents. 

The Mother of Piero della Francesca.— In Boll. Arte^ XII, 1918, pp. 61-63 
the Editor publishes, with brief approving comment, a letter from G. Mancini 
discussin g the article of A. Del Vita, ibid. X, 1916, pp. 272-275 (see A .J. A . XXI 
1917, p. 232), on the family of Piero della Francesca, and presenting new data, 
which prove that Piero della Francesca and his brothers Marco and Antonio 
were not the sons of a woman called Francesca, but that all three were almost 
certainly the sons of the legitimate consort of their father, Romana di Pierino 
da Monterchi. 

Raphael's Letter to Leo X. — A letter concerning the plan of Rome, which 
has been included in several editions of the writings of Baldassare Castiglione, 
was in 1799 shown by Daniele Francesconi, on the ground of biographical and 
other references, to belong to Raphael, rather than to Castiglione. Now A. 
Venturi in UArte, XXI, 1918, pp. 57-65, furnishes data to prove that while 
the letter was an expression of Raphael's ideas, it was written for him by 
Castiglione. Comparison with the Cortegiano shows that the style and 



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Renaissance Art] ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCUSSIONS, 1918 199 

characteristic phrases are Baldassare's own. A proof which renders this 
conclusion certain is given by Vittorio Cian, who has found in the library of 
the Castiglione family at Mantua ten autograph sheets of corrections of the 
letter to Leo X in the hand of Castighone. 

Influence upon Raphael in Umbria.— In VArU, XXI, 1918, pp. 93-108 
(20 figs.), A. Venturi describes the artistic atmo^here of Umbria at the time 
of Raphaers arrival there in 1500. Perugino's limited ideas were exhausted. 
The Madonna dei Battuti in the Civic Gallery of Perugia, the Assumption in the 
Florence Academy, the Nativity in the Exchange of Perugia, and the Trans- 
figuration in the same place illustrate the decadence of his art. Synmietry is 
its only law; there is no interest in spatial arrangement nor in pertinency of 
figures and expression. Superficial, monotonous productions are the result, 
llioee who followed in Perugino's train only repeated, with even less meaning, 
his types. Andrea d'Assisi is no more than a parody on his master, as one 
sees in his Adoration of the Magi in the Pitti. Fiorenzo di Lorenzo, striving 
to give his figures a Peruginesque polish and grace, only succeeds in making 
them grotesque; thepolyptychof 8. Maria Nuova in the Civic Gallery of Perugia 
is an example. The essence of the art of Pinturicchio is fantastic decoration 
based on effects of color. All this was foreign to Raphael. It was not Perugino 
and his circle that influenced the young artist in Perugia; rather it was the 
traces he found there of the early work of Signorelli and of Piero della Francesca. 
Such paintings as Signorelli's Ancona in the cathedral of Perugia, his Circum- 
cision in the National Gallery, his Tondo in the Uflfizi and Piero's Ancona in 
the Civic Gallery of Perugia indicate the sources from which Raphael drew 
inspiration for his study of architectural and human forms and of space and 
composition. 

The Early Artistic Education of Raphael. — ^A small panel of the Assump- 
tion of the Virgin in the Boston Museimi forms a basis for A. Colasanti's 
study of the early influence upon Raphael {Art in America, VI, 1918, pp. 215- 
228 (4 figs.). The painting is attributed to Timoteo Viti, but the present 
writer sees in it such striking resemblance to the youthful works of Raphael as 
to suggest its attribution to that master when he was strongly influenced by 
Timoteo Viti. A Venturi's claim that Evangelista da Piandimeleto was an 
instructor of Raphael is improbable because of his lack of importance as an 
artist, which is revealed by documents, and by the mediocrity of the paintings 
which can reasonably be assigned to him. Ampng these are the Virgin and 
Child Enthroned between Saints in the Town Hall, Sassocorvaro, and the 
Crucifixion in the church of Piandimeleto. 

The **Ignudi" of the Sistine Ceiling.— In LArte, XXI, 1918, pp. 109- 
126 (25 figs.), A. FoRATTi offers a study of the general significance of the 'Ig- 
nudi" of the Sistine ceiling and a detailed analysis of the individual figures. 
Incidentally, ' the relationship of some of the forms to classical sculpture is 
pointed out. One of the youths over Isaiah is clearly inspired by the Laocoon. 
The Belvedere torso and the Drunken Satyr are compared with other figures. 

Ceramic Art of the Abnizzi.— In Faema, VI, 1918, pp. 29-31, (2 pis.), G. B. 
Manieri calls attention to Luca della Robbia's influence upon the ceramic 
art of the Abruzzi. All the artists of Castelli came to Aquila to admire Luca's 
work in the church of S. Bernardino, the Resurrection altarpiece. This could 
not be without influence upon their pottery. 



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200 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

Virgiliotto da Faenza. — Documents throwing light upon Virgilio or Virgil- 
lotto of Faenza, a master celebrated in the history of ceramics for his invention 
of a fine red coloring, are published by G. Ballardini in Faema, VI, 1918 
(2 pis.)- The confused problems concerning his surname are solved; it proves 
to be Calamelli. He flourished in the middle of the sixteenth century, and was 
dead by 1570. Examples by the master and by pupils indicate a bold and 
agile hand, a light, firm touch, and an indifference to form. 

Amico Aspertini.— In UArtei XXI, 1918, pp. 84-86, L. Frati publishes 
docimients concerning the private life of Amico Aspertini. These show the 
vacillating characteristics already noticed in his painting to have distinguished 
the actions of his private life as well. Ibid. pp. 87-88, C. Ricci makes some 
additions and corrections to his earlier article on Amico Aspertini (ibid. XVIII, 
1915, pp. 81-119; see A.J.A. XIX, 1915, p. 497). 

Lodovico il Moro's Iron Casket.— In Rasa. d'ArU, XVIII, 1918, pp. 75-77 
<2 figs.), L. Beltrami writes on the history of an iron casket in the Sforza 
•castle. The emblems on the cover of this coffer, the monograms of Lodovico 
and Beatrice, the lion with crest, and the caduceus, agree with Lodovico's 
description of the iron casket, silver plated "alia damaschina," in which he 
deposited the manuscript of his political will. 

The Papal Tombs.— In Rasa. d'Arte, XVIII, 1918, pp. 78-104 (37 figs.), 
A. MuNOZ writes on the tombs of the popes as his fifth contribution on baroque 
sculpture in Rome. The type of monumental papal sepulchre that predomi- 
nated in the baroque period was architectonic. In an architectural setting 
were placed sculptured figiu*es of the dead, allegoric&l figures of the Virtues, 
and scenes in high relief, a form inspired by Roman triumphal arches. Good 
examples of it are the mausoleums of Leo X, Clement VII, and Julius II. A 
secondary style was that established by the sepulchre of Pope Barberini. 
It is no longer architectonic, but pictorial. The colimins, pilasters, cornices, 
etc., are suppressed, and the figures assume the r61e of importance. Even 
color is obtained through the use of bronze, gold, and colored stone. The 
tombs of Clement X, Innocent XI, and Alexander VIII are among those that 
follow the new style. 

Priamo della Querda. — In the first of a series of studies of Sienese art in 
Rasa. d'Arte, XVIII, 1918, pp. 69-74 (4 figs.), G. de Nicola establishes the 
study of Priamo della Querela on a new basis. Students have been misled by a 
document which refers to a painting by Priamo in 1442 for the Oratorio di 
San Michele in Volterra. The Madonna and angels. No. 22 in the Volterra 
giallery, has been supposed to be this painting, but it is not even by a Sienese 
artist. It is by someone influenced by Masolino and Fra Angelico, perhaps 
Andrea di Giusto. Starting from a documented work by Priamo, the fresco 
in the Ospedale della Scala, Siena, which represents the blessed Agostino 
Novello investing the governor, the true character of the artist's work may be 
followed. He is a close disciple of Domenico di Bartolo, interested in natural- 
istic details contrary to Sienese tradition. An altarpiece in the Oratorio of 
8. Antonio, Volterra, containing S. Antonio and other saints, and a lunette 
with the Madonna and two saints. No. 16 in the Volterra gallery, are also by 
Priamo della Querela. 

The Masterpiece of Giovanni di Paolo.— In Burl. Mag. XXXIII, 1918, pp. 
45-54 (3 pis.), a restoration is attempted by G. de Nicola of the arrangement 



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Renaissance Art] ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCUSSIONS, 1918 201 

of the series of panels with scenes from the hfe of St. John the Baptist by 
Giovanni di Paolo, which has lately become the property of Mr. Martin A. 
Ryerson of Chicago. The suggested restoration places these six panels in the 
lower Eone of an altar-ancona, the upper zone being composed of three panels 
from the Principe Santangelo collection of Naples (now in Mr. Philip Lehman's 
collection in New York and the Provinsialmuseum in Mttnster) and two that 
are lost. The upper central panel, larger than the rest, would have held the 
full or half-length figure of the Baptist, while all the rest presented scenes from 
his life. Comparison with other known works by the artist places the date of 
this series at about 1445-7. The habit of Giovanni di Paolo of borrowing 
from other artists is not deviated from here. The polyptych is in great part 
derived from the reliefs of the font in the Duomo, Siena, so much so that the 
purpose of the work may have been the rendition of a version of this great 
Tuscan sculptural decoration. 

The Uffid Medusa.— In Emjxrrium, XLVII, 1918, pp. 300-304 (3 figs.), 
G. Cavanna makes a minute study of the animals about the Medusa head in 
the Uffisi, which was ascribed to Leonardo until shown by Corrado Ricci to 
be of Flemish origin. These animals, so naturalistically represented, are not 
the principal subject of the painting, but only contribute toward its atmos- 
phere. 

The Cdlection of M.-F. Gentile di Giuseppe.— In Lea Arts, No. 162, 1917, 
pp. 5-19 (21 figs.), C. OuLMONT reviews the important Giuseppe collection, 
which contains, aside from more modem French and Flemish works, rare 
examples of Italian painting from the fourteenth centiuy on. The oldest 
painting is a fragment by Giotto from the frescoes at Padua. It portrays an 
angel spectator of the Crucifixion. The Dead Christ with an angel of the 
Sienese school of the fourteenth century, the Persecuted Christ by Giovanni 
da Ponte, a Madonna by Gentile da Fabriano, the Visitation by Moretto da 
Brescia, and the Holy Family with a Basket of Fruit by U Greco are a few of 
the pieces in the rich collection. 

Pietro Torrigiano.— In B, Soc. Efp, XXVI, 1918, pp. 100-103 (3 pis.) E. 
ToRMO publishes reproductions of known and imknown works by Pietro 
Torrigiano. Those already known are the sepulchral busts of Henry VII 
and Isabella of York at Westminster and the St. Jerome in the Museum of 
Seville. The new attributions are the terracotta busts of Philip the Hand- 
some and Dofia Juana the Mad in the Drejrfus collection, Paris. 

SPAIN 

The Genn of the Renaissance in Spanish Monuments. — Renaissance forms 
in Spanish architecture of the fifteenth century are studied by E. Tormo in 
B. Soc. Eap. XXVI, 1918, pp. 116-130 (pi.; 13 figs.), with the conclusion that 
while some of these found their origin in Italy, Others were created in Spain. 

A Painter to the Catholic Queen.— In B, Soc. Esp. XXV, 1917, pp. 276- 
281 (5 pis.), J. M. Villa presents docimients that establish new dates relating 
to the activity of Jan of Flanders, who worked in Spain from 1498 to about 
1519. The list of works already attributed to the artist is also supplemented. 
Among those here published are panels from the retable of Isabella the Catholic. 

Works by Pablo Legot and Alonso Cano.— The retable in the church of S. 



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FRANCE 

Two **Little Masters" of Limoges Enamelling. — ^Examples of work by two 
exceptionally fine artists who worked in grisaille enamelling at Limoges during 
the middle third of the sixteenth century are brought together by H. P. 
Mitchell, in Bwrl Mag. XXXII, 1918, pp. 190-201 (3 pis.). The name of 
the first master is unknown and he uses no signature at all. For convenience 
in reference it is suggested that he be called, from his most ch:&racteristic piece, 
the artist of the Mars and Venus plaque of the Salting collection. While 
this artist's work is characterized by a fresh, r^id, decisive lx>uch and anima- 
tion of subject, the second master, who signs himself M. P. and P. M. works 
with a minute, laborious finish and takes more ambitious) subjects, after 
works by the great masters of painting. All attempts at giving him a name 
have failed, but from his method it may be presumed that he belonged to the 
atelier of Jean II P^nicaud, for part of his career, at least. 

Painted Limoges Enamels. — Mr. Enrico Caruso's collection of painted 
Limoges enamels is described by S. Rubinstein in Art in Americaj VII, 1918, 
pp. 21-31 (9 figs.). The early school, fifteenth century is represented, 
by examples in the style of Monvaemi and Nardon P^nicaud. From the 
sixteenth century are productions by Pierre Raymond, Jean III P^caud, 
Couly Noylier and the Master M. D. Religious plaques in color by the first 
of these artists are of special importance. 



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202 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

Maria de Oliva in Lebrija (Seville) is discussed by E. Tormo in B. Soc. Esp. 
XXVI, 1918, pp. 44r-53 (2 pis.). According to documents the work was done 
between the years 1628 and 1638. The paintings are by Pablo Legot and the 
sculptures are by Alonso Cano. In his work here Legot is clearly a follower of 
Francisco Varela. Part of the painting is poorly done, but certain typee in it 
prove by comparison with the finer canvas of the Immaculate Conception in ] ^ 

the University of Seville, attributed to Zurbaran (7), that Legot was capable 
of superior work; for the Immaculate Conception is undoubtedly by Legot. 
The sculptures by Cano are excellent in expression and workmanship. The 
Madonna shows similarity to the Madonna in the Museum of Seville by Mar- 
tinez Montafi^, of whom Cano was a worthy disciple. 

Portrait of Beato Juan de Ribera.— In B, Soc, Esp. XXVI, 1918, pp. 37-43 
(pl.)» F. Rodriguez del Real publishes a study of the portrait of Juan de Ribera 
by Francesco Ribalta (1555(?)-1628) in the Royal Academy of San Fernando. 
Besides a description of the portrait, an account of the subject's life is given. 

Portrait of Dofia Leonor de Mascarefias. — In B, Soc, Esp. XXVI, 1918, 
pp. 104-116 (pi.), F. J. SXnchez Canton gives data concerning the life of Dofia 
Leonqr, the governess of Philip II and Don Carlos, whose portrait appeared 
in the ''Exhibition of portraits of Spanish women." The portrait is attrib- 
uted to Alonso S^chez Coello, but the present writer cites documents con- 
cerning the relations of Dofia Leonor with the painter Fray Juan de la Miseria 
which indicate that he was the author of the work; Since no certain works 
by this artist are known, a final conclusion cannot be drawn. 



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Renaissance Abt] ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCUSSIONS, 1918 203 

BELGIUM AND HOLLAND 

A tHcture by Patinir. — ^An "Imaginary Landscape" attributed to Patinir, 
which was acquired by the Metropolitan Museum in 1916, offers opportimity, 
by its unfinished state, for a study of the method of painting followed at the 
time of its production, presumably at the end of Patinir's activity. Only 
the lower half of the picture is finished; the upper part is only outlined, so 
that the coloring must have been applied directly to the white groimd instead 
of to a black and white shaded ground in the manner of Van Eyck. Beginning 
in the foreground, each part of the picture was painted separately. (£. 
Clark, AH in America, VII, 1918, pp. 43-48; pi.) 

Two Altar Wings by Memling. — In Art in America^ VI, 1918, pp. 251- 
252 (pi.), F. J. Mather, Jr., contributes to the discussion of the wings of an 
altarpiece in the collection of Mr. J. P. Morgan, which are generally ascribed 
to Hans Memling. The saints represented are apparently the hermit knight 
St. William of Malouel and St. Ann. The donors have not been recognized. 
The character of these panels as well as that of the copy in Vicenza of the miss- 
ing central panel shows quite clearly that the altarpiece belongs to the early 
career of Memling, when he was dominated by the immediate influence of 
Rogier de la Pasture. It may even be the earliest Memling extant. 

Medals by Steven H.— In Burl Mag, XXXIII, 1918, pp. 64-59 (pL), 
G. H. Hill publishes some medals by Steven H. recently acquired by the British 
Museiun. He also gives a chronological list of the works so far known by this 
medallist, whose name is not known and whose nationality even is imcertain. 
Steven H. has been considered a native of Holland. But his work seems to 
point to training in Flanders or Brabant. 

A Madonna by Lambert Lombard. — ^A painting by Lambert Lombard, 
unique, because signed and dated, is published by F. H. Rusk in Art in 
America, VI, 1918, pp. 277-285 (5 figs.). The subject of the painting, which is 
in the Brown University collection, is the Madonna enthroned, with a landscape 
at each side. Through its position as the only known authentic work by Lom- 
bard this canvas puts the study of the artist on a new and firmer basis. With 
it as a touchstone some of the former ascriptions to Lombard are shown to 
be false, while at the same time the field is opened for new attributions. 
Two Madonnas attributed to Mabuse, one in the Glasgow gallery, the other in 
the Prado Museum, are suggested as possible additions to Lombard's list of 
works. (See AJ.A. XXII, 1918, pp. 69-70). 

A Dutch Sketch-book of 1650. — A rare sketch-book, containing 179 leaves 
covered with Dutch sketches of landscapes and scenes from every-day life, 
Is published by C. Dodqson in Burl Mag. XXXII, 1918, pp. 234-240 (2 pis.). 
It is the property of Mr. T. Mark Hovell, London. On the first page is the 
date, "Den 7 Juni 1650"; but there is no artist's signature in the book. The 
subject-matter as well as the technique and spirit of the sketches make plaus- 
ible the attribution of the work to Van Goyen. 

Early Dutch Maiolica. — ^Recent discoveries of Dutch pottery contribute 
toward the determination of the relation of this pottery to that of England and 
of Italy. But that the solution of the problem is as yet by no means complete 
is shown by B. Rackham in Burl Mag, XXXIII, 1918, pp. 116-123 (2 pis.). 
Designs and technique were frequently the same in Dutch and English ware. 



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204 AMERICAN" JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

but which was the inventor is not clear. The original style of decoration, 
with freedom of designr and attractive coloring, gave way in Holland in the 
middle of the seventeenth century to the creation of what is known as Delft 
evolved under Chinese influence. In England the early polychrome style 
lasted imtil the early eighteenth century. Sixteenth century Dutch wares 
also show a clear resemblance to fifteenth century Italian maiolica. 

GERMANY 

DQrer Portraits. — Notes on DOrer's portraits of his father and of Jan 
Provost are published by M. Conway in Burl. Mag, XXXIII, 1918, pp. 
142-147 (2 pis.). Of the likenesses of his father there are three that can 
reasonably be assigned to the son, the painting in the Uffizi dated 1490, the 
painting in the National Gallery dated 1497, and the drawing in the Alber- 
tina, which by comparison with these and the 1483 portrait by Zeitblom may 
be dated about 1490. Probably it was used as a study for the Uffizi painting, 
DOrer records in his diary two drawings of Jan Provost. Comparison with 
what is apparently a "self-portrait" in Provost's Death and the Miser in Bruges 
leads to the conclusion that one of DUrer's drawings in the British Museum, 
which was formerly identified as Hofhaimer, may really be a portrait of Jan 
Provost. 

The Enigma of Conrad Witz.— In Gaz. B.-A. XIV, 1918, pp. 305-326 (13 
figs.), C. DE Mandach publishes documents which contribute toward clearing 
up the mystery connected with Conrad Witz and Jean SapienUs. It develops 
that Jean Sapientis, employed by the authorities of the city of Geneva and by 
the duke of Savoy, bore the same family name as Conrad Witz and came, as 
he did, from a country of German tongue. It is permissible to believe that the 
two artists were closely related and hence would have shown similarity in their 
manners of painting. Looking among the remains of fifteenth century art 
in Geneva that are of the variety assigned in documents to Jean Sapientis, 
there are found a number that are very similar to the known paintings by 
Conrad Witz. Among these are miniatures of a manuscript of 1451 in the 
archives of Geneva, the miniatures of a missel in the public library of Geneva, 
and windows from the Cathedral of Geneva now in the museum of that city* 
Three groups of artists bore the name Sapientis; one in Switzerland, one in 
Franche-Comt^, and a third in Northern France. At present only the first 
has obtained a place in the history of art. 

GREAT BRITAIN 

The Chapel of Our Lady of the Pew.— In Archaeologia, LXVIII, 1916-17, 
pp. 1-20 (plan), C. L. Kingsford shows that the chapel of our Lady of the Pew 
in the Palace of Westminster is to be identified with the King's Oratory and 
that it lay immediately to the east of the Old Cloisters. The name is probably 
to be derived from the Old French jmie meaning "rampart" or balustrade." 
Many references to this chapel from the fourteenth century and later are given. 
It was probably pulled down some time in the eighteenth century. 

Churchyard Crosses.— In Burh Mag, XXXIII, 1918, pp. 79-89 (2 pis.; 
11 figs.), A. Vallance describes a nimiber of crosses set up in English church- 



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Renaissance Abt] ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCUSSIONS, 1918 205 

yards in the fourteenth, fifteenth,, and sixteenth centuries, with parallel 
French examples. It seems evident that almost every churchyard once had 
its cross, frequently with fine sculptural decoration, which figured promi- 
nently in the celebration of Palm Sunday. Among other causes of the destruc- 
tion of these most interesting moniunents, the work of the iconoclasts accoimts 
for a large toll. 

English Alabaster Carvings.— In Proc, Soc. Ant,, XXIX, 1917, pp. 74r-93 
(12 figs.) , W. L. HiLDBUROH publishes eleven English alabaster carvings. Seven 
of these, which are in the Museo Arqueol6gico at Madrid, represent the Birth, 
Dedication, Education, and Betrothal of the Virgin; also Uie Annunciation, 
the Nativity, and the Circumdsion. These panels probably came from three 
sets c^ tables and date between 1420 and 1460. They are approximatdy fifteen 
inches high and ten inches wide. There are two in the museum at Cordova 
representing the Nativity and the Resurrection. They are slightly larger 
than the others and date from the latter part of the fifteenth century. Two 
other similar panels recently brought from Spain to England represent the Death 
of the Virgin and the Entombment of St. Etheldreda, 

An Oak Carving of the Holy Trinity.— In Proc, Soc, Ant. XXIX, 1917, pp. 
214-217 (fig.)> H. C. Smith publishes an oak carving representing the Holy 
Trinity and bearing the date 1553. In spite of its date it is distinctly mediaeval 
in feeling. It retains much of its original coloring and is, in fact, a good piece 
of English relief work in wood. 

A Ring with the Letters of St. Agatha.— In Proc, Soc, Ant. XXIX, 1917, 
pp. 114-122 (3 figs.), G. F. Hill publishes a ring of the fourteenth century 
bearing upon the hoop the words, + mentem aantam sporUaneum honorem Deo 
pcUrie liber, known as "St. Agatha's letters." This formula was often placed 
as a charm on church bells down to the sixteenth century, but is rare after 
that date. The ring also bears the owner's name on the bezel surrounding a 
late Roman intaglio of a man's head, + anvlo PirreUu Pisano. He may have 
been a Sicilian. 

An English Tapestry Panel.— In Archaeologia, LXVIII, 1916-17, pp. 3^ 
42 (2 pis.; fig.), Sir C. H. Read discusses a well-preserved panel of tapestry 
purchased by him in London in 1898. It represents the adoration of the Holy 
Trinity by the Virgin and Mary Magdalen attended by two standing angels. 
It is probably English work of about the year 1400. 

Petit Point Needlework.— In Burl Mag. XXIII, 1918, pp. 41-45 (2 pis.), 
C. E. G. Tattersall describes a fine example of petit point work belonging to 
Mr. E. L. Franklin, London. This particular kind of needlework was made as a 
substitute for loom-woven tapestry where the materials and elaborate apparatus 
required for the latter were scarce, as in England. Petit point is really an em- 
broidery done on plain, loosely woven, linen canvas with short diagonal stitches 
in wool and silk. The work requires more patience and labor than skill. 
Mr. Franklin's piece is one of the finest known and is apparently English ci 
the late sixteenth century. It's subject has not been identified, but it seems 
to have reference to contemporary French history, i.e., to the persecutions of the 
French Protestants. Other examples of petit point very similar to this one are 
in the Victoria and Albert Museimi in South Kensington. 



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BIBLIOGRAPHY 

OF 

ARCHAEOLOGICAL BOOKS 
1918 

William N. Bates, Editor ^n-charge 

*^*BookSf pamphlets f and other matter for the Bibliography should be addressed 
to Professor Wiluam N. Bates, eW St. Mark's Square, Philadelphia, Pa. 



GENERAL AND MISCELLANEOUS 



N. Aberg,DasnordischeK\ilturgebiet 
in Mitteleuropa w&hrend der jtin- 
geren Steinzeit. I. Uppeala, 1918, 
Akad. Bokhandel. xi, 276 pp. 

8vo. 48 fr. ^Allegemeines Lexi- 

kon der bfldenden Ktinstler von 
der Antike bis zur Gegenwart. 
Hrsg. von Ulr. Thieme. Bd. 12: 
Fion— Fyt. Leipzig, 1916, E. A. 
Seemann. 614 pp. 8vo. 38 M. 

^I. Andriesescu, Asupra epocei 

de bronz in RomAnia. 1 . Un depou 
de bronz de la Sinaia. 2. Obiectele 
de bronz de la Predeal. Bucuresti, 

1916, Gdbl. 16 pp. 4to. 

H. Aragon, La colonie antique de 
RuBcino. Perpignan, 1918, Imp. 
Comet. 323 pp. 8vo. 

A. Ballu, Rapport sur les travaux de 
fouilles et cle consolidations ex4cu- 
t^ en 1917 j^t le service des 
Monuments historiques. Alger, 

1918, Carbonnel. 108 pp. ^A. 

Earth, Oeuvres. IV. Pans, 1918, 
Leroux. 467 pp. 8vo. 15 fr. 

^F. H. Bigelow, Historic Silver of 

the Colonies and its Makers. Lon- 
don, 1918, Macmillan. 502 pp. 

8vo. ^F. Boas, Kutenai Tales. 

(Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of 
American Ethnology, Bulletin 59.) 
Washington. 1918, Government 

Printing Office. 387 pp. 8vo. 

F. Boll, Stemdaube und Stemdeu- 
tung. Die Geschichte und das 
Wesen der Astrologie. Unter Mit- 
wirkung von C. Bezold d^^estellt. 
Leipzig \md Berlin, 1918, Teubner. 

viii, 108 pp.; 20 figs. 1.80 M. 

P. Bouex, Le Beauregard (atelier 



pr^historique) k Nemours. Ne- 
mours, 1917, Imp. Vaillot. 27 pp. 

8vo. Bulletin arch^olog^que au 

comity des travaux historiques et 
seientifiques. (Ann^l917). Paris, 

1917, Leroux. cclvii, 419 pp. 
8vo. ^Bulletin de la commis- 
sion arch^ologique de Tlndochine. 
(Ann^ 1914-1916). Paris, 1916, 

Leroux. xiii, 223 pp. 8vo. 

Bulletin et Mtoioires de la So- 
ci^t^ arch^ologique de Bordeaux. 
XXXVII. Bordeaux, 1917, Imp. 

Cadoret. Ixxx, 66 pp. 8vo. 

Bulletin et M^moires de la Soci^t^ 
arch^logique du d^partement 
d'llle-et-Vilaine. XLVI,1. Rennes, 

1918, Imp. Vatar. xxxii, 508 pp. 
8vo. 

I. Canella, Stili di Architettura. 
Seconda Edizione. Milano, 1918, 
U. Hoepli. XV, 143 pp.; 64 pis.; 

figs. 24mo. 9.50 1. P. Ca- 

pelle, De luna, stellis, lacteo orbe 
animarum sedibus. Halle, 1917. 

[Diss.] E. Cohn-Wiener, Die 

Entwicklungsgeschichte der Stile 
in der bildenden Kunst. I: Vom 
Altertum bis zur Gotik. 2. Aufl. 
Leipzig, Berlin, 1917, Teubner. 

1.50 M. ^H. Cornell, Norrlands 

kyrkliga konst under medeltiden. 
Uppsala, 1918, Almquist och Wik- 
sell. xii, 281 pp.; 17 pis. 8vo. 

15 fr. ^L. Coutil, La chapelle 

Saint-Eloi-de-Nassaudres (Eure). 
£tude sur la culte des pierres, des 
sources et des arbres dans les d6- 
partements de V Eure. la Seine In- 
f^rieure et la Normandie. Evreux, 



207 



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208 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 



1918, Imp. H^rissey. 115 pp. 8vo. 

^R. A. Cram, Architecture in its 

Relation to Civilization. Boston, 
1918, Marshall Jones Co. 30 pp. 
8vo. $0.15.— S. Ctinnan och J. 
Roosval. Sveriges Kirkor; Konst- 
historiskt inventarium. II, 1. Upp- 
land, 1918, Norstedt. iv, 116 pp. 

8vo. 6 fr. 90. ^L. Curtat, 

Le vieux Romainm6tier. Lau- 
sanne, 1917, Den6r6az-Splengler. 
iv, 12 pp.; 12 pis. Folio. 30 fr. 

J. Ctirtin and J. N. B. Hewitt, 

Seneca Fiction, Legends and Myths. 
Part I. (Thirty-second Annual Re- 
port of the Bureau of American 
Ethnology, pp. 37-819.) Washing- 
ton, 1918, Government Printing 
Office. 4to. 

F. Densmore, Teton Sioux Music. 
(Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of 
American Ethnology, Bulletin 61.) 
Washington, 1918, Government 
Printing Office. 561 pp.; 82 pis.; 
43 figs. 8vo. 

W. Egg, Bilderbetrachtung als Anlei- 
tung zum kUnstlerischen Sehen. 
Regensbui:g, 1917. 94 pp.; fig. 

[Prog.] P. Ehrenreich, Die Sonne 

mi Mythos. Aus -den hinterlas- 
senen Papieren herausgegeben, be- 
vorwortet und mit Zusatzen verse- 
hen von E. Siecke. Leipzig, 1915, 
J. C. Uinrichs. ix, 82 pp. 4 M. 

W. C. Farabce, The Central Arawaks. 
University of Pennsylvania Anthro- 
pological Pubhcations. IX. Phil- 
adelphia, 1918, University Museum. 

288 pp.; 36 pis.; map. 4to. E. 

Fischer, Vastergotlands romanska 
stenkonst arkitektur- och skulptur- 
studier inom Kinnekulletraktens 
Kulturonu-ade. Gdteborg, 1918, 
Konstfilojdmuseet. ix, 112 pp. 4to. 

31 fr. ForschuD^en in Salona. 

Veroff. vom osterreichischen Arch- 
ftologischen Institute. Bd. I. 
4 pis.; 259 figs. 66 M. 

A. Gameri, L'Omato. Firenze, 1918, 
Tip. Rivista delle Arti Grafiche. 

304 pp.; figs. 16mo. 7 1. ^L. 

H. Gray, The Mythology of aU 
Races. XII (Egyptian; Indo- 
Chinese). Boston, 1918, Jones. 

xiv, 450 pp. 8vo. $6. S. 

Gsell, Histoire ancienne de TAf- 
rique du Nord. II, L*6tat cartha- 
ginois, 475 pp., 5 plans; III, His- 
toire militaire de Carthage, 424 pp. 
Paris, 1918, Hachette et Cie. 8vo. 
10 fr. each. 



P. H. Httnni, Die nationale Bedeu- 
tung der Antike und ihre Stellung 
im zukUnf tigen deutschen Bildungs- 
ideal. Hamm, 1916, Breer und 

Thiemann. 34 pp. 8vo. W» 

Hausenstein, Der Ivdrper des Men- 
schen in der Geschichte der Kunst. 
Mit 397 Abb. (Neue Ausgabe von, 
Der nackte Mensch in der Kunst 
aller Zeiten und Volker) . Mtinchen, 

1917, R. Piper & Co. H. Her- 

mansson. Catalogue of Runic Lit- 
erature, forming a part of the Ice- 
landic collection bequeathed to 
Cornell University by W. Fiske. 
New York, 1918, Macmillan. viii, 
195 pp. 8vo. $1. P. Herr- 
mann, Denkm&ler der Mal^^i des 
Altertums. 1. Serie, Lfg. 15, 
Text, pp. 187-200; 10 pis. Mun- 
chen, 1917, Bruckmann. 20 M. 

J. H. Holwerda en J. P. W. A. 

Smit, Catalogus der Archeologisehe 
verzameling von het Provinciaal 
Genootschap von Kunsten en 
Wetenschappen in Noord-Brabant. 
's-Hertogenbosch, 1917, Lutkie & 

Cranenburg. 72 pp. 8vo. A. 

Homeffer, Symbolik der Myster- 
ienbiinde. Mttnchen, 1916, Bern- 

hardi. 221 pp. 8vo. A. Hrd- 

lidka. Recent Discoveries attributed 
to Early Man in America. (Smith- 
sonian Institution, Bureau of Amer- 
ican Ethnology, Bulletin 66.) Wash- 
ington, 1918, Government Printing 

Office. 67 pp.; 14 pis.; 8 fi^. 

C. Htoerberg, Die Mystenen des 
Altertimis. Kulturhistorische Skiz- 
zen liber den Ursprung imd die 
Zwecke der alten Mysterien. 
Frankfurt a. M., 1917, Mahlan & 
Waldschmidt. 87 pp. 8vo. 2.10 
M. 

F. Jodl, Xsthetik der bildenden 
Ktinste. Hrsg. v.W. Bomer. Stutt- 
gart und Berhn, 1917, Cotta. xii, 

407 pp. 8vo. 11 M. ^A. JoUes, 

Ausgeloste KUUige. Bnefe aus 
dem Felde tiber antike Kunst, ver- 
offentl. von L. Pallat. Berlin, 
1916, Weidmann. 101 pp. 8vo. 

R. Kautzsch, Der Begriff der Entwick- 
lung in der Kimstgeschichte. 
(Frankfurter Universitatsreden 7.) 
Frankfurt a. M., 1917. 26 pp. 

8vo. G. Keyssner, Pantheon 

der bildenden Kunst. Eine Aus- 
wahl von Meisterwerken aller 
Zeiten. Stuttgart und Berlin, 
1916, Deutsche Verl.-Anst. xiv, 369 



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BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1918 



209 



pp. 4to. F. Kimball and G. H. 

Edgell, A History of Architecture. 
New York, 1918, Harper and Broth- 
ers, xxiii, 621 pp.; 317 figs. 8vo. 

S3.50 net. G. F. Kunz, Rings 

for the Finger from the earliest 
known Times to the Present. Phil- 
adelphia, 1917, Lippincott. xviii, 
381 pp. 8vo. 

F. Langer, Intellektual-Mythologie. 
Betrachtmigen Qber das Wesen des 
Mythus imd die mythologische 
Methode. Leipzig und Berlin, 

1916, B. G. Teubner. xii, 269 pp. 

8vo. 10 M. ^H. Lehner, Das 

Provinzialmiiseum in Bonn.. Ab- 
bildungen seiner wichtigsten Denk- 
maler. Heft 2: Die romischen und 
fr&nkischen Skulpturen. Bonn, 

1917, F. Cohen. 20 pp.; 44 pis. 

8vo. 3 M. ^H. Luckenbach, 

Kunst und Geschichte. Kleine 
Ausgabe. 2. Aufl. Berlin, 1916, 
Oldenbourg. 162 pp.; 10 pis.; 339 
figs. 2.80 M. 

A. MacBain, Celtic Mythology. New 
York, 1918, Dutton. 252 pp. 12 

mo. J. J. Marquet de Vasselot, 

Repertoire des Catalogues du Mus^e 
du Louvre. Paris, 1917, Hachette 

& Cie. XV, 175 pp. 8vo. ^A. 

Melani, L'Arte di Distinguere gli 
Stili: Ajchitettura, Scultura, Ap- 
plicata, ecc. Milano, 1918, U. Hoe- 
pli. xxiii, 583 pp. 24mo. 12 1. 

M^moires de la Soci6t4 arch6- 

ologique de Montpellier. 2« s^rie, 
VI-VII. Montpellier, 1918, Imp. 
g^n^rale du Midi, xvi, 816 and 

vii, 660 pp. 8vo. 24 fr. O. 

Montelius, Minnen fr&n v&r fom- 
tid. I. Sten^dern och bronsSldem. 
Stockholm, 1918, Norstedt. xviii, 
163 pp. 55 fr. 

A. Nehnng, Seele und Seelenkult bei 
Griechen, Italikern und Germanen. 
Breslau, 1917. 29 pp. 8vo. (Diss.) 

W. J. Perry, The Megalithic Culture 
of Indonesia. Manchester, 1918, 
University Press, xiii, 198 pp. 
8vo. 1. K. Pond, The Mean- 
ing of Architecture. Boston, 1918, 
Marshall Jones Co. 226 pp. 8vo. 

S2.00. ^A. K. Porter, Beyond 

Architecture. Boston, 1918, Mar- 
shall Jones Co. ix-xi, 200 pp . ; figs. 
8vo. $2.00. 

G. £. Rizzo and P. Toesca, Storia 
dell' Arte Classica e ItaUana, Fasc. 
25-26. Vol. Ill, pp. 433-480; figs. 
258-285. Turin, 1918, Unione Tip- 



ografico-Editrice Torinese. G. 

A. Rosenberg, Antiquity en fer et 
en bronze, leur transformation 
dans la terre contenante de Tacide 
carbonique et des chloreuses et leur 
con8er\-ation. (Ouvrage pubU^ par 
la Fonda tion Carlsberg.) Copen- 
hagen, 1917, Gyldendal. vi, 92 pp. 
8vo. 
Sammlung des Herrn Johann Horsky 
in Wien. An tike Munzen: Grie- 
chen, Rdmer, Byzantiner. FrwJc- 
furt a. M., 1917, Hess Nachf. 195 
pp.; 25 pis. — -Sammlung Georg 
Schwarz. Bildwerke der Antike 
und der christl. Epochen in Holz, 
Ton und Bronze. Berlin, 1917, P. 

Casserer . 55 pp . ; 40 pis. ^M . de 

Saralegui y Medina, Ix>s monu- 
mentos megaliticos en Espafia. 
Madrid, 1918, Hemandos. 164 pp. 

8vo. 3 fr. F. Sartiauz, L'archd- 

ologie fran^aise en Asie Mineure et 
Texpansion allemande; les fouilles 
et le sac de Phoc^. Paris, 1918, 

Hachette. 56 pp. 8vo. F. 

Schrader, Konstantinopel. Ver- 
pangenheit und Gegenwart. Tiib- 
mgen, 1917, J. C. B. Mohr. iv, 
246 pp. 8vo. 4 M.-^— O. Schra- 
der, Keallexikon der indogermams- 
chenAltertumskunde. 2. verm, und 
umpearb. Aufl. Lfg. 1: Aal-Duo- 
dezmialsystem. Strassburg, 1917, 
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pis.; 19 figs. 8vo. 9 M. 

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1874-1915. Beaune, 1917, Imp. 

Beaunoise. 72 pp. 8vo. 

Soci^t^ d'arch^ologie de Beaune 
(C6ted'0r). M^moires. XXXIX. 
Beaune, 1917, Imp. Beaimoise. 

97 pp. 8vo. 8 fr. H. S5rgel, 

Finfiihrung in die Architektur- 
Asthetik. Prolegomena zu einer 
Theorie der Baukunst. Miinchen, 
1918, Piloty & Loehle. xi, 258 

6 p. 8vo. 10 M. A. Spelz, 
>a8 farbige Ornament aller histor- 
ischen Stile. Abt. 1: Das Alter- 
tum. 43 pp.; 60 pis. Leipzi^l916, 

Baumgartner. 60 M. -H. J. 

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Mexico and Central America. New 
York, 1917, American Musemn of 
Natural History. 238 pp. 8vo. 

The Splendour of France. 

With an Introduction by Edmund 



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210 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 



Gosse. Vol. I (296 pp.; grav.); 
Vol. II (320 pp.; grav.). London, 

1918, Hutchinson. Folio. J. 

Strzygowski, Altai-Iran und Vdlker- 
wanderung. Ziergeschichtliche Un- 
tersuchungen tiber den Eintritt der 
Wander- und Nordv6lker in die 
Treibhauser geistigen Lebens. An- 
kntipfend an einen Schatzfund in 
Albanien. Leipzig, 1917, J. C. 
Hinrichs. xii, 319 pp.; 10 pis.; 
299 figs. 4to. 36 M. 

L. V. T^halldczy, lUvrisch-albanische 
Forschungen. Bd. 1, 2. Mtinchen 
und Leipzig, 1916. Duncker & 

Humblot. 26 M. H. Treidlcr, 

Epirus im Altertum. Studien zur 
historischen Topographie. Leip- 
zig, 1917. 129 pp. 8vo. [Diss.] 

A. Venturi, E. Pais e P. Molmenti, 
Monumental Dalmatia. Milan, 
1917, Alfieri e Lacroix. 80 pp. ; 100 
pis. 4to. ^E. V^rhaeren, An 



Aesthetic Interpretation of Bel- 
mum's Past. Oxford, 1918, Univ. 

Press. 8ro. L. de Vesly, Six 

Notes Arch^logiques. I: La Ca- 
chette Mon^taire dTquebeuf. II: 
Les Chapiteaux de la Salle Capitu- 
laire de Saint- Victor-en-Caux ou de 
TAbbaye. Ill: Industries Rouen- 
naises. IV: Ume Ck>rdiforme de 
Charles III, de Martel Fontaine. 
V: Le Colombier de Petit-Cour- 
onne. VI: Les Thermes Gallo- 
Romaincs, k Lillebonne. Rouen, 
1917, Imp. A. Lain^. 44 pp.; grav. 
8vo. 
>. T^ser, Das Hakenkreuz nach 
Ursprung. Vorkonunen und Bedeu- 
tung. Zeitz,1917,Sis-Verlag. 0.60 

M. P. Wolters, Illustrierter 

Ftthrer durch der K. Glyptothek in 
MOnchen. MOnchen, 1916, Buch- 
holz. 63 pp. text; 64 pp. figs. 



EGYPTIAN ARCHAEOLOGY 



H. Bonnet, Die alt&gyptische Schurz- 
tracht. Leipzig, 1916. 40 pp.; 16 

pis. [Diss.) ^L. Borchardt, Die 

Annalen und die zeitliche Festle- 
gung des alten Reiches der figyptis- 
chen Geschichte. (Ouellen und 
Forschungen zur Zeitbestimmung 
der figyptischen Geschichte. Bd. 
I.) Berlin, 1917, A. Behrend. 64 
pp.; 8 pis.; 10 figs. 45 M. 

W. Denmson, A Gold Treasure of the 
Late Roman Period. New York, 
1918, Macmillan. 89-175 pp. ; figs. 
4to. $2.50. 

C. M. Kaufmann, Graeco-&gyptische 
Koroplastik . Terrakotten der grie- 
chiscn-r6mischen und koptischen 
Epoche aus der Faij(im-Oase und 
andern Fundst&tten. 2. verm. Aufl. 
Leipzig, und Kairo, 1917, H. Finck. 
156 pp.; 74 pis. 25 M. 

S. H. Leeder, Modem Sons of the 
Pharaohs. A Study of the Manners 
and Customs of the Copts of 
Egypt. London, 1918, Hodder. 
371 pp. 8vo. 20 fr. ^E. Leu- 
ken, Der Einfluss Xgyptens auf 
Palistina auf Grund der in Palas- 
tina gemachten Ausgrabungen. 
Gottingen, 1917. x, 68 pp. 8vo. 
[Diss.1 



G. Meautia, Hermoupolis-la^rande. 
Une m^tropole ^gyptienne sous 
TEmpire romain. Lausanne, 1918, 
Imp. la Concorde. 215 pp. 8vo. 
6 fr. M. Modica, (jontributi 

Papirologici alia ricostruzione del- 
ordinamento dell' Egitto sotto il 
domino greco-romano. Rome, 

1916, Athenaeum, xii, 359 pp. 
8vo. M. Mof^enseiiy Inscrip- 
tions hi^oglyphiques du Mus^ 
national de Copenhague. Kjoe- 
benhavn, 1918, Hoest. 162 pp.; 
29 pU. 4to. 63fr. 60. 

F. Oertel, Die Liturgie. Studien zur 
ptolemfiischen und kaiserlichen 
Verwaltung X^l>tens. Leipzig, 

1917, B.G.Teubner. viii,452pp. 
8vo. 19.95 M. 

F. Preisigke, Antikes Ldben nach den 
agyptischen Papyri. Leipzig imd 
Berlin, 1916, Teubner. 127 pp. 
8vo. 

K. Sethe, Von Zahlen und Zahlworten 
bei den alten Xgyptem und was fQr 
andere Vdlker una Sprachen daraus 
zu lemen ist. Em Beitrag zu 
Geschichte der Rechen](uj[ist und 
Sprache. Strassburg, 1916, TrOb- 
ner. viii, 147 pp.; 3 pis. 8vo. 
14 M. 



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211 



ORIENTAL ARCHAEOLOGY 



G. Boson, Afisiriologia; element! di 
grammatica, sillabario, crestoma- 
zia e dizionarietto. Milan, 1918, 
Hoepli. xvi, 310 pp. 9 fr. 

G. W. Carter, Zoroastrianism and 
Judaism. Boston, 1918, Badger. 
116 pp. 8vo. 

T. Dombart, Zikkurat und Pyramide. 
MUnchen, 1915, Techn. Hoch- 
schule. 80 pp. [Diss.) 

F. C. Endres, PalSstina, Volk und 
Landschaft (Lftnder imd Vdlker der 
Turkei. N. F. T. 1, H. 4). Leip- 
zig, 1917, Gaebler. 30 pp. 8vo. 

A. Gersbacli, Geschichte des Trep- 
penbaus der Babylonier und Assy- 
rier, Xgypter, Perser und Griechen. 
(Zur Kunstgeschichte des Aus- 
landes, H. 114). Strassburg, 1917, 
Heitz. vii, 107 pp.; 67 figs. 8vo. 

F. Hroznjf, Boghazkdi-Studien. H. 
1-2: Die Sprache der Hethiter, ihr 
Bau und inre Zugehdrigkeit zum 
indogermanischen Sprachstamm. 
Leipzig, 1917, J. C. Hinrichs. 246 
pp. 21 M. 

P. Karge, Rephaim. Die vorgeschicht- 
liche Kultur Pal&stinas imd Phd- 
niziens. (Collectanea Hierosolymi- 
tana Bd. 1). Paderbom, 1917, 
F. Sch6ningh. xiv, 755 pp.; 67 

6ps.;map. 8vo. 39.60 M. H. 

l^ortleitner, Formae cultus Mosaici 
cum ceteris religionibus Orientis 
antiqui comparatae. Ocniponte, 
1917, Vereinsbuchhandlung. xi, 
85 .pp. 8vo. 

£. Littmann, Ruinenst&tten und 
Schriftdenkm&ler S3Tiens. (Lfinder 
und Vdlker der Turkei. N. F. T. 
I, H. 2.) Leipzig, 1916, Goebler. 
42 pp. 8vo. 0.70 M. 

P. Mickley, Arciilf .Eines Pilgers Reise 
nach dem heiligen Lande. Aus dem 
Lateinischen tlbersetzt und erkl&rt. 
Tl. 1 : Einleitung und Buch I, Jeru- 
salem. Leipzig, 1917, Hinrichs. 42 

pp.; 4 pis.; 2 figs. 8vo. B. 

Moritz, Bilder aus Pal&stina, Nord- 
Arabien u. dem Sinai. 100 Bild^ 
nach Photographien mit erlautem- 
dem Text. Berlin. 1916, D. Rei- 
mer. 16 po.; 50 pis. 30 M. 

A. Parrot, Defense de la Bible contre 
la critique n^ative dite "Haute 
Critique " au moyen de Tobserva- 
tion des moeurs et de I'^tude de la 
litt^rature d' un people primitif. 
Montb^liard, 1918, Mathiot-Re- 



naud. 432 pp. 8vo. 5 fr. ^W. 

M. Flinders Petrie, Eastern Explo- 
ration Past and Future. London, 
1918, Constable & Co. 118 pp. 
8vo. 2s. 6d. net.-; — ^E. Pottier, 
Les antiquity a8S3rrienne8. Paris, 
1917, Braun. 159 pp. 2 fr. 50. 

^Publikationen der k. osman- 

ischen Museen. 1: Zwei babylon- 
ische Antiken aus Nippm*. Von E. 
Unger. 31 pp.; 2 pis.; 2: Relief- 
stele Adadniraris III. aus Saba'a 
imd Semiramis. Von E. Unger. 
42 pp.; 7 pis.; 3: Die Stele des Bel- 
hairan-beli-ussur, ein Denkmal der 
Zeit Salmanassars IV. Von E. 
Unger. 16 pp. ; 3 pis. ; 4 : Die beiden 
sassanidischen Ihrachenreliets. Von. 
H. Gltick. 64 pp.; 6 pis.; 5: 
Die Rdiefs Tiglatpilesars III aus 
NinoLrud. Von E. Unger. Kon- 
stantinopel, 1916-17, Ihsan. 

C. M. Remey, Mashrak-el-Azkar. 
Descriptive of the Bahai Temple 
and Illustrative of an Exhibition of 
Preliminary Designs for the first 
Mashrak-el-Azkar. Chicago, 1918, 
Bahai Publ. Co. 123 pp. 4to. $1. 

Henry A. Sanders, The New Testa- 
ment Manuscripts in the Freer 
Collection. Part II. The Wash- 
ington Manuscript of the Epistles 
of Paul. New York, 1918, Mao- 
millan Company. Pp. 243-315; 
pis. VI-VIII. 

P. Thomsen, Denkm&ler Pal&stinas 
aus der Zeit Jesu. (Das Land der 
Bibel II, 1). Leipzig, 1916, J. C. 
Hinrichs. 39 pp. 8vo. 0.60 M. 

P. Thomsen, Die PallLstina- 

Literatur. Eine intemationale Bib- 
liographic in systematischer Ord- 
nimg mit Autoren- und Sachregis- 
ter. Bd. 3: Die Literatur der Jahre 
1910-1914. Leipzig, 1916, J. C. 
Hinrichs. xx, 387 pp. 8vo. 14 M. 

P. Thomsen, Palastina \md 

seine Kultur in ftinf Jahrtausenden. 
Nach den neuesten Ausgrabungen 
und Forschungen dargestellt. 2. 
neubearb. Aufl. Leipzig und 
Berlin, 1917, B. G. Teubner. 121 
pp.; 37 figs. 8vo. 

£. F. Weidner, Studien zur hethi- 
tischen Sprachwissenschaft. Heft 
1. Leipzig, 1916, Hinrichs. 4.50 

M. ^L. H. Wild, The Evolution 

of the Hebrew People and their 
Influence on Civilization » New 



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212 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIH, 1919 



York, 1917, Scribners. xi, 311 pp. Land. London, 

8vo. J. E. Wrigbt, Round about 274 pp. 8vo. 

Jerusalem; Letters from the Holy 



1918, Jarrolds. 



CLASSICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 



GREEK AUD ROMAN 

(Works treating of the monuments of 
the Greeks and Romans, but not 
exclusively of those of either.) 

Antike Denkmller. Hrsg. vom K. 
Deutschen Arch&ologischen Insti- 
tut. Bd. 3, Heft 3, 1914-15. Taf. 
25-26, Silberschale in Bari; Taf. 27- 
29, Giebelskulpturen aus Eretria; 
Taf. 30; Porphyrgruppe aus San 
Marco in Venedig; Taf. 31, Relief- 
platten ausAvezzano; Taf . 32-33, 
Grabstele des Lyseas; Taf. 34, 
Polychrome Malereien von hellen- 
istischen Hydrien aus der Nekro- 
pole von Hatra; Taf. 35, Relief 
aus Tarent in der k. Glyptothek 
Mttnchen; Taf. 36, Friesplatten 
vom ionischen Tempel am Ilissos. 
Berlin, 1916, G. Reimer. Bd. 3, 
Heft 4, 1916-1917. Taf. 37-44, 
Archaische thronende Gdttin im 
Alten Museum zu Berlin (T. Wie- 
gand). 

F. de Coulanges, The Ancient City. 
A Studjr of the Religion, Laws and 
Institutions of Greece and Rome. 
Trans, by W. Small. London, 1916, 
Simpkin & Marshall. 529 pp. 
Svo. 7s. 6d. 

E. Herdi, Die Herstellung und Ver- 
wertung von Kase im griechisch- 
romischen Alter tum. Frauenfeld, 
1918, Huber. iv, 73 pp. '4to. 

C. H. Johl, Die Webesttthle der 
Griechen und Romer. Technolog. 
terminolog. Studie. Kiel, 1917. 
ix, 71 pp. Svo. [Diss.] 

H. Mischkowski, Die heiligen Tische 
im Gotterkultus der Griechen und 
Rdmer. Konigsberjj, 1917. [Diss.] 

Paulys Real-Enzyklopftdie der klassi- 
schen Altertumswissenschaft. N. 
Bearbtg. begonnen von G. Wissowa, 
hrsg. V. W. KroU. Halbbd. 18: 
Imperium — Jugum. Cols. 1201- 
2624. Halbbd. 19: Jugurtha— Jus 
Latii. Stuttgart, 1916-17, J. B. 
Metzler. 

W. H. Roscher, Ausftihrliches Lexi- 
kon der griechischen und romischen 
Mythologie. Lfg. 72: Teiresias — 
Telephos. Cols. 201-296; 19 figs. 



Lfg. 73 : Telephos— Teukros. Cols. 
297-424; 31 figs. 4to. Leipzig, 
1917, Teubner. 

F. Schottm^er, Bronze-Statuetten 
imd Ger&te. (Bibl. f. Kunstrund 
Antiquit&tensammler, 12). Berlin, 
1917, R. C. Schmidt & Co. 170 

pp.; 123 figs. 8 M. ^A. della 

Seta, Museo di villa Giiilia. I. 
Roma, 1918, Danesi. 543 pp.; 64 
pis. 16 mo. 

J. E. Wymer, Marktplatz-Anlagen 
der Griechen \md Romer. Mit be- 
sonderer BerUcksichtigung des rom- 
ischen Forumbaues in den Provin- 
zen. Dresden, 1916. 98 pp.; 3 
pis.; 27 figs. [Diss.] 

GREEK 

(Including also titles of works relat- 
ing to Pre>Hellenic inhabitants of 
Greece and to kindred peoples, and 
to monuments of Greek art wher- 
ever found.) 

I. GENERAL AND MISCELLA- 
NEOUS 

K. J. Beloch, Griechische Geschichte. 
2. neugestaltete Aufl. Bd. 2: bis 
auf die sophistische Bewep;ung und 
den peloponnesischen Kneg. Abt. 
2. Strassburg, 1916, K. J. TrQb- 
ner. viii, 418 pp.; 4 pls.^ map. 

Svo. 11 M. ^E. Berger, Die 

Wachsmalerei des Apelles imd 
seiner Zeit. Neue Untersuchun- 
gen und Versuche liber die antike 
Malertechnik. (Sammlung mal- 
technischer Schriften, Bd. 5.) 
Munchen, 1917, G. D. W. Callwey. 

viii, 228 pp.; 6 pis. 4 M. C, 

Blinkenberg, Mirakleme i Epidau- 
ros. Copenhagen, 1917, Gylden- 

dal. ^E. W. Buisson. Die ftolisch- 

ionische Westktiste Kleinasiens in 
Strabos Erdbeschreibung. Erlan- 
gen, 1917. 66 pp. 8vo. [Diss.] 

E. Degen, Kritische AusfOhrungen 
zur Geschichte Antiochus des 
Grossen. Basel, 1918, Birkhaeuser. 
96 pp. 8vo. ^A. Dtfhring, Grie- 
chische Heroen und Abendgeister. 



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BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1918 



213 



Konigsberg, 1916, Thomas & Op- 
permann. 64 pp. 8vo. 1.60 M. 

S. Eitrem, Beitr&ge zur Kiiechischen 
Religionsgeschichte. Il: Kathar- 
tisches und Rituelles. Videnskaps 
selskapets Skrifter Christiania. 
Histor.-fil. Kl. 1917. M. Em- 
manuel, The Antique Greek Dance. 
London, 1916, Lane. 

A. Foucher, L'art gr^co-bouddhique 
du Gandh&ra. £tude sur les 
origines de Finfluence classique 
dans I'art bouddhique de Tlnde et 
de rExtr^me-Orient. II. Paris, 
1918, Leroux. xi, 400 pp. ; 179 figs. 
8vo. 30 frs. 

A. Hartmann, Untersuchungen Uber 
die Sagen vom Tode des Odysseus. 
MOnchen, 1917, C. H. Beck. 242 
pp. 8vo. 7.35 M. 

G. J. Kacarov i D. Diiev, Beitr&ge 
zur Kulturgeschichte der Thraker. 
(Zur Kunde der Balkanhalbinsel. 
II: Quellen und Forschungen. 
Heft 5.) Saraiewo. 1916, Stud- 

nicka. 125 pp.; 38 figs. 3 Kr. 

G. J. Kacarov i D. Deiev, Izvori za 
starata istorija i geografija na 
Trakija i Makedonija. Sofia,«1915. 
vi, 199 pp. 8vo. 

F. L&ng, Heracles and Omphale. 
Ivory Relief in the Museum at 
Aqmncum. Budapest. 1916. 36 
pp.; pi.; 19fira. 4to. [Hungarian.] 

H. Merle, Die Geschichte der Stadte 
Byzantion und Kalchedon yon 
ilu^r GrUndung bis zum Eingreifen 
der Homer in die Verh&ltnisse des 
Ostens. Kiel, 1916. viii, 98 pp. 

[Diss.] ^A. Mflller, Das attische 

Buhnenwesen. Kurz dargestelit. 
GiitCTsloh, 1916, C. Bertelsmann. 
132 pp.; 21 figs. 8vo. 2 M. 

£. Romagnoli, II teatro greco. 
Milano, 1918, Treves, xi, 406 pp.; 
20 pis. 8vo. 6 fr. E. Romag- 
noli, Nel regno di Dioniso; studi sul 
teatro comico greco. Bologna, 
1918, Zanichelli. 253 pp.; 27 pis. 
8vo. 12fr. 50. 

R. von Scala, Das Griecbentum in 
seiner geschichtlichen Entwicklung 
(Aus Natur und Geisteswelt 471). 
Leipzig und Berlin, 1915. B. G. 
Teubner. 105 pp.; 46 fira. 8vo. 

^W. Schafnitzl, Der Schilder- 

ungsstil in den homerischen Gleich- 
nissen und in den Denkmalern der 
kretischmykenischen und geome- 
trischen Epoche. Strassburg, 1917. 

70 pp. 8vo. [Diss.] ^W.Schttn- 

f elder. Die stadtischen und Bundes- 



beamten des griechischen Fest- 
landes vom 4. Jahrh. v. Chr. bis in 
die romische Kaiserzeit. Leipzig, 

1917. [Diss.] J. Sieveking, Die 

Terrakotten der Sammlung Loeb. 
Mit einer Einleitung von J. Loeb. 
Bd. 1, 2. MUnchen, 1916, A. Buch- 
holz. xvi, 42, 70 pp.; 128 pis.; 25 
figs. 4to. 

II. GREEK ARCHITECTURE 

Antiquities of Ionia. Published by 
the Society of the Dilettanti. Part 
5, being a supplement to Part 3. 
London, 1916, Macmillan & Co. 
45 pis. 84 sh. 

III. GREEK SCULPTURE 

A. Hahfj Bewegungsgestalten in der 
griechischen Skulptur. Eine kunst- 
theor. Studie. (zur Kunstgeschi- 
chte des Auslandes, H. 117). 
Strassburg, 1917, J. H. E. Heitz. 

viii, 38 pp.; 38 figs. 8 M. ^A. 

Hekler, Gdtterideale und Portrats 
in der griechischen Kunst. (Mit- 
teil. der ungar. wiss. Instituts in 
Konstantinopel, 2). Leipzig, 1917, 
K. W. Hiersemann. 18 pp. 8vo. 

E. L5w7, Die griechische Plastik. 2. 
Aufl. Text 152 pp.; plates 168. 
Leipzig, 1916, Klinkhardt und 
Biermann. 8vo. 6.50 M. 

F. Poulsen, Delfis arkaiske Skulp- 
turer. Copenhagen, 1917, Pio. 104 
pp. 8vo. 3 fr. 60. 

C. A. Vannoy, Studies on the Athena 
Parthenos of Pheidias. Iowa City, 
1917, University of Iowa. 357 pp. 
8vo. 

IV. GREEK VASES 

J. D. Beazley, Attic Red-figured 
Vases in American Museums. Cam- 
bridge, 1918, Harvard University 
Press. X, 236 pp.; 132 figs. 4to. 
$7. 

K. Vik, Vom Atelier des Brygos. Ein 
Beitrag zur griechischen Vasen- 
kunde. Prag-Neustadt, 1915. 21 
pp. 8vo. [Prog.] 

V. GREEK INSCRIPTIONS 

G. Dittenberger, Sylloge inscrip- 
tionum graecarum a G. D. condita 
et aucta, nunc tertium edita. Vol. 
2. Leipzig, 1917, S. Hirzel. 627 
pp. 8vo. 25 M. 

Inscriptiones Graecae. Consilio et 
auctoritate Academiae litterarum 



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214 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol, XXIII, 1919 



re^iae Borussicae editae. Volu- 
mrnis II et III editio minor: Inscrip- 
tiones Atticae ed. J. Kirchner. 
Pars I, faflc. 2: Decreta anno 229/8 
posteriora. Accedunt leges sacrae. 
Pp. 339-679. Berlin, 1916, G. 
Reimer. 49 M. 
Salonhis, Varia de origine et sennone 
tabuliuiim Dodonae efifossarum. 
Helsingfors, 1915. 23 pp. 

VI. GREEK COINS 

P. Gardner, A History of Ancient 
Coinage (700-300 B. C). Oxford, 
1918, Clarendon Press. 463 pp.; 
11 pis. 8vo. 

ROMAN 

(Including also titles of works relat- 
ing to the monuments of the 
Etruscans and other people who 
inhabited Italy before or contempo- 
raneously with the Romans, as 
well as to Roman moniunents out- 
side of Italy.) 

I. GENERAL AND MISCEL- 
LANEOUS 

T. Birt, Rdmische Charakterkdpfe. 
Ein Weltbild in Biographien. 2. 
Aufl. Leipzig, 1916, Quelle & 

Meyer. 363 pp. 8vo. ^T. Birt, 

Zur Kulturgeschichte Roms. Ge- 
sammelte Skizzen. 3. Aufl. Leip- 
zig, 1917, Quelle & Meyer. 159 
pp. 8vo. 1.25 M. 

E. Diehl, Das alte Rom. Sein Wer- 
den, Bltthen und Vergehen. 2. 
Aufl. Leipzig, 1917, Quelle & 
Meyer. 124 pp. 8vo. 1 M. 

F. Furchheim, Bibliographie der Insel 
Capri und der Sorrentiner Halbin- 
sel sowie von Amalfi, Salerno und 
Paestum. Nach den Originalaus- 
gabcn bearb. und mit krit. und 
antiquar. Anm. vers. 2. verm. 
Aufl. Leipzig, 1916, Harrassowitz. 
vii, 171 pp. 8vo. 

A. De Gregorio, CoUezioni di Solunto 
conservate nel museo di Palermo. 
Palermo, 1917, Tip. Boccone del 
povero. 22 pp.; 21 pis. 4to. 42 

fr. A. De Gregorio, Su taluni 

bronzetti principalmente arcaici 
di Sicilia. Palermo, 1917, Boccone 
del povero. 15 pp.; 9 pis. 8vo. 18 

fr. ^A. De Gregorio, Su taluni 

bronzi e talune figurine fittile di 
Selinunte conservate nel museo di 
Palermo. Palermo, 1918, Tip. Boc- 



cone del povero. 11 pp.; 10 pis. 
4to. 20frs. 

Lisa Hamburg, Observationes her- 
meneuticaeinumasEtruscas. Ber- 
lin, 1916, Weidmann. 55 pp.; 7 

figs. 8vo. Also Halle, Diss. ^V. 

Hehn, Italien. Ansichten und 
Streiflichter. 12.-14. Aufl., mit 
Lebensnachrichten tiber den Ver- 
fasser. Berlin, 1917, Bomtrager. 
xxxii, 280 pp. 8vo. 

G. Ktf rte, I Rilievi delle ume etrusche. 
Pubbl. a nome dell' Imp. Istituto 
arch. germ. Vol. 3. Berlin, 1916, 
G. Reimer. iv, 256 pp.; 158 pis.; 

61 figs. 60 M. ^W. Kubitschek, 

Zur Geschichte von St&dten des 
rdmischen Kaiserreiches. Epi^- 
phisch-niunismatische Studien. 
Heft 1. Sitzber. k. Akad. Wien, 
177. 117 pp. 

B. Mattianda, II nome di Savona e i 
nomi toi>og|:afici di origine ligure. 
Esoloraziom archeol. nel campo 
defla parola e dell' arte preistorica. 
Savona, 1916, Ricci. 79 pp. 4to. 

C. H. Moore, Pagan Ideas of 

Immortality during the Early 
Christian Centuries. Cambridge, 
1918, Harvard Univ. Press. 64 
pp. 12mo. $0.85. 

Die Peutingerische Tafel oder Welt- 
karte des Castorius. Mit kurzer 
Erklarung, 18 Kartenskizzen der 
tiberlieferten rdmischen Reisewege 
aller L&nder und der 4m. langen 
Karte in Faksimile neu herausgege- 
ben. Stuttgart, 1916, Strecker & 
SchrSder. 16 pp. 4to. 3 M. 

J. A. Schrtfder, De Amoris et Psy- 
ches fabella Apuleiana nova qua- 
dam ratione explicata. Amster- 
dam, 1916, Portielje. 118 pp. 
8vo. 

J, Wilpert, Die rdmischen Mosaiken 
und Malereien der kirchlichen Bau- 
ten vom IV .-XIII. Jahrh. Frei- 
burg i. Br., 1916, Herder. 300 pis.; 
542 figs. Vols. I & II, Text; Vol. Ill, 
Mosaics; Vol. IV, Paintings. 800 

M. G. Wolff, Die Entwicklimg 

der rdmisch-germanischen Alter- 
tumsforschung, ihre Auf gaben und 
Hilfsmittel. 1916. 37 pp. 

II. ROMAN VASES 

W. Unverzagt, Die Keramik des 
Kastells Alzei. (Materialen zur 
r5m.-germ. Keramik, hrsg. v. d. 
Rom. -Germ. Kommission des K. 
Arch. Instituts, 2). Frankfurt a. 



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BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1918 



215 



M., 1916, Baer & Co. 36 pp. ; 3 pis; 
24 figs. 2.50 M. 

III. ROMAN INSCRIPTIONS 

H. Armini, Sepulcralia Latina. Gdte- 
borg, 1916. 123 pp. [Diss.] 

Corpus inscriptioiium latinanim con- 
sUio et auctoritate Academiae lit- 
terarum Regiae Borussicae editum. 
Vol. 8, supplementum pars 4: In- 
scriptiones Af ricae latinae. Berlin, 
1916,Reimer. Pp. 2287-2750. 62 
M. 

H. Dessau, Inscriptiones latinae sel- 
ectae. Vol. 3, pars 2: Addenda et 
corrigenda. Indices. Berlin, 1916, 
Weidmann. Pp. 601-954. 8vo. 
18 M. 

M. Jeauneret, La langue des tablettes 



d'ex^ration latines. Paris, 1918, 

Attinger. vii, 174 pp. 8vo. 7 fr. 
A. De Marchi, Le antiche epigrafi di 

Milano. Milan, 1917. iv,322pp.; 

39 figs. 8vo. 5 1. 
A. Reidiardt, Die Lieder der Salier 

und das Lied der Arvalbriider. 

Leipzig, 1916, Teubner. 14 pp. 

8vo. ^A. Riese, Das rheinische 

Germanien in den antiken Inschrif- 

ten. Leipzig, 1916, B. G. Teubner. 

xiii, 479 pp. 8vo. 18 M. 

IV. ROMAN COINS 

H. J. Scharp, Overzicht van het Rom- 
emsche muntwesen, \66x de invaer- 
ing van den denarius in het Jaar 
269 v66r Chr. Anisterdam, 1917. 
42 pp. [Prog.] 



CHMSTIAN ART 

I. GENERAL AND MISCELLANEOUS 



A. Alexandre, Les Monuments Fran- 
cais d^truits par TAUemagne. 
Nancy et Paris, 1918, Berger-Lev- 
rault . 224 pp. ; 47 pis. ; 242 photo- 
graphies. 4to. ^K. Asmilund and 

M. Olsson, Kyrkor i Vaddd och 
Haverd Skeppslag: Konsthistor- 
iskt Inventarium. Stockholm, 
1918, k. vitt. hist, och ant. Aka- 
demien. 116 pp.; 91 figs. 8vo. 

Mrs. A. BeU, The Saints in Chris- 
tian Art. London, 1918. 2 vols.; 

106 g-av. 8vo. Bergungswerk 

der Deutschen Heeresverwaltung. 
Kunstwerke aus dem besetzten 
Nordfrankreich ausgestellt im 
Museiun zu Valenciennes. Her- 
ausgegeben vom Armee-Oberkom- 
mando 2, Bearbeitet von Dr. Th. 
Demmler in Verbindung mit Dr. A. 
Feulner und Dr. H. Burg. Mtin- 
chen, 1918, Bruckmann. 207 pp.; 

125 figs.; plan. 8vo. S. Big- 

iaretti, II Museo Piersanti in Mate- 
lica: catalogo-guida, con prefazione 
di A. Caasulo. Firenze, 1917, Tip. 
Domenicana. 36 pp.; 25 plis. 

16mo. ^L. Bocquet, Villes Meur- 

tries de France. Villes du Nord. 
Bruxelles et Paris, 1918, G. van 
Oest&Cie. 64 pp.; 24 pis. 16mo. 
— S. Brandel, Kyrkor i Dander- 
yds Skeppslag: Konsthistorisk In- 
ventarium. Stockholm, 1918, k. 
vitt., hist, och ant. Akademien. 

170 pp. ; 20 figs. 8vo. ^L. Brin- 

deau, L'£glise Notre-Dame du 
Havre, Monument Historique. Le 



Havre, 1918, Imp. du "Journal du 
Havre." 16 op.; grav. 8vo. 
G. Carotti, L'Afte del Belgio attra- 
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American Journal of Archaeology, Second Series. Vol. XXIII (1919), Plate I. 



BrsT OF A Youth, Shaw Collection, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. 



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American Journal of Archaeology, Second Series. Vol. XXIII (1919), Plate II. 



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American Journal of Archaeology, Second Series. Vol. XXIIl (1919), Plate III. 



Buerr of a RoiiAN Emperor, Shaw Collection, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. 



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TWO MARBLES IN THE MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS, 

BOSTON 



[Plates I-III] 

In the Quincy Adams Shaw Collection, which came into the 
possession of the Boston Museum of Fine Arts on March 29, 
1917, there are nineteen pieces of sculpture. Through the cour- 
tesy of the authorities of the Museum I was enabled to commence 
the study of these sculptures shortly after they were received. 
They were not yet on exhibition; no attributions had been made, 
and no documents relating to their origin or history were available; 
thus I was enabled to attack the problem of their authorship 
without previous commitment.^ 

The two marbles selected for special study are a portrait bust 
of a youth (Plates I and II), and an ideal portrait, in relief, of a 
Roman emperor (Plate III) . Both works belong obviously to 
the Italian Renaissance, and almost equally obviously to the 
fifteenth century. 

I. Bust of a Youth^ 
1. The Composition and Form 
In the Early Renaissance the composition of the portrait bust 
is simple and direct, as in the Filippo Strqzzi of Benedetto da 
Maiano (Fig. 3). There is no sharp turning of the head for 
dramatic effect; no restless lines in hair or costume break up 
the contour as in Bernini's Francesco d'Este.' The silhouette is 

^ Since the completion of this study the authorities of the Museum of Fine 
Arts have placed the Shaw Collection on public exhibition. The official 
catalogue (1918) contains brief notes on the sculptures with attributions by 
Professor Allan Marquand. These attributions he has discussed at somewhat 
greater length in a series of papers in Art in America^ VI, 1918, pp. 229-239, 
253-263; VII, 3-10. The relief of an emperor is given to Mino (VII, pp. 
9-10). The bust of a youth is not discussed in the articles thus far published. 
In the catalogue it is said to be in the style of Mino. 

' The bust with base measures 0.36 m. (14} in.) in height. 

» M. Re3rmond, La sculptvre florenline, IV, p. 197. 

American Journal of Archaeology, Second Series. Journal of the 
A»diaeological Institute of America. Vol. XXIII (1919). No. 3. 



219 



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220 ELLA SHARPLES HOGHTON 

always kept quiet and serene. A marked similarity is recogniz- 
able in all the bust forms of the Early Renaissance. There are 
two distinct lengths used, a half-length, more accurately defined 
as terminating just below the breast; and a somewhat shorter 
length, terminating about the middle of the breast, which we 
may call the half-breast length. Both forms, including, as they 
did, the upper part of the arm, made possible a broad, firm mass 
or base, which was in turn supported on a definite foundation. 
This foundation followed the general line of the bust termination 
and formed an integral part of the whole; it imparts a rather 
severe and architectural feeling, which accords well with the 
simplicity and sobriety of the composition. 

Donatello was perhaps responsible for the general adoption of 
both forms of bust. The half-length is found in the San Lorenzo 
in the Sacristy of San Lorenzo,* the San Giovanni in Berlin,' and 
the Niccold da Uzzano in the Bargello,' while the so-called young 
Gattamelata,* also in the Bargello and attributed to Donatello, 
terminates in the half -breast length. Jacopo della Quercia, 
Ghiberti, and Luca della Robbia* have probably left no portrait 
busts. The making of portrait busts was thus established on a 
firm basis, with accent on simplicity and gravity. 

While the well-known portrait busts of the first half of the 
Renaissance may be counted on the fingers of two hands, in the 
second period all the sculptors of note tried their hand at por- 
traiture. The masterful series of portraits which are definitely' 
known, and the long list of unattributed works which beyond 
question belong to this period, bear witness to its productivity. 

Desiderio did funeral monuments of men, but portraits of 
women. He and his Neapolitan contemporary, Laurana, left a 
series of women's portraits whose beauty, charm, and alluring 
qualities were not again equalled in the Italian Renaissance. 
These portraits were created in a style which continued the tradi- 

> Reymond, II, p. 114. 

* W. Bode, Florentine Sculptors of the Renaissance, pi. LXI. 
» Reymond, II, p. 117. 

* Reymond, II, p. 115. 

* There is a bust of a boy in the Bargello ascribed by Bode to Luca della 
Robbia, under the title of a Boy-Christ, and by M. Cruttwell (Luca and Andrea 
della Robbia, p. 155) to Andrea della Robbia. This shows the half-length 
fo-m. According to UArte, XX, 1917, p. 172, W. Biehl, Mh. f, Kunstw, 
1915, No. 5, attributes to Luca della Robbia the bust of a young girl (No. 
177) in the Bargello. 



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TWO MARBLES IN THE MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS 221 

tions of the early form established by Donatello, the length end- 
ing just below the breast, or including only half of it. 

Antonio Rossellino, in his portraits of Giovanni da San Miniato^ 
and Matteo Palmieri (Fig. 1), adopts the form terminating below 
the breast and supported on the usual base. 

Civitali was interested in the expression of religious emotion 
rather than in portraiture or in lighter and more playful subjects; 
yet in his Ecce Homo* in the Museum at Lucca he uses a por- 
trait type of bust in the shortened form. 



Figure 1. — Matteo Palmieri by A. RosaBLLiNo: Bargello. 

Benedetto da Maiano in two splendidly realistic portraits of 
men, the Pietro Mellini in the Bargello (Fig. 2) and the Filippo 
Strozzi in the Louvre (Fig. 3) also conforms tp the established 
type of bust, terminating below the breast. 

Antonio Pollaiuolo departs slightly from the type in his bust 
of a young Florentine warrior,' as does Verrocchio in his bust of 
a young man,* if these works are rightly attributed; the former 

* M. Reymond, III, p. 89. 

» A. Venturi, Storia dell' ArU iUdiana, VI, p. 702. 
» Venturi, VI, p. 745. 

* Reymond, III, p. 115. 



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222 ELLA SHARPLES HOGHTON 

omits the arms, and in the latter they are separated from the 
body below the shoulder, while still included in the general mass. 
Both these works are in the Bargello. 

Verrocchio uses also an entirely novel form, with more than 
waist length, which gives play to the hands as well; the type is 
exemplified in his Young Women Holding the Flowers,^ in the 
Bargello. 



Figure 2. — Pietro Mellini by Benedetto da Maiano: Babgello. 

Mino da Fiesole is by far the most prolific portraitist of his 
time. A list of his busts in chronological order, as arranged by 
Diego Angeli,* is as follows: 

*(?)1456 Bust, Alexo di Luca Mini, Museum, Berlin.' 
♦1461 Bust, Conte Rinaldo della Luna, Bargello (Fig. 4). 
*1462 Bust, Giovanni dei Medici, Bargello (Fig. 5). 
♦1463 (?) Bust, Piero dei Medici, Bargello (Fig. 6). 
* 1464 Bust, Diotisalvi Neroni, Drejrf us Collection, Paris.* 
* (?) 1465 Bust, Unknown Man, BerUn. 

I Reymond, III, p. 214. 

* Diego Angeli, Mino da Fiesole (1905), pp. 153-154. The mark of interro- 
gation before the date indicates that in Angeli's opinion the attribution is 
doubtful; after the date that the year is uncertain. An asterisk indicates 
that the authorship of Mino is denied by Venturi, VI, pp. 636 flf., 654 note. 

' W. von Bode, 'Die marmorbuste des Alesso di Luca Mini voil Mino da 
Fiesole.' Jh, Preuss. Kunsts. XV, 1894, pp. 272-274, and pi. 

* Reymond, III, p. 113. 



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TWO MARBLES IN THE MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS 223 

* 1466 Bust, EJcce Homo, Museum, Berlin. 
1472(?) Bust, Saint Catherine, Louvre. 
1472(?) Bust, Saint Catherine, Collection Conte Palmieri, 
Siena.^ 
*1473(?) Bust of Woman, Berlin.* 
1480 Bust of Woman (unfinished). Private Collection, 
Florence. 
*Bust, S. Giovanni, La Bardella Collection, 
Florence* 
In these portraits, Mino daFiesole may be taken as a represent- 
ative of his period in the matter of composition and form of 
bust. He shows no departure from the estabUshed forms, and 
at the same time allows himself the freest variation within the 
given limits. No portrait busts are ascribed with certainty to 
Andrea della Robbia.* 

By the end of the century more elaborate forms of bust began to 
appear in cities outside of Florentine influence. The marble bust 
of Beatrice d'Este in the Louvre,® and the bronze bust of Fran- 
cesco Gonzaga,* both attributed to Gian Christoforo Romano, 
show signs of change in the north, but Christoforo Romano was 
trained in the classic atmosphere of Rome. 

The bust of Carlo Zen attributed to Dalmata,^ who worked 
with Mino da Fiesole in Rome, in its pedestal, base, and free 
arms foreshadows the Roman type of bust of the sixteenth 
century. The solid base with the arms held firmly to the general 
mass by the garment is destined to give way to a form which will 
adapt itself to a pedestal type of support; this is foreign to 
Florentine busts and at variance with the fifteenth century style. 
The divergent sixteenth and seventeenth century forms are seen to 
advantage in Michelangelo^s bust of Brutus,^ in Guglielmo 
della Porta's Paul III,* and in Bernini^s Francesco d'Este. 

The Shaw bust is rounded oflf at the base, so as at present to 

* Venturi, VI, p. 667. Venturi assigns this to a follower of Mini. 

* D. Angeli, Mino da Fiesole (1905), p. 65. 

* Reymcmd, 111, p. 115. 

* Rejrmond, III, p. 179, attributes a portrait of Giovanni Battista Alma- 
diano at Viterbo to Andrea della Robbia, and cf . p. 220, note 5, above. 

'Venturi, VI, p. 1131. 
•Venturi, VI, p. 1136. 
' Venturi, VI, p. 1067. 
» Reymond, IV, p. 102. 

* Reymond, IV, p. 139. 



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224 ELLA SHARPLES HOGHTON 

require a hollow wooden pedestal, but this may well be the 
result of later modification, for the under side shows no arrange- 
ment for placing on a pedestal. It may thus have belonged 
either to the half-length or to the half-breast length; and, so far 
as the form is concerned, might have been the work of any of 
the sculptors of the early Renaissance in Florence. 

2, The Costume 

The costume of Florentine busts of the fifteenth century is 
relatively plain, except that the material represented may show 
an elaborate surface pattern. The treatment of the neck is 



Figure 3. — Filippo Strozzi by Benedetto da Mai and: Louvre. 

always simple. There is either a single band, plain or with 
a fold or binding at the upper edge, or such a band within an 
outer one, indicating the presence of two garments. The 
fullness below the neck band falls into more or less regular folds 
or plaits, with the sleeve showing no sharp break from the body 
to interrupt the sculpturesque fall of the material. This is the 
type common to the male portraits of Antonio Rossellino, as 
seen in the Giovanni da San Miniato and the Matteo Palmieri 
(Fig. 1); of Civitali in the relief portrait in the predella of the 
Altar of San Regolo in the Duomo at Lucca, and in his Ecce 
Homo; of Benedetto da Maiano in the Pietro Mellini (Fig. 2) 
and the Filippo Strozzi (Fig. 3); and of the Giovanni Battista 



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TWO MARBLES IN THE MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS 225 

Almadiano at Viterbo. Antonio Pollaiuolo and Verrocchio alone 
strikingly differ in costume, as they differ also in the form of the 
bust. They were primarily workers in bronze, whereas the others 
were workers in marble. Verrocchio in the Young Man in the 
Bargello chooses a tight-fitting garment with sleeves which are 
sharply outlined and separated from the body, but exceedingly 
severe withal. Pollaiuolo uses the tight-fitting body in the cos- 
tume of his young Florentine warrior, and like Verrocchio retains 
the simple Unes of the neck. 



Figure 4. — Rinaldo della Luna by Ming da Fiesole: Bargello. 

If we turn to the series of portraits by Mino da Fiesole, we 
shall find that he uses three types of costume according to the 
portrait requirements. These types are the classic Roman style, 
as in the Diotisalvi Neroni, the Florentine military style, as in 
the Giovanni dei Medici, and the conventional costume with the 
simple neck and the fullness falling in folds on the breast; the 
last type is represented by the Piero dei Medici and the Rinaldo 
della Luna, (Figs. 6 and 4). 

Having clearly in mind the characteristics of the costume of 
the different sculptors of the fifteenth century, we turn to an 
analysis of the costume of the Shaw bust. 



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22Q ELLA SHARPLES HOGHTON 

First, we notice that a single piece of material is brought from 
back to front, forming a close-fitting band about the neck. In 
the back this material is extended down from the neck toward the 
middle of the shoulders. The collar band is held together in the 
front by a single button, and is topped by a fold which does not 
stand out rigid and straight, as if lined or stiffened, but sinks 
slightly towards the centre as an unlined fold naturally will when 
the materialis not over thick. The garment is cut somewhat 
circular in front, so that while it fits smoothly about the base of 



FiGUKE 5. — Giovanni dei Medici by Ming da Fiesole: Bargello. 

the neck, it falls with some fullness over the breast, and is carried 
smooth and flat across the shoulder and down the back, leaving 
the V of the collar at the back distinctly outlined. The beginning 
of the sleeve is clearly indicated, but the shape of the bust does 
not give room for more than a close-fitting top of the sleeve; the 
body garment is laid over the arm-hole as is naturally the ease 
when the seam is turned toward the shoulder. The plaits start 
high on the chest and are laid with exactness side for side, gradu- 
ally widening with line of plait following line of plait, giving the 
appearance of having been pressed into shape. 

A detailed comparison of the costume of the Shaw bust with 



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TWO MARBLES IN THE MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS 227 

that shown in the Giovanni da San Miniato and Matteo Palmieri 
(Fig. 1), in the Ecce Homo and the relief portrait of the Altar of 
San Regolo, and in the Pietro Mellini (Fig. 2) and'Filippo Strozzi 
(Fig. 3), reveals the fact that no close relationship exists between 
our bust and these works. Its authorship is thus not to be 
found in Antonio Rossellino, Civitali, or Benedetto da Maiano, 
any more than in Antonio PoUaiuolo or Verrocchio. A compari- 
son with the costumes as shown in the busts of Mino da Fiesole 
at once shows relationship. For this reason we take up in more 
detail the analysis of the costumes as shown in his busts and other 
works bearing on the subject under discussion. 

The busts by Mino da Fiesole closely resemble one another 
both in the treatment of the neck and in the precision with which 
the fullness is arranged. We may note the neck band, for 
example, as seen in the Bishop Salutati, the Piero dei Medici, and 
the Rinaldo della Luna. It is relatively narrow; it fits the neck 
snugly; it is unadorned save with a delicate fold at the top, and 
it closes simply in the front with one or two small buttons. We 
may compare the treatment of the band at the top with similar 
treatment by other sculptors of the period. It does not round 
outshghtly; it does not stand straight and even; it is not simply 
a binding; it is not a simply a ridge, neither is it a roll of material, 
but it is a fold ; narrow, and of almost identical width in each case, 
slightly sunken in the middle as a soft unlined fold would 
natitfally be. 

This use of a band or a fold is one of the mannerisms of Mino 
da Fiesole. We see the same type of fold used to top the gown 
of the Young Girl in Berlin; also edging the sleeves of the Ma- 
donna, and giving a finish to her garments at the neck. It was 
an especially dainty and at the same time severe trimming 
which the sculptor allowed himself; its character is always the 
same, a somewhat thin material, which gives a little in the centre, 
adding a certain softness to a certain severity. 

If, again, we examine Mino's treatment of the fullness at the 
front of the costume in his busts, excluding those in the draped 
classic toga or in the military costume with overlying cloak, if 
we analyze the costume of the Piero dei Medici (Fig. 6) and the 
Rinaldo della Luna (Fig. 4), we find him always following a 
definite scheme in the arrangement of fullness of any sort. He 
does not allow it to fall naturally or irregularly. An analysis of 
the costume of the Piero dei Medici shows plaits starting high on 



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228 ELLA SHARPLES HOGHTON 

the chest and lying straight downward and flat, in exact and 
orderly manner, side for side, plait for plait, line for line. The 
type of costume is not peculiar to Mino da Fiesole. It is a 
Florentine costume of the period, but his treatment of the plaits 
is his own. 

A glance at the manner of arranging the fullness in the Ma- 
donna's skirt, the symmetrical plaits in the costume of the young 
Francesco Tornobuoni,^ on the tomb in S. Maria sopra Minerva, 
Rome, and the arrangement of the plaits to take up the fullness in 



Figure 6. — Piero dei Medici by Ming da Fiesole: Bargello. 

the sleeve of the Young Girl in Beriin, will make clear to anyone 
how exactly they branch from a centre and with what precision 
they are laid in folds which gradually widen out in symmetrical 
lines. The Rinaldo della Luna, the authenticity of which is gen- 
erally admitted, may well be given a more detailed analysis. 
The fullness, here, starts high on the chest, almost at the neck 
band ; the material is laid in the most exact and ordered way, in 
plaits widening out as they go down, but keeping their form 
distinct and clear, and rather flat as if pressed into shape. 

1 G. S. Da vies, Renascence Tombs of Rorne^ Fig. 31. 



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TWO MARBLES IN THE MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS 229 

In the costume of the Rinaldo della Luna, furthermore, 
the material is brought flat over the shoulders, and shows a 
V-eflFect on the back; the outer garment is enriched by bands of 
fur and by a raised pattern on the arm and in the V-shaped back 
of the undergarment. On comparing the treatment of the cos- 
tume of the Shaw bust with that of the Rinaldo della Luna we 



PiGURE 7. — Bishop Salutati by Ming da Fiesole: Fiesole. 

are confronted with indubitable facts, which cannot be merely 
accidental. The fold edging the collar band in the Shaw bust 
is a Mino da Fiesole fold, carved with his distinct mannerism; 
narrow, soft enough to sink somewhat in the centre, and of an 
exquisite feeling for precision and elegance. The collar band in 
its character and the way it fits the neck, in its manner of closing, 
and in its width, in all particulars, suggests the style of Mino; 
such treatment is seen in the Bishop Salutati (Fig. 7), the Piero 



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230 ELLA SHARPLES HOGHTON 

dei Medici, and the Rinaldo della Luna. The precision and 
orderliness of the arrangement of the fullness in our bust also 
shows close resemblance to the arrangement in the Mino busts, 
and relates itself in character to all his arrangements of fullness 
in costumes. 

We need not aflSrm that in the Shaw bust there is absolute 
correspondence with these. There is, however, a relation much 
more important than exact correspondence — a relation which 
comes from the same feeling for underlying facts and the same 
interpretation of their expression, accompanied by the slight 
variations which evidence a similar underl3ring feeling; such 
variations are much more convincing evidence than exact imita- 
tion with a different underlying feeling, which marks the handi- 
work of one copying or working in the manner of another. 

To sum up our analysis of the costume, in style and in detailed 
treatment we find a definite kinship between the Shaw bust 
and the busts by Mino da Fiesole, with a striking relationship 
between the Shaw bust and the Rinaldo della Luna. 

3, The Hair 

The treatment of the hair in the Shaw bust is characteristic 
both in arrangement and in details. The hair radiates from the 
crown as a common centre, keeping the general shape of the head 
clear by lying rather flat over the front and crown, and ending in 
rich clustering curls about the ears and neck; the curls do not 
hang free and float about, giving a sense of airiness and movement, 
but are, rather, in a compact mass, well-ordered, and with all the 
ends turning inward. The strands have an individual character. 
One feels that each slender strand maintains its own identity; 
each has a surface somewhat rounding — shall we call it a "maca- 
roni^* strand? — each sweeps from centre of crown to front of 
neck in an ordered curve, revealing a sense of rhythm and feeling 
for decoration. 

For comparison we may pass under review definite works of 
the fifteenth eentury Renaissance. Agostino di Duccio's Ma- 
donna and Child with attendant Angels in the Opera del Duonio/ 
has certain elements in common with our bust. There is the 
separation of the hair into strands, with a feeling for ordered 
curves; but there is no possibility of mistaking one for the other; 
drapery and hair with Agostino form one lovely artificial swirl of 

1 Reymond, III, p. 51. 



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TWO MARBLES IN THE MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS 231 

curving, rhythmic lines picked out here and there with delicate 
faces like spots in a flowing, decorative pattern. 

In Christoforo Romano's Beatrice d'Este, we find strands again 
somewhat similar and arranged with simplicity and severity; each 
strand is accounted for, but the upper surfaces of the strands are 
edged rather than rounded. 

In the hair in the relief portrait bust of Giovanni II Bentivoglio 
by Antonio BaP we observe the feeling for individual strands, 
but the arrangement and the feeUng underlying it have little in 
common with the Shaw bust. In place of the edge given to 
the strands of hair of the Beatrice d'Este we have, in this bust, a 
flat, ribbon-like efifect; the strands fall without curls and carefully 
lap and overlap until the effect of a compact mass is secured. 
Again we do not have in the Shaw bust the treatment of hair 
seen in the busts of Giovanni da San Miniato and Matteo Pal- 
mieri, nor the freedom of arrangement and loosely curling 
quality which the older child-forms and the youthful angels of 
Antonio Rossellino have. Nor do we find in our bust any 
resemblance to the short strands of the Pietro Mellini (Fig. 2) 
or the FiUppo Strozzi (Fig. 3), nor the character of rich clustering 
curls which frame the faces of Benedetto da Maiano's angels, 
such as may be seen in the angel of the Altar of San Domenico in 
Biena* and the angels on the Altar of San Bartolo;' nor, again, 
to the broad massing of the hair with the ends breaking up into 
curls on the neck, as in the so-called Machiavelli,* nor to the 
treatment of hair by Matteo Civitali in his Adam* in the Cathe- 
dral of Genoa, in the Ecce Homo, or the portrait in relief in the 
predella of the Altar of San Regulo. We must conclude that the 
treatment of the hair in the Shaw bust, as regards general charac- 
ter and detailed arrangement, ofifers no decisive point of contact 
with the manner of the sculptors whose work has been discussed. 

Two sculptors, Desiderio and Mino da Fiesole, remain to be 
considered. 

We note at once a relationship in form between the strands of 
hair in the Shaw bust and those seen in the Children supporting 
the coat of arms on the Marsuppini Tomb,* and in the San 

1 Venturi, VI, p. 801. 
« Reymond, III, p. 138. 
» Venturi, VI, p. 692. 
f Reymond, III, p. 142. 

• Reymond, III, p. 120. 

• Venturi, VI, p. 417. 



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232 ELLA SHARPLES HOGHTON 

Giovannino of the Martelli Family by Desiderio (Fig. 8). In 
these busts we have the early manner of Desiderio, which is a 
little less supple than his later manner. In the arrangement of 
the hair there is obviously no connection. 

In the treatment of hair by Mino da Fiesole we observe a 
striking resemblance. In the general arrangement of the hair, 
as seen in the authentic bas-reliefs, in the Angels of Volterra,^ 
and in the portrait busts of Piero and Giovanni dei Medici (Fig. 
6 and 5), and especially in the Rinaldo della Luna (Fig. 4), there 
is a distinct radiation from the crown as a centre; the hair is 
brought forward over the brow without parting, the strands 

end in close curls about the ears 
and neck, and the lines of the 
curls all turn in. The contour of 
the head at the back is distinct; 
the strands do not float or fall 
freely, but are kept uniform and 
close to the head, until they resolve 
themselves into close compact 
masses of well-ordered curls. The 
contour is characteristic; it is es- 
pecially noticeable in Mino's bas- 
reliefs in the Prato pulpit.* 

The individual strands are inva- 
riably of the peculiar ''macaroni" 
type. This type we recognized 
Figure 8.-San Giovannino by in the early manner of Desiderio; 
Desiderio: WiDENER Collection Mino may have taken it over 

into his own work, as he did 
other qualities of Desiderio's technique, in each case falling 
into a mannerism which remained with him to the end. This 
mannerism is noted not only in Minors own work but also 
in sculptures attributed to Mino del Reame, who worked in 
conjunction with him in Rome; Mino del Reame shows the hair 
less elegantly arranged, and more coarse in its manipulation. 
The same character of curve in the individual strands and similar 
technical handling of the curve are seen in all Minors works. 

Particularly close is the resemblance between the Rinaldo 
della Luna and the Shaw bust. The two heads look almost alike 

1 D. Angeli, Mino da Fiesole, pp. 15, 73. 
'Reymond, III, p. 101. 



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TWO MARBLES IN THE MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS 233 

when seen from the back (Fig. 9). In the Shaw bust the hair 
drops a little lower on the neck; it is a trifle more carefully 
arranged^ and falls a little lower also on the brow and the temples, 
as is proper for a lad whose hair is thick and has a softer texture, 
characteristic of youth. But this is not a case of copying from 
one to the other; in the two busts there is the same underlying 
feeUng for pattern, for strand, for rhythm, and there is a certain 
youthful quality which is especially characteristic of Mino da 



Figure 9. — Bust op Rinaldo della Luna and the Shaw Bust from 

Behind. 

Fiesole. There is substantial identity, with just enough varia- 
tion in feeling to mark the hand of the sculptor of both as one 
and the same. 

^. The Face 

A glance is sufficient to assure us that our bust is a portrait. 
Even if it were not in the formal costume of a Florentine youth, 
one would know that it was not a lad of Florence doi^g duty as 
a model for some youthful saint, some San Giovannino. The 
contour of the face, the line of the nose, lips, and chin when seen 
in profile, the squarish jaw and the prominent cheek bones, 
suggest a definite person, not an ideal creation. Very distinctly 
this is a portrait, not just as distinctly there is impressed upon it 
the temperament of the sculptor. 

A detailed examination of the face will help us to bring it into 
relation with the treatment of the features by other Renaissance 



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234 ELLA SHARPLES HOGHTON 

sculptors. The brows are strongly defined. They form a well- 
marked angle with the nose, and their clear-cut outline is main- 
tained to the base of the brow at the outer angle of the eyelids. 
The upper eyelid is also clear-cut, and the space between the 
ridge of the brow and the eyelid rather short, with no superfluous 
flesh to round it out or to make it project at the inner or outer 
angle. A well defined line marks the folding of the flesh over 
the eyelid itself. The edge of the upper and lower lid is sharp, 
and does not melt into the form of the eyeball. The space 
between these lids is long and narrow, the corners are well 
defined. The eyeball is well enclosed, and does not round out 
to produce a bulging effect, or even an effect of prominence. It 
is long rather than wide, and somewhat flat; it is modelled to 
produce the effect of color and life by a deep rimming of the iris 
and by the hollowing out of the pupil. The plane of the lower 
lid is also clearly differentiated from that of the cheek, but again 
modelled without superfluous fullness. The upper eyelids are 
lowered, and form an important element in the expression of the 
face. With all the sharpness and clear definition shown in the 
treatment of the eye, there is a wonderful delicacy. One feels 
the thinness and transparency of the upper eyelids, and one is 
conscious of the eyelid rather than of the eyeball. 

What sculptor, we may ask, treats the brow and eye, the nose, 
mouth, and contour in this personal way? 

Desiderio's treatment of the brow and eye is shown, for exam- 
ple, in the San Giovannino of the Martelli family (Fig. 8) and 
in the Unknown Woman in the Bargello.^ There is some 
resemblance in the clear-cut eyelids, but there the resemblance 
ends. The space between the ridge of the brow and the upper 
eyelid is wide, and the flesh here presents a characteristic model- 
ling, while the eyebrow also shows a different technique. 

In the Beatrice of Aragon in the Dreyfus collection,* in the 
so-called Marietta Strozzi in Berlin* and in the Unknown 
Woman in the Louvre,* portraits whose current attribution lies * 
between Desiderio and Laurana, the space between the ridge of 
the brow and the upper lid is wide, the flesh is subtly modelled, 
and the eyelid is lowered. In all these the feeling in regard 

1 Venturi, VI, p. 429. 

' W. Bode. Florentine SciUptora of the Renaiaaancey pi. LVI. 

» Venturi, VI, p. 426. 

* Reymond, III, p. 73. 



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TWO MARBLES IN THE MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS 235 

to the eyeball and to the way the upper lid is lowered over it, is 
entirely different from that of the Shaw bust. The drooping 
upper lids are of the utmost delicacy and transparency, but make 
one conscious of the eyeball, not of the eyelid as in the Shaw 
bust. And in these portraits of women there is a haunting feeling 
of something we do not quite comprehend, while there is no mys- 
tery concealed within the lowered lids of the Shaw bust. If 
we compare the drooping eyelid seen in Agostino di Duccio's 
Madonna of the Opera del Duomo, we feel the eyelid rather than 
the eyeball, and we are not concerned with the thought back of 
the whole. One has the impression of a slit-like opening between 
the lids rather than the more expressive treatment of the eye- 
opening in the Shaw bust. 

Our bust, furthermore, has not the prominent and simply 
modelled type of eye shown in the Young Warrior by PoUaiuolo, 
or in the faces by Benedetto da Maiano; it has not the over- 
prominent eyes of the Beatrice d'Este, nor yet the type of eye 
seen in CivitaU, or in the San Giovannino in the Bargello, or the 
Boy-Christ^ in the Pierpont Morgan Collection assigned to* 
Antonio Rossellino. In all these cases the lids are sharply 
modelled, and the eyeballs quite unlike those of the Shaw bust. 
Verrocchio's Madonna and Child in the Bargello also shows the 
lowered eyes; but how cold and aloof, how sharply defined the 
lowered eye of the Shaw bust appears when corapared with the 
subtly modelled brows and lowered lids of Verrocchio! What a 
mannered touch again, the eyes of our bust reveal when compared 
with the freshly natural eyes of Luca or Andrea della Robbia! 

Such variations no longer appear when we turn to the delinea- 
tion of the eye and brow by Mino da Fiesole. We are at once 
struck by a marked similarity in the treatment of the eye in all 
his works. There is always a clear, well defined upper lid, there 
is a definitely marked lower Ud rising from the cheek, there is no 
superfluous flesh above the upper lid or below the lower lid, and the 
strongly outlined brow extends downward to the outer corner of 
the eyelids, with the space between the ridge of the brow and the 
upper eyelid rather short. The upper lid slightly overlaps the 
lower at the outer corner. Such might have been the eyes of 
the Bishop Salutati in his youth before age set its mark upon 
them; such are the eye and brow of the San Giovannino in the 
La Bardella collection in Florence; of such a character are 

^ W. Bode. Florentine Sculptors of the Renaisaance^ pi. LX. 
3 



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236 ELLA 8HARPLES HOQHTON 

the eyes in the bas-reliefs on the Prato pulpit; such is the charac- 
ter of the Piero dei Medici (Fig. 6) and the Giovanni dei Medici 
(Fig. 5); precisely similar are the brow and eyes of the two 
authentic Madonnas in bas-relief in the Bargello; and such are 
the brow and eye in the Rinaldo della Luna, Mino's best authen- 
ticated portrait. The eyeball in each case is well within the lids, 
never suggesting any sense of being too prominent or too protrud- 
ing. The iris is always rimmed with a sharp line cut into 
the marble and the pupil is always incised deeply. This type of 
eye is also to be seen in the bas-relief of a woman in the Bargello 
(Fig. 10), in the bas-relief of the young Aurelius Caesar in the 
Bargello (Fig. 11) and in the bas-relief of a Roman Emperor in 
the Shaw collection in the Boston Museum (Plate III). 

Though the eyes in no two cases are modelled exactly alike, 
the underlying sentiment is the same in all, and the technique is 
the same, with just enough variation to give the authentic touch 
to all of them. If we compare the Shaw bust with the Rinaldo 
della Luna (Fig. 4), we find a marked resemblance in the tech- 
* nique used. If we compare it with the eyes of the Madonnas in 
the tondo bas-relief and the panel bas-relief in the Bargello, 
authentic works of Mino da Fiesole, we find a marked similarity, 
because in these the eyes of the Mother and the Child are both 
lowered, giving an expression resembling that of the Shaw bust. 
This comparison of the treatment of the eye of the Shaw bust 
with the treatment of the eye by other sculptors, with the excep- 
tion of Mino da Fiesole, reveals no relationship in underljdng 
feeling or detailed treatment. On the other hand the comparison 
of the treatment of the eye of the Shaw bust with the treatment 
of the eye in the authentic works of Mino da Fiesole, and in a 
lesser degree in those attributed to him, establishes this conclu- 
sion, that the form of the brow, the shape of the upper lid, the 
way the lower lid meets the cheek, the form of the eyeball, the 
lack of superfluous flesh above the upper lid and below the lower, 
the modelling of the eyeball, the rimming of the iris and the 
incision of the pupil, with the resultant color effect, the feeling for 
the eyelid rather than for the eyeball, and the underlying expres- 
sion of the eye, not so hauntingly mysterious as indicative of 
aloofness and hauteur, are evidence of identity of authorship. 

The nose is long and slender; in the profile view it shows a 
slightly aquiline character, suggestive of Roman ancestry. Its 
profile differs from that of the noses of Desiderio as seen in the 



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TWO MARBLES IN THE MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS 237 

San Giovannino of the Martelli family (Fig. 8) or the Unknown 
Woman in the Bargello. It also differs in its slendemess and its 
Roman touch from the long slender noses of Laurana's women; 
it is a portrait, and as such should retain its portrait features, but 
it recalls at once, by way of distinct resemblance, the slightly 
Roman nose of the Young Girl, in Berlin, by Mino da Fiesole. It 
is the nose of his authentic Madonnas in the Bargello (Figs. 14, 15) ; 
it relates itself to the bas-relief of a woman in the Bargello 
(Fig. 10) ; it is a younger expression of the type of nose in the 
Bishop Salutati (Fig. 7) ; it is the form seen in the Shaw bas- 
relief of a Roman Emperor (Plate III); it is the nose which 
reappears, in the larger and firmer form, in the Rinaldo della 
Luna (Fig. 4). Mino da Fiesole had a particular liking for long, 
slender, delicate, and slightly Roman noses. It was a part of 
his scheme for the expression of elegance, delicacy, and sense of 
high breeding. Mino realized that nothing added the distinctive 
touch of social distinction and refined elegance as did the Roman 
nose. The nose of the Shaw bust is not the vigorous type, with 
the strong modelling which we find in the noses of the profiles of 
the Caesars on Filarete^s doors of St. Peter's Church in Rome. 
But in all of Mino's authentic works there is not absolute truth 
to anatomy, there is rather a certain naive touch; an added charm 
comes from this very lack, as we feel in the case of his Madonnas, 
in his Young Girl in Berlin, and in the Shaw bust. We are justi- 
fied in sustaining the comparison of the Shaw bust with the 
Madonna and tKe Young Girl in BerUn, because the youth of the 
Shaw bust permits a more delicate treatment than the older 
Rinaldo della Luna. 

The mouth of the Shaw bust is modelled with knowledge and 
forms an important element in the expression. The upper lip 
shows a well managed curve, which dips slightly over the lower 
lip as it approaches the outer corner; and a deep indentation in 
the middle, from the base of the nose, together with, the slight 
upward lurning of the lip towards the centre, plays its part in 
creating that feeling of hauteur which is the special characteristic 
of this face. The under lip is full and carefully rounded and the 
distance between the chin and the lip is long; and while the lower 
lip throws a shadow on the chin, it does not unite with the chin 
to give a protruding effect either to the lip or to the chin. This 
mouth is not a mere slit, just as the opening between the eyelids 
is not; it is carefully thought out. A distinctive touch is seen also 



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238 ELLA SHARPLES HOGHTON 

in the way that the flesh shadows the outer corners of the lips 
masking the very end. The chin is that of a youth, not the firm 
chin of manhood, with its form and Unes definitely determined 
and matured. It is somewhat squarish, notwithstanding its 
soft, childish form, and has a centre marked by a deep cleft, 
with the profile showing an almost equal length to the curve of 
the lower Up and the curve of the chin. There is just the sug- 
gestion of a slightly receding rather than a prominent chin, and 
one feels that the modelling is not especially significant, just 
as in the treatment of the nose one felt a slight inaccuracy in 
modelling. 

If we consider the mouth and chin as one and follow our usual 
method of comparison, there is no similarity traceable between 
the lips and chin of the Shaw bust and those of the San Giovannino 
of Antonio Rossellino in the Bargello or of the Boy-Christ in the 
Morgan collection. In each case the curve of the lower lip is 
short, leaving the rounded portion of the chin long. The normal 
form of mouth and chin, as seen in the della Robbia type, does 
not ally itself with the treatment in the Shaw bust. The forms 
found in Desiderio's San Giovannino of the Martelli family 
(Fig. 8), or seen in profile in his portraits of women, and shown in 
the portraits of women by Laurana, have nothing in common 
with that of the Shaw bust, although the curve of the chin and the 
curve of the lip are of about equal length. 

With due allowance for the difference in age, the mouth and 
chin of the Shaw bust are such as Mino da ^iesole figures in 
the Bishop Salutati (Fig. 7) ; this shows relatively equal length 
of lip and chin, also a similar dividing axxtve and cleft in the mid- 
dle. The mouth and the chin of the San Giovannino in the La 
Bardella collection are substantially identical in modelling. 
Closely connected in form are also the two Madonnas in the 
Bargello (Figs. 14, 15), andthetypeusedintheRinaldodellaLuna. 
The profile of mouth and chin in the Shaw bust is almost identical 
with that of the bas-relief Portrait of a Woman in the Bargello, 
as well as that of the bas-relief of a Roman emperor in the Shaw 
collection in Boston (Plate III). Though we are dealing with 
the portrait of a definite person, we are again confronted with a 
mannerism which associated itself irresistibly with the style of 
Mino da Fiesole; and we note just those slight variations which 
support the theory that it is not from the hand of a copjrist, or 
even one trained in Mino's manner. Such mannerism in the 



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TWO MARBLES IN THE MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS 239 

treatment of the mouth, like that in the treatment of the fold at 
the top of the neck-band is the sort of detail which would elude 
the technique of all save the originator. 

The shape of the face is distinctive. The bony character is 
emphasized; as well as a squareness which we have already 
noticed. The high cheek bones are made prominent. The 
sharply outlined jaw is distinctly marked toward the ear, empha- 
sizing the bony framework. The somewhat hollow cheeks and 
rather squarish chin are further personal traits of the subject. 

If we compare this shape of face with that adopted by Dona- 
tello in his San Giovannino or his young San Lorenzo, or with 
the healthy rounding forms of Luca or Andrea della Robbia, 
with the San Giovannino or the portraits of women by Desiderio; 
or again, with the forms seen in Antonio Rossellino's San Giovan- 
nino or in his angels of similar age, with the form seen in the 
Adoring Angels or the Hope of Civitali, or finally, with the form 
seen in the Angels of Benedetto da Maiano representing approx- 
imately the age of the Shaw bust or his portraits of older men, 
as the Pietro Mellini (Fig. 2) or the Filippo Strozzi (Fig. 3), 
there is no relationship close enough to suggest identity of author- 
ship with any one of these. 

When we turn to the works of Mino da Fiesole, whose long list 
of portraits offers wide opportunity for comparison, we find in all 
of them the same tendency to squarishness, all of them make 
prominent the cheek bones and the jaw. Specifically, if we com- 
pare the Shaw bust with the faces of the Madonnas in the Bargello 
(Figs. 14, 15), and especially if we analyze the treatment of the 
face of the Rinaldo della Luna (Fig. 4), these characteristics are 
markedly evident, though each feature in the latter is somewhat 
more vigorous and firm, as is fitting in a mature man. The 
underlying facts of the whole face evince the same manner and 
the same imderlying feeling, again with those slight variations 
which point to a conmion origin for the Shaw bust and the works 
of !M3no da Fiesole. 

The sculptor's emphasis of the bony framework with the con- 
sequent elimination of superfluous flesh again suggests a distinc- 
tive feeling for a high-bred type. This, and the manifest feeling 
for clearness of outline rather than softly rounding curves, are 
characteristic qualities of Mino's work. 

In Mino da Fiesole's faces, there is nothing mysteriously allur- 
ing. The lowered lids and faintly smiling mouths do not tempt 



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240 ELLA 8HARPLE8 HOQHTON 

us to speculation, as do the haunting eyes and lips of Laiu*ana, 
or the subtly smiling eyes and lips of Leonardo's creations. We 
do not look for depth and profound feeling; the surface tells us 
all we are to know. 

The detailed examination of the bust thus seems to warrant 
us in drawing the following conclusions : In underlying sentiment, 
in composition, in simplicity of form, in the treatment of costume, 
of the hair, of the different features there is the most complete 
identity with the work of Mino da Fiesole. This agreement is 
especially noticeable with the bust of Rinaldo della Luna. 
The resemblance between this portrait and the Shaw bust is so 
striking that we may hazard the conjecture of relationship; the 
person represented in the Shaw bust may well have been a 
brother or a son of Rinaldo della Luna. 

IL Relief of a Roman Emperor 

In the absence of documentaiy evidence, the discussion of 
this relief (Plate III)S as of the bust of the youth, must be based 
upon the evidence of the relief itself, upon style, conception, and 
technique. 

The designing of a decorative panel to contain a face neces- 
sarily involves a departure from literal facts. The fitting of the 
figure to the design now becomes a primary concern of the sculp- 
tor. Nevertheless it must be said that the sculptors of the 
Renaissance were generally happy in relief composition, and 
were able to utiUze the decorative value of the human head with- 
out doing too great violence to natural proportions. 

Our relief presents a profile view of a Roman emperor, the 
composition being limited to the head and shoulders. The 
emperor is in military costume; his cloak is draped in decorative 
fashion about the back and shoulders, and so arranged as to 
leave only the sleeve of the cuirass visible. A wreath of laurel 
leaves and berries, tied at the back with short Muttering ribbons, 
is the sole adornment of the hair. 

In accordance with the Roman tradition, the pose is active, 
and the gaze is definitely held by something in the near distance. 
The muscles of the face and throat are not relaxed, and the eye 
is not unfocused, as it is when the thought is wandering in dreamy 
reverie or lost in a moment of repose. The glance is keen and 

1 The bas-relief measures 0.40 m. (151 in-) ^^ height, 0.33 m. (13 in.) in 
width. 



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TWO MARBLES IN THE MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS 241 

sharp, the lips are slightly parted, and the chin is held high. The 
hair is arranged in simple fashion; it is held in place by a wreath, 
which is now and then lost in the over-lying strands. The nose 
is long, and slightly Roman, as befita the subject. Though the 
Emperor is not old, care has lined his lofty brow and the some- 



FlGURE 10. — POKTRAIT OF A WOMAN BY MiNO DA FiESOLE: BaRGELLO. 

what sunken temples, and the hollowed cheeks serve to emphasize 
the bony structure of the face, bringing into prominence the high 
cheek bones and lower jaw. » 

There can be no question that this relief had its origin in the 
period of the Early Renaissance, and in the Florentine School of 
the second half of this period. 

In attacking the problem of attribution, there are certain names 



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242 ELLA SHARPLES HOGHTON 

which can be at once dismissed from consideration on grounds of 
style and technique. Antonio PoUaiuolo was a worker in bronze. 
Verrocchio was also primarily a worker in bronze, although he 
did use other media. Their handiwork, shown in the tomb of 
SixtU5 IV and in the portrait bust of a young warrior, in the bronze 
portrait bust of a Young Florentine and in the marble bust of a 



Figure 11. — Aurelius Caesar by Mino da Fiesole: Bargello. 

Young Girl Holding Flowers in the Bargello, relates itself in 
no way to that of the Shaw relief. 

Civitali's soul was always seeking expression in subjects 
tinged with religious fervor; none of his works suggest, even re- 
motely, any connection with purely decorative designs. 

Benedetto da Maiano's faces are sweet and wide-eyed, and in 
his religious works have no distinct significance; it is only in his 
portraits that he becomes vividly realistic, and these have nothing 
in common with the qualities of the Shaw relief. 



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TWO MARBLES IN THE MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS 243 

Luca and Andrea della Robbia may also as surely be disre- 
garded on grounds of type as well as technique. 

By this process of elimination three sculptors remain to be 
considered as possible authors of the Shaw relief. These are 
Desiderio da Settignano, Antonio Rossellino,and Mino da Fiesole. 
The three names are significant in this connection, for the reason 
that each has been associated at some time with one or more of a 
group of decorative panels having the profile head in relief, with 
which our panel has obvious relations. These are the Caesar 
in the Louvre, published by Venturi and ascribed by him to 
Desiderio (Fig. 13); the portrait of a woman in the Bargello 
(Fig. 10), signed by Mino, and accepted as genuine by Angeli, 
Bode, Reymond, and Venturi; and the Aurelius Caesar (Fig. 11), 
in the Bargello, referred to by Venturi as in the manner of A. 
Rossellino, though other authorities are in agreement in ascribing 
it to Mino. 

A solution of our problem can only come through the analysis 
of details. 

1. The Frame 

The frame, in which no curves are employed, presents a char- 
acteristic section, having the profile shown in Figure 12. It 
shows some relationship with the type used in the Aurelius 
Caesar, which also has a bevelled edge. 
The Shaw relief, the Aurelius Caesar, 
and the profile of a Young Woman 

have room at the base for an inscrip- ^ %y//////////Ai^' 

tion. The space allotted for this in 
the Shaw relief and in the Aurelius Figure 12. 

Caesar has the same character. If 

the bevelled edge of the Shaw relief were carried to the plane 
of the background, as in the Aiu-elius Caesar, the two reliefs 
would be almost identical in the matter of framing. 

2, Composition 

A comparison of the Shaw relief and that of the Caesar of 
Desiderio reveals no relationship in the matter of composition. 
It is true that in each panel the edge of the chin comes midway 
in the height. But the treatment of the neck makes the effect of 
the composition quite different. In the Caesar the filling of 
the space below the hair by the long ribbons, and the modelling 




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244 ELLA SHARPLE8 HOGHTON 

of the neck into loose folds of flesh connect the bust and the 
head in such a way that one does not think of them as separate 
elements in the design. In the Shaw reUef there is a distinct 
separation of the masses of head and bust by the treatment of 
the neck. 



Figure ,13 — Caesar (?) by Desiderio da Settignano: Louvre. 

A comparison of the Shaw relief with the Woman in bas-relief 
(Fig. 10) and the Young Aurelius Caesar (Fig. 11) discloses a 
close correspondence in composition. In the three reUefs the 
figure is placed midway between the two sides, and touches both 
the upper and lower edges of the frame. The lower portion in 
each case is filled with drapery which is carried to the two sides, 



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TWO MARBLES IN THE MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS 245 

thus suggesting a broad background for the bust. There is a 
decorative arrangement, rather than the realistic form of the 
drapery of Desiderio's Caesar, and there is the same difference in 
proportion between the mass of the head and the mass of the 
drapery. There is also a distinct differentiation between the 
head and shoulders, emphasized by the treatment of the neck. 

8. The Hair 

The hair of the Shaw relief radiates from the crown in slightly 
waving strands, which terminate on the neck in a compact, 
mass of curls; on the brow they do not he flat, but are curled 
under, thus lifting the wreath so that the topmost berries lie on 
the bevelled edge of the frame. The strands in their ordered 
arrangement do not obscure the contour of the head, and the 
ends all turn in, with the exception of the single strand at the 
back, which balances the ribbons of the wreath; and the few 
strands at the top. are carved into the bevelled surface of the 
frame. The strands are of that peculiar " macaroni " type which 
we have discussed in connection with the treatment of the 
hair of the Shaw bust of a Youth. The individual strands 
making up the curly mass which lies upon the neck have a 
crescent form so that one is in doubt sometimes whether 
the strand is curling upward and under or downward and 
under. 

The wreath does not rest upon the surface of the hair as in 
the Caesar of Desiderio (Fig. 13), but the hair falls over it here 
and there. The leaves do not branch from the stem with the 
exactness of those in the wreath of the Caesar, but are somewhat 
pressed together and are arranged in pairs, the berries filling in 
the spaces without regard to absolute truth to nature, as in the 
Aurelius Caesar. 

In our discussion of the treatment of the hair in Early Renais- 
sance sculpture generally (pp. 230-232) we were brought to the 
conclusion that this distinct radiation of the hair from the crown 
in slightly waving strands terminating on the neck in a compact 
curling mass with the ends all turned in, and this peculiar ** maca- 
roni" type of strand, were mannerisms of Mino da Fiesole, not 
found in the work of any other sculptor. 

To obtain data for comparison with Minors treatment of hair, 
we shall do well to use certain works in the round which are 
indisputably his, since the one of the relief panels which is signed 



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246 ELLA SHARPLES HOGHTON 

by him represents a woman, and the authorship of the other has 
been called into question. If we compare the hair of the Shaw 
relief with the hair of the Rinaldo della Luna (Fig. 4) and with 
that of the Shaw bust of a Youth (Plate II), a distinct agreement 
is at once apparent, both in the arrangement of the hair and in 
the character of the individual strands. In the detailed arrange- 
ment of the strands there is some variation. In the Rinaldo 
della Luna and the Shaw bust the strands are all kept close to 
the head; in the Shaw relief a few strands on the top of the head 
are freed from the main mass and carried upward on the bevelled 
edge of the frame; and, on the back of the head, one strand is 
turned outward and slightly upward. 

The variations in contour are explained by the fact that the 
Shaw relief is a decorative panel, and concession has been made 
to the decorative design; the wreath, the strands of hair on the 
top, and the out-turning strand and ribbons on the back have 
their part in the decorative design. Such variations within the 
same general arrangement may be construed as illustrating the 
statement that a man reveals and maintains his own mannerism 
in the handling of small details, while through precisely the 
absence of such sUght changes the copyist, or one working in the 
manner of another, is betrayed. 

4. The Features 

An examination of the eyebrow and the eye will also be instruc- 
tive. The eyebrow has a distinctly marked connection with 
the nose, and its clear cut outline is maintained to the outer edge 
of the eyelid. The space between the ridge of the brow and the 
upper lid is narrow, and there is no superfluous fullness. The 
flesh is folded over the eyelid in a well defined line; the upper and 
lower lids are both sharply defined, and the upper slightly over- 
laps the lower at the outer edge. 

This treatment of the eyebrow and eye corresponds with the 
treatment of the same features by Mino da Fiesole, both in under- 
Ijdng sentiment and in technique. It relates itself closely with 
the Rinaldo della Luna as seen in profile; it shows similarity to 
the eye of the Shaw bust as seen in profile (Plate II). There is 
some variation within the close relationship, for there is a slight 
fullness below the lower lid, not in the way of superfluous flesh. 
It is the same treatment of the eye that we see in the Profile of 
a Woman in the Bargello (Fig. 10), signed by Mino da Fiesole. 



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TWO MARBLES IN THE MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS 247 

Here we find the slight suggestion of fulhiess below the lower lid, 
a detail which we do not feel in the Boston bust, but which is 
suggested in the portrait busts of Mino da Fiesole, when he is 
depicting men of more mature years. 

The nose is slightly aquiUne. It is not the type of aggressive 
Roman nose seen in the profiles of the Caesars on the framework 
of Filarete's bronze doors in St. Peter^s.^ It is a slender, delicate 
type, which gives the effect of high breeding and social distinc- 
tion; it is the type seen in the Madonnas of Mino da Fiesole 
(Figs. 14, 15), in the profile of the Young Girl in Berlin, and in the 
Shaw bust, with this difference, that the nose of our relief is a 
somewhat less delicate form, though it is not so robust as that of 
the Bishop Salutati or the Rinaldo della Luna. A marked 
emphasis on the bridge of the nose would have detracted from 
the decorative quality of our panel. 

The lips, as we have already noticed, are slightly parted. 
The outer bounding line of the upper lip curves downward as it 
approaches the outer end, and its meeting with the cheek is 
marked by a sUght projection of the flesh at the corner of the 
mouth. The lip itself seems a little shorter than it would be if 
closed, on account of the slight parting which tends to turn the 
centre upward a little. The lower lip is somewhat long, and there 
is an almost equal length given to the lip and the chin. There is 
no sharp division between lip and chin, such as is found when 
either one protrudes too much. There is the slight Suggestion 
of a receding chin rather than the firm feature shown in the 
Caesar attributed to Desiderio (Fig. 13). This is just such a 
profile of lip and chin as is found in the Rinaldo della Luna and 
the Shaw bust of a Youth. Especially noteworthy are the down- 
ward curve of the bounding line of the upper lip, and the character 
of the outer corner. Many lips show a marking of the comers by 
a sUght protruding of the flesh, but the treatment of the Shaw 
bust and the Shaw relief is identical, allowing for the difference in 
age of the two faces. 

The same profile of lower lip and chin recurs in the Profile of a 
Woman in rehef . This type of mouth and chin is found also in 
the San Giovannino. The sUght recession rather than a protru- 
sion of the chin is found in the Shaw bust of a Youth, and in the 
Rinaldo della Luna, — in Mino da Fiesole^s treatment of chins 
generally. His chins all seem to lack in a perfect understanding 

1 Venturi, VI, p. 538. 



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248 ELLA SHARPLES HOGHTON 

of exact anatomical structure. The lips slightly parted are met 
with also in the Madonna and Child on the tomb of Count Ugo 
and in the San Giovannino. 

The forehead slopes toward the hair with the suggestion of a 
division into a lower and upper plane, caused by a strong projec- 
tion toward the ridge of the brow and by deep lines which mark 
the surface. An impression of thoughtfulness is thus created, 
though by a means not so effective as that used later by Michel- 
angelo and known since then as the "bar of Michelangelo. *' 
The forehead seems to slope back too much^ and the line of the 
nose and forehead taken together are not especially harmonious. 
The mind of the sculptor was evidently more concerned with the 
decorative value than with convincing portrayal. Similar con- 
siderations influenced the artist in the placing of the ear, which is 
inclined backward. The line of forehead and nose and the line 
of the ear are thus kept parallel, a relation which adds to their 
decorative value. 

Similar sloping lines of brow and nose are seen in the Young 
Girl in Berlin and in the Profile of a Woman. In the Profile of 
a Woman parallel lines are suggested in the arrangement of the 
drapery in the hair, which repeats the line of the brow and nose. 

The ear of the Shaw relief has a large opening, such as was 
usual in Minors work, with a somewhat fleshy lobe and a careful 
modelling of the lines within the outer rim. Especially after 
this sculptor's manner is the modelling of the opening in that por- 
tion of the ear which is nearest the cheek. 

The contour of the cheek and lower jaw is rather squarish, 
with the accent on the high cheek bones and the lower jaw 
toward the ear. The bony character is emphasized, and is made 
more noticeable by the hollowness of the cheek and the line 
about the base of the nose. The same manner of modelling the 
cheek is distinctly seen in the Rinaldo della Luna and in the 
Shaw bust of a Youth. In the neck the modelling is firm, with 
an accent on the larynx. 

The treatment of the neck as one of the main elements of effect 
in giving a sense of high breeding and confident poise, as pre- 
viously noted, is one of the distinctive mannerisms of Mine da 
Fiesole. It is found in his earliest reliefs, on the Pulpit at Prato 
where he was working in conjunction with Antonio Rossellino, 
and it reaches its climax in the panel relief of a Madonna and 
Child in the Bargello (Fig. 14), a work of his latest period. 



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TWO MARBLES IN THE MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS 249 

It is also seen in the relief of the Woman in the Bargello. What 
is true of the works in relief where Mino da Fiesole was dealing 
with imaginative subjects, holds true also of similar works in 
the round; an example is the San Giovannino of the La Bardella 
Collection. 

The same treatment of the neck is found in the portrait busts. 
Its most exaggerated expression is in the portrait of a Young 



Figure 14. — Madonna by Mino da Fiesole: Bargello. 

Girl in the Royal Museum in Berlin. It adds to the sense of 
detachment and distinction in the Rinaldo della Luna and the 
Shaw bust of a Youth. In every case the treatment of the neck 
is kept simple, with a clear cut line marking its profile. The 
line of the neck in the back as seen in profile is of the same char- 
acter in the Shaw relief, in the relief of a Woman in the Bargello, 
in the Rinaldo della Luna, and in the Shaw bust. Especially is 
this true if we think of the drapery of the neck as being at the 
same relative place in the case of each. 



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250 ELLA SHARPIES HOGHTON 

The same accent on the larynx appears in the Shaw relief and 
in the Rinaldo della Luna; it is also found in the Aurelius Caesar 
where we should not expect it, where in fact it contradicts his 
youth and has only decorative value. The modelling of the 
neck in the Shaw relief is kept in simple planes. This is also a 
characteristic of Mino da Fiesole, as is evidenced in all his works 
which we have cited. 

5. The Costume 

The military costume worn by the emperor in our relief has 
the cloak draped about the back and carried toward the front 



Figure 15. — Madonna by Mino da Fiesole; Bargello. 

just under the sleeve of the cuirass. The costume as a whole, 
including the sleeve, is thought out on the basis of its decorative 
qualities. The material fills the lower portion of the panel, 
everywhere touching the sides and the base, but at no place ex- 
tending beyond the outer line of the frame. The outline which 
bounds the whole is sharp and angular. The fullness of the cloak 



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TWO MARBLES 11^ THE MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS 251 

is arranged in flat folds, whose edges turn sharply. The plaits 
of the sleeve are more suggestive of flat bands than of plaits, and 
are arranged to suit the decorative design. 

The filling of the lower portion of the panel from side to side 
is characteristic of Mino da Fiesole. We see it in the tondo of 
the Madonna on the Count Ugo tomb and in the two Madonna 
reliefs in the Bargello (Figs. 14, 15). The material touches the 
lower portion of the bounding frame, and the outline is sharp and 
angular rather than curving. Even when the enclosing frame is in 
tondo form, as in the relief of the Madonna on the Count Ugo 
tomb, and in the tondo in the Bargello (Fig. 15), the outline 
suggests not curves but angles. 
The fullness of the material 
in the Madonna reliefs is 
arranged in bands or plaits 
which lie flat as if pressed. 

This sharp angularity and 
suggestion of bands is also a 
mannerism of Mino, seen in 
the treatment of the costume 
in all his authentic works. 
This becomes clear by con- 
trast if we compare the treat- 
ment of the fullness in the 

Shaw relief with the arrange- „ ^a nir a 

\ Figure 16. — Marcus Aurelius by 
ment of the fullness of the Agostino di Duccio: Bargello. 

drapery in the Marcus Aure- 
lius of Agostino di Duccio in the Bargello (Fig. 16). In the latter 
the suggestion throughout is of rhythmic curves. Both composi- 
tions are artificially arranged, with decorative quality the first 
consideration. If, again, we compare the drapery in the Caesar 
attributed to Desiderio (Fig. 13), we are even more strongly 
impressed by the difference in treatment between the realistic 
arrangement in this work and the decorative arrangement of 
the Shaw relief. 

The arrangement of the cloak relates itself to that of the 
Giovanni dei Medici (Fig. 5), who is also in military costume. 
The sleeves in both are of the plaited type, and in treatment 
manifest a close relationship, although one is on a bust in the 
round and the other has its lines arranged for decorative effect. 
The form of the plaits is the same, and the outer edge is very 



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262 ELLA SHARPLES HOGHTON 

similar. The fringe is treated in the same manner. There is a 
variation in the decorative motive in the centre of the plaits. 

In the Early Renaissance there was no established rule or exact 
requirement in the treatment of miUtary dress. The same 
freedom of individual interpretation of classic motives was to be 
expected in the use of Roman costume and ornament as was 
employed in architectural details. When keener interest in the 
ruins and monuments of Rome was aroused, and scientific study 
began to establish a new point of view, the columns of Marcus 
Aurelius and of Trajan became an ever fertile source of exact 
knowledge. There is a convincing classic accuracy about the 
soldier's uniform in* such works as Mantegna's painting of the 
Triumph of Caesar, which appeared about 1486, and in the work 
of sculptors towards the end of the century, where the influence 
of the study of antique bas-reUefs is evident. Our relief has no 
relationship with these. 

In the relief of a Woman attributed to Mino da Fiesole (Fig. 
10) a close correspondence is evident. If we follow the outline 
of the drapery from the back of the neck to the frame and down 
the side, then from the front of the neck to the edge of the frame, 
and turn from it to the outline of the Shaw relief, we are again 
impressed by the obvious similarity. The sharply turned folds 
and the band effect are equally related. In both cases the decora- 
tive treatment is uppermost in the sculptor's thought, and he is 
guided by the same imderlying feeling for outline and angular 
folds, but in execution he shows his mastery of his motive by 
those slight variations which tend to establish identity of author- 
ship, not imitation. 

The relation between the relief of a Woman, the AureUus 
Caesar, and the Shaw relief of a Roman emperor is difficult to 
explain unless we assume that they belong to the same school 
and attribute them to the same artist. In the treatment of the 
hair the same "macaroni'' strand is used in all three. In the 
relief of the Woman the rhythmic curving of the strands which 
lie over the ear, as they spread out from the central fastening, 
recalls the strands seen radiating on the back of the heads of the 
Rinaldo della Luna and the Shaw bust of a Youth (Fig. 9). 
The strands are a trifle more slender and delicate and a little 
shorter, in the Aurelius Caesar, who is much younger than the 
emperor in our reUef; the hair of the two should show just this 
difference. 



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TWO MARBLES IN THE MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS 253 

The radiation from a common centre in the reliefs is the same, 
and in each case the centre is not high on the crown, as in the 
Rinaldo della Luna and the Shaw bust, but is placed lower, 
apparently for decorative reasons. The hair falls upon the neck 
in the same way, and keeps to the same outline at the lower edge 
of the compact curling mass. There is also the same carrying 
down of the curving strands on the temple in the Aurelius Caesar 
and in the Shaw relief, with a slightly more youthful expression 
in the Aurelius Caesar. The hair in the Shaw relief is curled 
back on the forehead, to show a lofty, thoughtful brow. This is 
not so fitting in the younger Aurelius, and so the hair is brought 
forward over the brow. Since the strands are shorter and slen- 
derer, they are arranged a little more freely on the head, but in 
both the reliefs the contour of the head is not obscured. One 
strand in each of these reliefs frees itself from the mass at the 
back and turns outward, balancing the short fluttering ribbons. 
The wreath is arranged in a markedly similar fashion, not 
lying upon the hair, but sinking into it here and there. The 
arrangement of the leaves in pairs is the same, but they are 
spaced on the twig a trifle more widely in the Aurelius Caesar. 
The short bow and ribbons are treated in the same manner, with 
the emphasis on the decorative character and with the lines 
practically identical. The wreath in both cases extends upward 
on the edge of the frame. 

The modelling of the ear is identical, with the exception of the 
top. Especially noteworthy is the modelling of the outline of 
the opening toward the cheek. The angle at which the ear is set 
is different because of the difference in the profile of the face. In 
the Shaw relief the ear parallels the line of the brow and nose. 
In the Aurelius Caesar the ear parallels the projection of the hair 
over the brow, which lessens the sloping effect of brow and nose. 
The projection of the brow, the treatment of brow and eye, the 
modelling of the lips, especially the outer corner, the long lower 
Up, the roimding profile of the chin, and the profile of the neck, 
both in the back and in the front, with the enlarged larynx, all 
indicate relationship. The arrangement of the drapery is almost 
identical in its outline, and in the angularity with which the full- 
ness is disposed. The slight variations serve to emphasize the 
general correspondence, which seems to establish beyond doubt 
that this also cannot be correctly attributed to any other than 
Mino. 



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254 ELLA SHARPLES HOGHTON 

The feeling underlying the whole treatment of the Shaw relief 
is that which is at the basis of all Mino da.Fiesole's works. They 
may be lacking in depth of meaning and inspiration, and we may 
not find the soul beneath the surface. They miay involve faults 
in technique, but these very faults give a certain freshness and 
naive charm which perfect technique often fails to do. This 
distinctive style in no small degree is dependent on Mino's fine 
sense for composition and a strong feeling for high breeding and 
social distinction, resulting in a characteristic air of detachment. 
These qualities are emphasized by a certain simplicity and cool- 
ness in the modelling which set Mino apart from his fellow sculp- 
tors. Contrasting with these qualities of feeling and technique 
is a certain caressing tenderness given to the marble itself, which 
makes the surfaces abstractly beautiful rather than warm and 
vital. 

Our detailed study of the reUef of a Roman emperor leads us, 
as in the case of the bust of the Youth, to the conclusion that its 
author can have been none other than Mino da Fiesole, and that 
it belongs with the profile of a Woman in reUef and the Aurelius 
Caesar as an integral part of his work. 

Ella Shabplbs Hoghton. 
University of MicmcAN, 
Ann Arbor, Michigan. 



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THE ALLEGORICAL SIEGE IN THE ART OF THE 
MIDDLE AGES 



[Plate IV] 

When the mediaeval penchant for allegorizing, which had so 
potent an influence upon religious thought, ceremonial, and art, 
came into contact during the twelfth century with the frank 
paganism of Vamour courtoiSj it found a fresh field for the imagi- 
native impulse. Venus and Cupid were ready to hand as the 
chief personages of the allegory, not represented as the baneful 
influences of the schoolmen, but depicted as powers adorable 
and to be adored, and set in a background of May morning or 
splendid palace. Wars were waged for and against love. It was 
not long, we may be sure, before the siege of a lady's heart was 
imagined in terms of the siege of a castle. 

The first evidence we have for this is the full-fledged Siege of 
the Castle of Love acted out as part of a festival at Treviso in 
1214. Rolandino of Padua relates that to this Court of Solace 
and Mirth were invited many gentlemen and twelve of the 
fairest and gayest ladies of Padua.^ "A fantastic castle was built 
and garrisoned with dames and damsels and their waiting women, 
who without help of man defended it with all possible prudence. 
Now this castle was fortified on all sides with skins of vair and 
sable, sendals, purple cloths, samites, precious tissues, scarlet, 
brocade of Bagdad, and ermine. What shall I say of the golden 
coronets, studded with chrysolites and jacinths, topaz and 
emeralds, pearls and pointed headgear and all manner of adorn- 
ments wherewith the ladies defended their heads from the assaults 
of the beleaguerers? For the castle itself must needs be assaulted ; 
and the arms and engines wherewith men fought against it were 
apples and dates and muscat-nuts, tarts and pears and quinces, 
roses and lilies and violets, and vases of balsam or ambergris or 

1 G. G. Coulton, Medieval Gamer, p. 268. 

American Journal of Archaeology. Second Series. Journal of the OKK 

Archaeological Inatitute of America, Vol. XXIII (1919), No. 3. -^00 



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266 , ROGER SHERMAN LOOMIS 

rosewater, amber, camphor, cardamoms, cinnamon, cloves, 
pomegranates, and all manner of flowers or spices that are 
fragment to smell or fair to see." 

At this siege a band of Venetian youths were among the guests 
and formed the storming party.^ After a vain assault of comfits 
and sweetmeats, they resorted to the cynical expedient of a 
shower of golden ducats. Upon this the castle promptly capit- 
ulated, and the banner of St. Mark entered it in triumph. 
Whether the Paduan youths resented this as a reflection upon 
their ladies or not, they flung themselves upon the Venetians and 
tore up their banner, and a fray ensued which led to war between 
Venice and Padua. 

Similar festivals were popular at the court of Henry VIII of 
England. At the marriage of Prince Arthur in 1501 a castle 
was drawn into the hall, filled with eight ladies and children sing- 
ing. After a parley certain knights of the Mount of Love besiege 
the castle until it yields.^ On New Year's night, 1512, a castle, 
occupied by six ladies and labeled La Fortresse dangerus, was 
carried about the hall. "After the quene had behelde it, in 
came the kyng with fine other. . . . These VI . assaulted 
the castle, the ladies seyng them so lustie and coragious, were 
content to solace with them and upon further communication, 
to yeld the castle, and so thei came doune and datmced a long 
space."' In 1522 Wolsey gave a similar pageant, where the 
castle was held by the ladies Beautie, Honor, Perseveraunce, 
and other noble qualities who occupied the towers, and by 
Dangier, Gelousie, Scorne, and other shrewish qualities who 
occupied the lower walls of the fortress. Ardent Desire led seven 
other gentlemen to an attack with comfits and was victorious, 
driving the shrews away. After this a dance followed.* 

In a Christmas festival at Eltham in 1515, however, the con- 
flict took a different turn, the ladies holding out successfully.* 
Again in 1581 the Virgin Queen seems to have delicately alle- 
gorized her refusal of the offers of the Duke of Anjou by a similar 
play. Four Children of Desire, one of whom was Sir Philip 
Sidney, laid claim to the Castle of Perfect Beauty, wherein the 

1 P. Molmenti, Venice: The Middle Ages, I, p. 204. 

« Modem Philology, XIV, p. 473. 

' Brotanek, Die Englischen Maskenspiele, p. 27. 

* Modem Philology, XIV, p. 473. 

* Brotanek, Op, cU., p. 28. 



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THE ALLEGORICAL SIEGE 257 






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258 ROGER SHERMAN LOOMIS 

Queen sat, as their inheritance. Being defied they showered 
it with rosewater and flowers. On the next day, they confessed 
their audacity and yielded them to '' Perfect Beauty."^ 

It is a curious example of the survival of popular custom that 
three hundred years later the young people of the Swiss cantons 
of Vaud and Fribourg used to sing in the vineyards: 
**Chdteau d^ amour j te veux-tu pas rendre? 
Veux-tu te rendre ^ ou tenir bonf'^ 

In Fribourg itself there survived into the eighteenth century 
an almost exact parallel to the Treviso festival, including wooden 
castle, ladies within, gallants without, and a discharge of flowery 

artillery. The castle was 
fated, of course, to sur- 
render; each of the ladies 
chose one of the besiegers, 
and paid him a rose and 
a kiss as ransom. After- 
wards there was a parade 
of the besiegers on horse- 
back through the town, 
while the ladies showered 
them in turn from the 
windows with rose-petals 
and perfumes.^ 

All the stages in this 
elaborate mediaeval game 

FiGiTRE 2.-SURRENDER OF THE Castle OF ^^^^ represented on the 
Love: Victoria AND Albert Museum. ivory mirror-cases and 

caskets made probably in 
Paris in the early fourteenth century.' We see the walls and tur- 
rets of the castle thronged with ladies hurling roses down from the 
battlements (Fig. 1): among them is Daun Cupido with his 
wings and crown, shooting his fatal arrows. Below knights use 
the ponderous mediaeval siege engines to throw up baskets of 
flowers. Others scale the walls on rope ladders, doubtless a 
more efficacious way of bringing matters to the desired termina- 
tion. Then we see the surrender of the castle. On the one hand, 

• Mimaires de la Sociili des ArUiquaires de France, I, p. 184 ff. 

• There are any number of these ivories scattered over the museums of 
Europe and a few have reached the United States. 



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THE ALLEGORICAL SIEGE 259 

we see the ladies welcoming the successful knights and delivering 
up a sword in token of surrender (Fig. 2) ; on the other, a lady 
issuing from the gateway and delivering up a key to a humbly 
victor. Finally, each lady rides away with her lover on horse- 
back or is rowed away in 
a boat^ (Fig. 3). A rare 
example from the second 
half of the fourteenth cen- 
tury depicts ladies making 
a sally from the gateway, 
one of them carrying a 
bouquet instead of a lance 
in rest. On the casket 
Uds the middle panel is 
usually occupied by a 
jousting scene, without 
any immediate relation to 
the Siege of the Castle. 

The same subject oc- 
curs here and there among figure 3.— Departure from the Castle 
the illuminations of Eng- of Love: Liverpool. 

lish manuscripts. One 

remembers the stanza of Byron about the family missal, and 
his wonder 

''how they 
Who saw those figures on the margin kiss all, 
Could turn their optics to the text and pray." 

So in the margins of the Peterborough Psalter^ of the end of the 
thirteenth century and of the Luiierell Psalter of about 1340 one 
finds spirited renderings of the Chdteau d^ Amour that must have 
diverted the thoughts of many a worldly reader from his devo- 
tions, if indeed they were not put there for that very purpose. 
And in these two instances the assailants seem to be getting 
very much the worst of it. In the first, the knights flop into out- 
landish contortions at the very touch (Fig. 4) of the ladies, and 
in the second (Fig. 5), the impact of a single flower knocks a 
knight's helmet off and hurls him from his scaling-ladder. No 
wonder that the mounted knights depicted in a manuscript of 
the De Offidis Regum (Fig. 6) spread their hands abroad in dis- 

» This has been wrongly interpreted as Lancelot and Guinevere. 
' J. Van den Gheyn, Le Psaviier de Peterborough. 



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260 ROGER SHERMAN LOOMIS 

may when they perceive through their lifted visors the four 
bellicose females in the castle.^ 

The inventories of the fourteenth century show the motif 
spreading into other arts. The inventory of Louis Duke of 
Anjou made in 1364-5 describes a great fountain of metal work 



Figure 4. — The Castle of Love: Peterborough Psalter, Brussels. 

for the table. '* Twelve little men bear it on their shoulders, and 
on the foot are six knights who assail the castle. ... In 
the middle is a castle in the fashion of a large tower with many 
turrets and the said castle stands upon a high green hill; and 
over the three gateways are three trumpets. And below outside, 
the said hill has battlemented barbicans, and above on the battle- 

* Treatise of Walter de MUlemetey ed. M. R. James. 



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American Journal op Archaeology, Second Series. Vol. XXIII (1919), Plate IV. 



The Castle op Ladies: Tapestry op the Sixteenth Century. 



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THE ALLEGORICAL SIEGE 261 

ments of the castle are ladies, who hold tnaces and shields and 
defend the castle."^ 

Edward III, we know, had this same subject on a dorser.* 
The inventory of the Duke of Gloucester, made in 1397, records: 
''Un pece d'aras de Testorie d*un assaut fait as dames en un 
chastel."' That of Margaret of Flanders, made in 1405: 
'*Un vies drap de haulteliche deschir^ des damoiselles qui 
defendent le chastel.'** Henry VIII of England had a set of 



Figure 5. — The Castle op Love: Lutterell Psalter, British Museum. 

tapestries of the Citie of Ladies,^ and James V of Scotland a set 
called 'Hhe Citie of Dammys."® What these sixteenth century 
tapestries were like may perhaps be gleaned from one here repro- 
duced from Guiflrey's Histoire Gen^rale de la Tapisserie, III 
(Plate IV). In the foreground are the forces of violence, armed 
with halberds and spears. Malehaisne advances from the left, 

* Marquis de Laborde, Notice des Smaux, II, p. 36. For date of catalogue, 
see Bibliothhque de Vtlcole des Charles^ L. p. 168. 

* Mary Bateson, Mediaeval England, p. 295. 
' Archaeological Journal, LIV, p. 288. 

* Jb. Kunsth. Samm., XVI, p. 219. 

* W. G. Thomson, Tapestry Weaving in England, pp. 40 f. 

* Ibid. p. 41. 



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262 ROGER SHERMAN LOOMIS 



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THE ALLEGORICAL SIEGE 263 

Vilayn Visage from the right. In the midst Vilonie moves to the 
attack covered by his shield, Faultedesens lies on the ground, 
while Dangier threatens to fall on top of him. On the battle- 
ments above are the ladies, Perseverance, Beaut6, Largesse, and 
Espoir. Franchise fires a r<5se from a crossbow at Dangier, and 
Plaisance threatens him with a lash of flowers. Above on each 



Figure 7. — Attack on the Castle of the Church by the World. 

side a cupid with his bow appears in a tree, while in the middle 
Le Gent Deus D'Amour is crowned with a wreath by Obedience 
and another lady, whose name and quality I cannot decipher. 

The motif also spread into Teutonic lands. A mural painting 
of the fourteenth century from the palace of Otto von Rinecke 
is preserved in the Rosgarten Museum at Constance.^ A piece 

^H. Schweitzer, BUderteppiche und Stickereien zu Freiburg in Breisgau 
(extr. from Schauinsland, XXXI), p. 5. There is another mural painting at 
Diessenhofen, dating about 1310-20, that may represent the same subject, 
though the distinctive details are lost; see MUtheilungen der Antiquarischen 
GeselUchaft in Zurich, XXIV, p. 282, pi. VIII F. 



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264 BOGER SHERMAN LOOMIS 



of stained glass of the 
early sixteenth century at 
g the Frankfort Historical 
I Museum shows the castle 
g held by two maidens and 
j§ stormed by three wild folk 
'^ or wodehouses.^ 
E This is the last example 
S I have noted where the 
H significance of the allegory 
S is wholly secular. But the 
H mediaeval church always 
> had a canny instinct for 
g appropriating to its uses 
any popular image or cus- 



H 
O 



tom or book, even when it 
^ was immoral or anticlerical 
J in its original character. 
H Out of Arthurian romance 
^ was developed the Grail 
5 story; Ovid's chronique 
g scandaleuse of the gods 

1 was allegorized into a 
^ Christian livre de pUU; 

all the favorite secular 

2 motifs of art were given an 
^ edifying interpretation in 
w the Cy Nous Dit. An 

1 I ecclesiastical version of 
°^' the Siege motif is found 
I on a casket of the early 
^ fourteenth century.* Here 

the castle is surmounted 

by a church, and the 

battlements are held • by 

by nuns (Fig. 7). They hurl down white pellets on the powers 

of the world represented by six gaily clad youths mounting upon 

ladders to the assault. An interesting development of this relig- 

^Von der Leyen and Spamer, AUdeuUche Teppiche im Regenaburger Rat- 
hausCf p. 29. 
* Hefner- Alteneck, Trachien und GerdtschafUy III, pi. 156. 



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THE ALLEGORICAL SIEGE 265 

ions treatment of the theme is to be found in the city of Ratisbon. 
The Historical Society has copies of a mural painting of about 
1300 formerly at the Elephanten Apotheke.^ On the one side 
are five pairs of lovers: then comes the tower itself, on which is a 
queen with a knight in her lap. On the other side are nine 
knights attacking a baldaquin, in which an6ther queen sits with 
four attendants at a banqueting table. One of these knights 
bears on his shield the device of a saint or Christus. It becomes 
clear then that these knights are representative of the Virtues 
and that the castle as well as the baldaquin are the abodes of 
the fleshly Vices. In a tapestry of the end of the fourteenth 
century in the Germanic Musemn, Nuremberg, (Fig. 8) the 
baldaquin has become a pavilion, and the Queen and her attend- 
ants are still there. ^ The queen we may now venture to identify 
as Frau Minne or the Venus of old German legends,' but in 
what a guise! Like the other wild folk she wears a sort of 
pajamas with a wave pattern intended to depict a coat of hair. 
This extraordinary costume was doubtless suggested to the de- 
signer by the fashion prevalent throughout Europe in this century 
of masquerading as wild men of the woods.^ Some will remem- 

* Repertorium fUr Kunaitvissenschaft, VII, p. 191. 

'T. Hampe, Katalog der Gewebesamndung dea Germanischen National' 
museumSf I, No. 669. Practically identical tapestries are to be found at the 
Wartburg, MiUeilungen der Kaiserliche Kdnigliche Centralcominissumj XVII, 
p. 44, and at the Vienna Museum, MiUheUungen dea K, K, Oesterreichischen 
Mtiaeuma, 1892, p. 105. 

* Lady Venus in her tent appears in a few German poems: Frau Venus 
und die Minnenden, Ain Mynn Red von Hertzen und von Leiby Die Minne und 
die Ekre, and Der EUende Knabe. See W. A. Neilson, Origins and Sources 
of the Court of Love, pp. 128, 129, 131, and von der Hagen, BUdersaal AUdeut- 
schen Dichier, p. 89. 

* Prof. Kenneth Mackenzie has called my attention to an article entitled 
'La Maschera del Selvaggio' in the Giomale Storico delta Letteratura ItaUana, 
LIX, p. 47, which contains very full references. There is an excellent treat- 
ment of the wodehouse in English decorative art in an article by G. C. Druce 
in the Archaeological Journal, LXXII, 169 IF. On the very large number of 
Geni>an wodehouse tapestries there are, besides the articles cited p. 264, note 2 
and note 2 above, the following: Destr6e and Van den Ven, Tapisseries, p. 21; 
F. A. Lehner, HohemoUemsches Museum zu Sigmaringen, Texiilarbeitenf Nos. 2, 
4, 6; G. Lehnert, lUustrierte Geschichte des Kunstgewerbes, I. p. 346; Jh, 
Kunsth. Samm. XIV, 283; XV, 290; MiUheUungen des K. K. Oesterreichischen 
Museums, N. F. 7, 8; J. Guiffrey, Tajnsseries, p. 66. An interlude consisting 
of a Castle of Love guarded by lions and wodehouses is mentioned in the ac- 
counts of the Treasurer of Savoy; see Cougnet, Piaceri delta Tavola, p. 193. 



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266 ROGER SHERMAN LOOMIS 

ber the Ballet des Ardents in Froissart, where Charles VI of France 
and some of his nobles put on garments of flax and pitch to re- 
semble coats of hair, and were accidentally set alight by a torch. 
In this tapestry Frau Minne, instead of being attacked by the 
Virtues as in the painting, is here sending out her own wild ser- 
vants, against a moated castle intended for the abode of the 
Virtues, though by some confusion on the part of the artist, the 
Virtues are just as wild and hairy as their enemies. Both sides 
preserve the old tradition of the floral weapons, the attackers 
tipping their spears and arrows with roses, and the defenders 
replying with lilies. That the assailants are meant to represent 
the Vices becomes evident when we see that the monsters they 
ride resemble those on which the symbolic figures of the Vices are 
mounted in a tapestry at Ratisbon town hall.^ Furthermore, 
this last tapestry shows at each end the allegorical Siege of a 
Castle. (Fig. 9) In the end here illustrated the four cardinal 
Virtues are beating off with spears, swords, and arrows the cor- 
responding Vices, while in the other end the theological Virtues 
hold the fort. 

A phase of this moralistic development of the Siege is foimd 
in the English morality play of about 1425, The Castle of Perse- 
verance? A plan that accompanies the original MS. shows us 
the castle in the centre with the bed of Mankind under it, and 
a ditch of water encircling it (Fig. 10). Above to the south is the 
scaffold of Caro, the Flesh; to the right that of Mundus, the 
World; below to the north is that of Belyal; to the northeast 
that of Coveitise, Covetousness; to the left that of Deus, God. 
In the course of the play, the castle is attacked by the Seven 
Deadly Sins and defended by the Seven Virtues, land as the 
speeches indicate. Charity and Patience hurl roses with great 
effect. "I am all beaten black and blue with a rose that on 
rood was rent," exclaims Wrath. 

It was of course inevitable that a theme so popular in the dra- 
matic and plastic arts should have left its traces in literature, 
and such is indeed the fact. It should be said at the outset, 
however, since the statement is frequently made that the Siege 
of the Castle of Love in art is an illustration of the Romaunt of 

* Von der Leyen and Spamer, op. cit.y pp. 41, 46. An excellent article on 
the 'Tapestries of the Seven Deadly Sins* is found in the Burl, Mag. XX, pp. 
210, 277. 

* The Macro Plays, ed. Fumivall and Pollard. 



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THE ALLEGORICAL SIEGE 267 



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268 



ROGER SHERMAN LOOMIS 



the Rose, that there is no scene in the poem at all corresponding 
tp that figured on mirror-cases and caskets, or painted in manu- 
scripts or on palace walls. Furthermore, there is no siege described 







Figure 10. — Stage Diagram for "The Castle of Perseverance.'* 

in Grosseteste^s spiritual allegory of the Chdteau d* Amour. The 
clearest case of an attack upon a castle of love is that found in 
the fourth chapter of the German poem, Die Minneburg, of about 
1325-50.^ A child is incited by Cupido to attack a castle 
1 W. A. Neilson, op, cit, p. 124. 



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THE ALLEGORICAL SIEGE 269 

guarded by giants, lions, and dogs. With the aid of Unmasse, 
Unsittigkeit, and Unbesonnenheit he does so, while resistance is 
offered by Masse, Starke, and Weisheit. Finally, a parley is 
held: Weisheit induces the Child to come to terms with the lady 
of the castle: he is allowed to enter and thus wins not only the 
castle but also the heart of the lady. In the Champion des Dames 
of Martin le Franc, dated about 1442, there is an attack on a 
Castle of Love, but the castle is here no castle but a temple with 
altars and priests, and the fighting consists of a plentiful discharge 
of words regarding the virtues and vices of women. Franc 
Vouloir, the Champion of Dames, is victorious in the debate, and 
Malbouche, their maligner, dies of chagrin.^ 

Our own day is witnessing a revival of pageant and spectacle, 
and among the devices that we might take over from our frolic- 
some and sentimental forefathers the Sieg^ of the Castle of Love 
might well be one. To be sure, there are feminists who would 
think it scorn to fight a defensive warfare and would prefer to go 
capturing castles of timid males themselves. And what with 
Battalions of Death and Women's Army Auxiliary Corps under- 
going the hardships of warfare, the ladies may acquire a muscular 
development that will deprive their throwing of that grace in 
awkwardness, that piquant stiffness that must have constituted 
half the charm of the pastime for the masculine participators. 
Still the thing might well be tried. 

Roger Sherman Loomis. 

New York, N. Y. 

1 Ibid, p. 102. 



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of flmenca 



AN ARCHAIC GREEK STATUE 



This extraordinary statue (Figs. 1, 2) in the Metropolitan 
Museum in New York is one of the most interesting and impor- 
tant specimens that we possess of archaic Greek female statues.^ 
Although, as will be shown, it is earlier than most monimients of 
its class, yet it is extremely charming in its severe simplicity; and 
the striking arrangement of the drapery, so different from the 
usual style, betrays the masterly hand of a bold, ingenious artist. 
It is also unique among the figures of its type in possessing in the 
place of its original head a genuinely antique restoration which, 
as the style indicates, is less than a hundred years later than the 
body. Remaining traces show that the original hair hung down 
the back in the standard archaic fashion. 

The statue was probably found near Laurium.^ It is small, 
being but 0.698 m. (2 ft. 3} in.) in height. Only the feet, small 
portions of the arms, and the tip of the nose are missing. When 
discovered the head and the left arm were broken oflf and 
the body was in two parts. All of the portions are weathered 
identically. 

Standing with legs close together, the young woman carries a 
rabbit in the extended left arm and in the right, which is bent 
across the body, a pomegranate (Figs. 1, a, b). She wears 
only a belted Ionic chiton fastened together over the shoulders 
and arms by brooches, and drawn up so as to fall over each hip 
in a curved kolpos (Figs. 1 a, 2 a). The skirt is drawn tightly 
forward and raised at the left of the front (Fig. 1 a). The waist 
is characterized by fine undulating ridges and the folds of the 
skirt are indicated by deep grooves. The entire back is smooth 
(Fig. 2 b). The broad, massive shoulders and the narrow hips 

^I wish to acknowledge with thanks the kindness of Miss Gisela M. A. 
Richter in giving permission to publish this statue and in offering many useful 
suggestions. 

« See B. Metr. Mus. Ill, 1908, pp. 2-4, and Richter, Handbook of the Classic 
cat Collection in the Metropolitan Museum^ pp. 210 f, fig. 124. 



American Journal of Archaeology, Second Series. Journal of the 
Archaeological Institute of America, Vol. XXIII (1919), No. 3. 



270 



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AN ARCHAIC GREEK STATUE 271 



A n 

FiauBE 1. — Statue in New York: a, Front; b, Left Side. 



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272 L. G. ELDRIDGE 

are such as early archaic sculptors regularly gave to women as 
well as to men. The hair is tied in a kerchief both in front 
and back, while on the top of the head it was doubtless indicated 
by paint. If there was any jewelry it was also painted and has 
disappeared.^ 

Considering the body first, a comparison with the Acropolis 
figures, from which it radically differs in many essential details, is 
most interesting. The position of the right arm made fast 
against the body strongly suggests an early date. None of the 
Acropolis figures which are late enough to wear the Ionic chiton 
presents this feature.^ 

Another indication of early date is the position of the legs. 
The only figure on the Acropolis that stands like this with the 
feet evenly together is No. 602, one of the earliest of the group.* 
Usually archaic statues have the left foot slightly advanced as 
was the fashion in Egypt, whence the motive was borrowed.* 

Apparently the early statue. No. 602, is also the only one on 
the Acropolis with the back entirely smooth.*^ But even here the 
drapery falls between the legs so as to outUne them clearly, while 
on the Metropolitan statue it is drawn perfectly smooth, a 
feature which may be regarded as a heritage from the old xoanon 
type.* 

Only three of the standing figures on the Acropolis, Nos. 602, 
670, and 683, and the seated Athena, No. 625, are clad in the 
Ionic chiton alone. ^ Although this style of dress does not of 
necessity signify an early date, it certainly does not suggest a 
late one. The simple, severe Unes, free from all elaborate drap- 
ery, did not entail such a radical departure from the primitive 
xoanon type or from the nude. male figure which sculptors had 
long been making. The Attic figure. No. 602, we have seen is 

1 Cf. Lechat, Au Mua^ de VAcropole, pp. 211 ff. 

' The btatues generally attributed to a Samian echool belong in a distinct 
9la88 and are not included in this paper in references to the rest of the group. 

>Cf. Schrader, Archaische Marmorakidpt'uren im AkropolU Museum tu 
Athen, p. 42, fig. 39, and G. Dickins, Catalogus of the AcropolU Museum. 

* Three of the Acropolis figures have the right foot advanced. See Lecfaat, 
op. pit. p. 167, and Schrader, op, cit. p. 42. 

» bf . Overbeck, Geschichte der griech Plastik, p. 190; Klein, OeechidiU der 
griech. Plastik, p. 277; Schrader, op. cU. p. 42, fig. 36. No. 629 (op. cU, fi«. 
28) has no folds in the back of the chiton, but the himation is worked out 
m detail 

• Cf . Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de VAH dans VArUiquUi, VIII, p. 149, fig. 83. 
» Cf. Lechat, op. cU. p. 158. 



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AN ARCHAIC GREEK STATUE 273 



A B 

Figure 2. — Statue in New York: a, Right Side; b, Back. 



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274 L. (?. ELDRIDOE 

early, No. 683 is of careless workmanship/ and No. 670 is not 
one of the latest specimens.^ 

It is further noticeable that there is no sign that the Metro- 
politan statue ever had ringlets such as almost always fell over 
the shoulders of archaic female figures,' and that the original 
hair that fell down the back was exceptionally short. These 
features too may indicate antiquity. Nos. 683 and 612 on the 
Acropolis have no ringlets over the shoulders, but both are care- 
lessly done. The only well advanced, carefully executed speci- 
men without them is No. 627.'* The Acropolis figiu*es also have 
much longer hair than this statue had. It is interesting to ob- 
serve that on the Cnidian Treasurj'^ the hair of none of the fig- 
ures is extremely long. But the absence of ringlets and the 
unusually short hair recall, more than anything else, the early 
"Apollos." It is also worth while to note that women on vase 
paintings rarely had ringlets over the shoulders before the 
middle of the sixth century.^ 

But much more striking than any other characteristic is the 
arrangement of the skirt. As is well known, the folds of the 
skirt are usually raised at the side by the left hand, while the 
extended right arm, holding its offering and supporting the long 
folds of the himation, preserves the balance of the figure. Two 
statues reverse this scheme,* while a few, on which the hand or 
the belt holds the folds of the skirt slightly raised in the middle 
of the front, need no balancing motive and, therefore, wear the 
chiton either alone or beneath a shawl thrown evenly over both 
shoulders.^ 

1 Cf . Lechat, La Sculpture AUique, p. 232. 

* Cf . Lechat, Au Musie, pp. 300 f . 

* All traces of such rmglets could scarcely have been effaced even if they 
were made separately and attached, as was frequently done in the case of 
archaic female figures not only with ringlets but with heads, arms, ends of 
drapery, and even feet and legs. Cf. Lechat, Au Musie^ pp. 227 IF; La Sculp* 
ture AUiquCj p. 228, note 7; Dickins, Acrop. Mus., p. 38, note 1. 

* Cf. Lechat, Au MusiCj p. 197; Dickins, op. cU, p. 144. 
» Cf . Jh. Oest. Arch. I. XII, pp. 300 f, and references. 
•Cf. Lechat, Au Musie, p. 154. 

7 Cf. Lechat, Au Mus^e, p. 170. The apparel worn by most of the Acropolis 
figures is assumed in this paper to consist of a long chiton reaching to the feet, 
and a short himation thrown over the shoulders. Controversy over the sub- 
ject seems not to have ended. Cf. Jh. Arch. I. VII, 1892, pp. 55 f ; Overbeck, 
Gesch. griech. Plastik, pp. 189 f ; Jb. Arch. I. XI, 1896, pp. 19 ff; Lechat, Au 
Mus^Cy pp. 151 ff; Jb. Arch. I. XIX, 1904, pp. 10 ff; Lermann, AUgriechische 



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AN ARCHAIC GREEK STATUE 275 

With the statue in question a problem arises. If the present 
motive of the skirt was the original one, it is a most curious and 
interesting specimen which has no published parallel either in 
marble, bronze, or terracotta. Its absence from the last group 
would prove that it was never widely diffused. 

But a more probable alternative presents itself. On the left 
side of the statue (Fig. 1b) a portion extending up and back from 
the front edge of the kolpos and bounded below by a ridge which 
follows the line of the back of tlie arm and ends at the curious 
projection just below the kolpos is strangely hollowed out. This 
gives rise at once to the suspicion that the original left arm rested 
on the body and held the folds of the skirt, that it was broken 
away at the time that the head was lost, and that the injured 
portion was reworked into its present form by the sculptor who 
made the new head and arm.^ In such case, the drapery would 
be a most extraordinary illustration of a perfectly natural trans- 
ition stage of which further specimens are found in Nos. 269 and 
612 on the Acropolis, while No. 678 would represent the next 
step. 

If, however, as is possible, the present arrangement of the 
drapery was the original one, it cannot be a transition between 
the type with the folds held up by the girdle in the middle of 
the front and the style seen on most of the Acropolis figures. 
The execution is too brilliant to belong to a transitional stage, 
nor would this be the natural step in such a transition. A 
female statue which forms the stand of a bronze mirror in Athens* 
is regarded by Poulsen as an example of a transitional type. He 
argues that the Acropolis figure No. 683 and a female statue in 
the Louvre' represent the same stage, and he considers it mere 
chance that the bronze mirror stand is the only specimen that we 
possess from the transitional period itself.'* However that may 
be, the figures cited are sufficiently awkward and helpless to 
represent a vain attempt. But such excellent results as are 

Plastikf pp. 62 f; Dickins, op. cit. pp. 44 ff. But the manner in which the 
different parts of the garment are worn is the essential point, not the way in 
which they were fastened together. 

^ Possibly not imderstanding the nature of the xopu^i^ the sculptor left the 
projection below the kolpos to represent the falling end of the band which he 
supposed supported the skirt. 

* De Ridder, Bronzes de la Soc. arch. d'Aihbnes, PI. I, No. 151. 

» See R. St. Gr. XVIII, 1905, p. 92. 

*Jh, Arch. I. XXI, 1906, pp. 213 f. 



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276 L. G. ELDRIDGE 

presented by the Metropolitan statue could, on the contrary, 
only have been the work of a very able sculptor who already knew 
the graceful motive that was to become so popular, and was 
clever enough to adapt it in this modest, simplified fashion to 
the still prevailing severe type of figure. 

The last point to be observed is the curved kolpos, which 
appears to have been a characteristically Ionian motive. Among 
the standing figures on the Acropolis we find analogies only in 
Nos. 602 and 687. All the others are straight.' But on the 
treasury of the Cnidians in Delphi this is the invariable form of 
the kolpos in every instance where its lower edge is visible. Hera, 
on the north frieze, with her belt appearing behind her kolpos 
exactly aci on the Metropolitan statue, affords an especially inter- 
esting parallel. But by far the strongest argument for associa- 
tion of this statue with Ionia is offered by the appearance in 
Miletus during the German excavations of two torsi which are 
said by Furtwangler to present the same arrangement of drapery.* 

To sum up then, the body of the Metropolitan statue with 
right arm made fast in front, legs evenly together, back 
smooth, with the chiton as the only garment, with exceptionally 
short back hair and no ringlets over the shoulders, with an 
unusual arrangement of the drapery and a curved kolpos, is from 
the hand of an exceptionally skilful Ionian artist working at an 
early date. Only ah Ionian would have produced a thing so 
charming in the early period to which this figure evidently be- 
longs. The characteristics already mentioned, as well as the 
high breasts, the almost straight Une of the drapery in front with 
only the slightest suggestion of the knees underneath,* and with 
no traces of the employment of the saw, place the figure in the 
period of the earliest Ionian experiments with draped female 
statues, a period shortly after the middle of the sixth century. 

The head, as has been said, is an ancient restoration. It is 
wholly devoid of the exaggerations which invariably betray the 
Roman copyist, while the style of dressing the hair, the shape of 
the face, and the rather long, full chin are characteristic of the 

^ A slight indentation in the bottom of the kolpos on No. 683 may be a sug- 
gestion of the curved type, a form which seems to have met more favor for 
seated figures. Cf . Nos. 329, 620, 625. 

* Cf . B. MetT. Mu8, III, 1908, p. 6. 

» Even the early Attic statues Nos. 269, 602, and 678 have the leg? clearly 
outlined in front as well as in the back. Cf . Schrader, op, ctt., pp. 31, 42; Lechat, 
Au Musie, p. 334. 



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AN ARCHAIC GREEK STATUE 277 

transitional period. It bears considerable resemblance to the so- 
called relief of Penelope in the Vatican with its small mouth, 
flat cheeks, narrow tapering chin, and low forehead, and prob- 
ably, like this relief, dates from the latter part of the first half of 
the fifth century. 

The eyelids and the lips are thinner than is usual in the transi- 
tional period, but since these are the features which the sculptor 
expressly archaized so as to make the head more appropriate for 
the archaic body, they are no criterion whatsoever for the date. 
The corners of the mouth and the outer corners of the eyes are 
raised in imitation of the conventional " archaic smile." In order 
to make the eyes narrow, the artist unduly broadened the lower 
lids, almost producing a hollow-eyed effect. There is no indication 
of tear ducts, a feature which usually appears on archaic female 
heads either in outline or relief. A slight incrustation obscures 
the lines at the outer corner of the eyes, but the upper lid does not 
seem to be carried beyond the lower. 

The mouth is closely shut with the middle of the exquisitely 
curved upper lip pressed tight into the lower. A firmly closed 
mouth is an unusual occurrence on a female head^ and may be 
due here to the sculptor's desire to give the mouth an archaic 
curve. 

The statue was no doubt originally resplendent with color, the 
waist of the chiton perhaps solid red or blue or, like the skirt, 
dotted with rich decorative patterns in red and blue on the white 
marble, in imitation of embroidery. Around the neck and down 
the sleeves, on the belt and the Tapvtltijy around the bottom 
of the skirt and perhaps half way up as well, were decorative 
bands of maeander in red and blue. 

The original head, doubtless, had red hair and lips, black on 
the edge of the brow and eyelid, black pupils, and a red iris with 
a black border.* 

Who these dazzling creatiires were, bringing their oflferings to 
the divinity in her temple, we have as yet no means of knowing. 
On their pedestals were inscribed the names of men, probably in 
each case of the man who dedicated the statue. Perhaps they 
represented Athena herself in her own Ukeness,^ possibly they 

1 Of. Jh, Arch, L XIX, 1904, pp. 58 f . 

* Cf. Lechat, Au Music, pp. 160 ff, 176, 248, 254, 261; Lermann, op, cU, pp. 
83f. 

* Cf . Lechat, Au Musie, pp. 265 fif. 



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278 L. G. ELDRIDGE 

were portraits of Attic women,^ but it is more likely that they 
themselves were merely oflferings, designed to represent in per- 
manent, visible, vivid form the constant adoration of the "god- 
dess fearing" citizens who dedicated them.^ 

But whoever they were, they must have presented a gorgeous 
spectacle grouped about the magnificent temples with which their 
colors harmonized and blended, and bathed in the matchless 
blue of the Attic skies. 

L. G. Eldridge. 

Cleveland, Ohio. 

1 Cf. Arch, Am. VIII, 1893, p. 145; Ath. Mitt. XI, 1886, p. 357. 
« Cf . Jb. Arch. I. XXI, 1906, pp. 220 f. 



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AN IONIAN DEINOS IN BOSTON 



Inv. no. 13.205. Deinos. H. 0.222 m.; D. 0.28 m. Francis Bartlett Fund, 
1913. J. H. S. XIX, 1899, p. 144, No. 6. 

Clay light brown-red, with fine particles of black and white stone and of 
mica ; traces of a darker dull slip of the same color. Round body, slightly drawn 
in at the top; horizontal rim. Decoration in somewhat lustrous black glaze, 
applied thin in places, violet red added for hair, etc.; incised lines for practically 
all contours (except the back of the head) and for details; on the lip rows of op- 
posed ivy leaves, alternately red and black; above the scene a band of herring- 
bone pattern bounded by two horizontal lines; below the scene a lotus flower 
and bud ornament bounded above and below by two horizontal lines, the buds 
solid red; then a band of short fine rajrs; bottom black with two narrow reserved 
rings, and concentric rings of applied red. In the centre of the main scene a 
large high mortar, the incised lines on its base suggesting a lotus flower, at the 
left a woman to right in plain Doric chiton girded, raising a pestle in both hands, 
a nude youth blowing a double flute, and a deinos or kettle on a metal tripod; 
at the right a youth to left bringing down a pestle in both hands, a second youth 
with olpe in right hand and net bag in left hand, a third raising a large bowl on 
right hand and carrjdng a slender oenochoe in left hand, and a fourth playing 
the double flute, all nude and facing the mortar; in the remainder of the frieze 
six nude youths dancing to left. 

The scene represented on this vase consists of two parts closely 
related, the preparation of a drink-ofifering (Fig. 1) and a dance, 
presumably part of the same ceremony (Fig. 2). The six nude 
dancing men all face toward the left and stand with the left foot 
flat on the ground. In contrast with the Altenburg amphora 
(Boehlau, Aus ion. u, ital. Nekrop, p. 56) and the Louvre deinos 
(E 737) where the dancers leap about in orgiastic frenzy, the scene 
here represents a more measured and restrained dance. Further 
the figures seem to represent a definite succession of poses. Be- 
ginning at the right (Fig. 2, b) the first figure, though in quite 
unstable equilibrium, has the torso erect, the left arm bent in, 
the right arm thrown out; figure two is bent farther forward, 
the right arm is lowered, the right foot raised; figure three is 
bent still further forward, the right hand is raised palm down, 
and the right foot thrown out. At this point a sharp transi- 

American Journal of Archaeology, Second Series. Journal of the 070 

Archaeological Institute of A merica, Vol. XXIII (1919) , No. 3. ^*^ 



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280 ARTHUR FAIRBANKS 



Figure 1. — Preparation of a Drink Offering: Ionian Deinos, Boston. 



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AN IONIAN DEINOS IN BOSTON 281 

tion occurs. Figure four (Fig. 2, a) has the torso thrown well 
back, both arms held out and up, the right lower leg dropped 
straight from the raised knee; in figure five the torso is brought 
nearly erect, the left arm bent and the right hand lowered, the 
right foot drawn in; finally in figure six the torso is fully erect, 
the right hand raised, the right foot thrown out. It seems fair to 
interpret the figures as representing successive poses in the dance, 
poses that might be seen at one moment if the rhythm of the 
dance demanded that each figure in tiurn took pose one, to be 
followed progressively by the other poses. In any case it is a 
measured rhythm, quite literally represented. 

The scene of the drink oflfering also includes six figures, two 
flute players, two men bringing material, a man and a woman 
poimding with pestles in a mortar. That the hands of the flute 
players are all fingers is a rather expressive deviation from literal- 
ness. The flaring end of the flute tubes may be noted also on the 
Altenburg amphora. Music as well as the dance attends what is 
clearly a reUgious ceremony. Two attendants bring the mate- 
rials for the drink-oflfering, each a pitcher (oenochoe) presumably 
of wine, one also a large bowl, and one a net bag or wicker basket. 
At the extreme left is the mixing bowl, a deinos on a metal tripod. 
And in the centre two persons are crushing grain in a mortar. 
The pestle as a household utensil appears on a number of vases, 
e.g. Naples, Heyd. 2889 (Thracian women with household uten- 
sils and armed Thracian youths) and 2422 (Iliupersis, including 
a woman who defends herself with a pestle as on the Brygos 
cylix in the Louvre, Heydemann, Iliupersis, Taf. I). Two 
women pounding with pestles in a mortar are seen on a black- 
figured vase of developed style reported to be in Petrograd.^ 
The mortar is of the same type and size as that in the scene under 
discussion. References to mortar and pestle as a means for 
crushing grain suggest that they were in more or less general use 
in the Greek household, even long after the stone mills were 
regularly used for grinding.^ Doubtless they would be retained 
for religious ceremonies even when mills were more generally used 

1 Heydemann, IliupersiSy pp. 24-25; BuU. InsL 1867, p. 135; on the reverse 
Hermes with kerykeion carrying a ram, and a woman. 

•Invention of the mill assigned to Demeter, cf . Pliny, N. H. VII, 191; mill in 
household use according to Homer, Odyss. II, 355; VII, 104; XX, 106. Pestle 
and mortar preceded the mill, Serv. ad Virg. Aen, I, 179, *'quia apud majorea 
molarum ustis rum eratj frumenta torrebani et in pilas missa pinsebantf " but used 
for crushing grain in Athens, Aristot)h. Vesp. 238; C.I. A. II, 545. 



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282 ARTHUR FAIRBANKS 



B 

Figure 2. — Ritual Dance: Ionian Dzinos, Boston. 



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AN IONIAN DEINOS IN BOSTON 283 

in preparing grain for bread. One of the scenes on the chest of 
Cypselus as described by Pausanias (V, 18, 2) represents two 
women pounding in mortars with pestles. The statement of 
Pausanias that they were interpreted as "skilled in the prepara- 
tion of drugs" or magic potions, can best be explained on the 
assumption that the mortar and pestle suggested a magical or 
religious ceremony. Certainly the scene under discussion is a 
religious ceremony, and presumably the small dignified figure of 
a woman represents the priestess. Further, the scene is in con- 
trast with that on other vases of the same Ionic series^ in the 
fact that nothing suggests a Dionysiac ceremony; no Satyr or 
Silenus or symbol of that worship is present; the dance is not 
orgiastic, and a solemn priestess assists at the ceremony. 

Any attempt to define the scene more closely is bound to be 
merely conjecture, yet perhaps the data justify a conjecture as to 
its meaning when one reaUzes the definite literalness of the painter. 
The facts are clear: In the presence of dancing men and flute 
players attendants bring pitchers, a bowl, and a net bag, grain is 
being crushed in a mortar, and a mixing bowl is ready for use. 
It is a fair assumption that in this bowl wine and crushed grain 
(barley) are to be mixed, together with a hquid brought in the 
large bowl of the second attendant, and probably some material 
brought in the net bag. Now the Greeks used a mystic or magic 
drink, the KVKeav, which was made according to Homer by mixing 
cheese, barley meal, and honey in '^Pramnian" wine. In Homer 
this drink was prepared by Hecamede to revive the weary Pat- 
roclus on his visit to Nestor, and by Circe with the addition of 
baleful drugs to change the followers of Odysseus into swine.* 
According to the Homeric hymn Demeter broke her fast on 
coming to Eleusis by drinking the kvk^ojv, which she bade Meta- 
neira prepare for her with barley meal and water and honey, and 
thus entered on the sacred rite.' The same mixture, but with 
wine and sometimes with other ingredients, was used in other 
religious ceremonies. It seems to me reasonable to regard the 
present scene as representing the preparation of a Kvxeuv of 
crushed barley and other ingredients, perhaps wine and honey, 
possibly cheese. It is not a Dionysiac rite; if water is used rather 

» Louvre, E 736; Vienna, Masner, 215; Man, Ant. XIV, 293. 
» Tl XI, 624, 638; CW. X, 234 f. 

» Horn. Hymn. IV, 208 f. Cf. Preller, Demeter und Persephone, p. 98, n. 50; 
Roecher, Jahrh. /. Phild. 1888, pp. 523 f. 
6 



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284 ARTHUR FAIRBANKS 

than wine, it may well be a rite of Demeter; I do not find the 
data to detennine it more exactly. 

Technically the vase belongs with three or four deinoi in the 
Louvre published by Pottier,^ a series which has been extended by 
Karo^ to include the vase under discussion and four others. 
Thanks to Dr. L. D. Caskey I can add to this list a fragment in the 
Museo Kircheriano.' Two fragments from Naucratis in this 
Museum are very similar in technique (Fig. 3).* Karo naturally 
brings these bowls found in Italy into relation with the ''Fikel- 



A B 

Figure 3.— Fragments prom Naucratis; a, No. 171; b, No. 172: Boston. 

lura" amphora at Altenburg published by Boehlau.* Whether 
the relationship is close enough to justify his claim that the deinoi 
are of Fikellura or Samian ware remains to be seen. 

1 B. C. H. XVII, 1893, pp. 423 f. 

V.H.5.XIX, 1899,pp. 144f. 

» Mon. Ant. XIV, 1904, pp. 294 f . Six fragments of a deincw, three of which 
belong together. Herringbone band above the scene, an open lotus flower and 
bud ornament of the same type as that on the Boston deinoe below; part of t^wo 
centaurs dancing, forelegs human; contours and details incised, short incised 
3ines (hair?) on the front of the himian abdomen and somewhat similar lines 
along the horse-back, muscles suggested by pairs of shorter incised lines. 

< No. 88.838 (174). Fragm*^nt of jar, 0.057 m. by 0. 042 m. Head and torso 
of youth to ri^t in a panel. The red hair with incised fringe, incised out- 
lines, and treatment of eye and muscles, as well as the nature of the clay recall 
the series of deinoi. 

No. 86.576 (171). Fragment of jar, 0.074 m. by 0.057 m. Legs and hips of 
two nude men, dancing. The style of drawing and the clay resemble the series 
under discussion. 

» Boehlau, Aus ion. und ital, Nekrop. p. 56, figs. 26 f. 



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AN IONIAN DEINOS IN BOSTON 285 

The clay of the example in Boston is of firmer, more even 
texture, than in the Samian vases I have examined; fine particles 
of black and white stone and of mica are abundant, — more 
abundant than in the Samian vases, but the clay has been washed 
till all coarser impurities are removed. On the Samian vases a 
somewhat chalky bufif slip is usual; the vase under discussion had 
apparently a smooth though not shiny slip of a slightly darker 
brown than the clay. An examination of one vase from the group 
of deinoi and of a few Samian vases merely raises a doubt as to 
whether the clay is from the same source. 

As for the ornamentation, the deinos in Rome has a band of 
painted scale pattern, which is found on Samian vases as well as on 
late Mycenaean and on Rhodian vases (cf. Karo, J.H.S. XIX, p. 
145). The lotus bud and flower band resembles the Samian type, 
and the polypus or wheel pattern on two examples recalls the 
band of crescents on Samian vases. The most striking resemb- 
lance is in the open slender forms of the lotus bud and flower pat- 
tern; it should be noted, however, that the bulbous forms of 
petals and bud differ from the Samian type, much as the Samian 
differs from the Rhodian (Milesian) ; moreover the broad bud is 
not divided by a reserved vertical line, and it is solidly covered 
with violet red. Of the other ornaments, the ivy leaf occurs on 
Samian ware but not in the opposed bands of small ivy leaves, 
while the herringbone pattern, the tongue pattern, the elaborate 
zigzag, the undulated ribbon, and the chain of opposed loops are 
not used on Samian ware. So far as the decoration of the deinoi 
is concerned, it seems to be Ionic and the form of lotus bud and 
flower suggests familiarity with the Samian type. 

A stronger argument for connecting the deinoi with Samian 
ware arises from a comparison of the dancing men with the same 
scene on the Samian amphora at Altenburg (Boehlau, l.c, p. 56). 
Here the frieze is divided into groups of six dancing men by two 
deinoi on stands; the style of the drawing, so far as one can judge 
from the reproduction, and the scene with deinos, flute player, 
oenochoae and bowls carried by dancers, are much the same as on 
the deinos in Boston. Moreover details are indicated by incised 
lines, though these are less freely used on the Altenburg amphora. 
We may certainly assume with Karo that the deinoi were "made 
on one of the Ionic islands, or in a colony on the Asiatic coast" 
(Karo, Lc. p. 145). If, however, our Samian ware is to be dated 
in the second half of the sixth centry, B.C. the question remains 



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286 ARTHUR FAIRBANKS 

open whether the group of deinoi can be given that place in the 
development of black figured ware which Karo suggests, or whether 
they are contemporary with the developed black figured style at 
Athens. 

An examination of the figures on the deinos in Boston indicates 
that they were drawn by a practiced hand in a distinctive de- 
veloped style. With the exception of the woman with pestle, 
the figures are nude men drawn after one stereotyped manner. 
The flute players are almost in full profile, the other figures have 
the shoulders turned more or less toward a front view. Only the 
woman stands stifiiy; the flute players and the other attendant 
men have the legs slightly bent, the hips thrown back and the 
body bent forward in an eflfort to give them vivacity. The 
stereotyped form of figure is notable for its full rounded lines, 
even though the figures are fairly slender. The long curving line 
of the left side from armpit to knee, the unbroken line of the right 
leg, the line from neck to hand and again from the bent left knee 
to the toe, indicate the fondness of the painter for flowing lines. 
The head has a flattened round form, broken only by the angle of 
the nose, except in the case of one or two protruding roimd chins. 
The thighs are short, full and rounded, in contrast with the slender 
lower leg and foot; similarly the short full upper arm, merging 
with the shoulder, is in contrast with the slender forearm and 
hand. The ankles and wrists are simply omitted. In spite of 
the short neck and good sized head, the slender waist, forearms, 
and lower legs prevent the figures from seeming heavy. 

The use of incised lines emphasizes the conventionalized char- 
acter of the drawing. OutUnes as well as details inside the sil- 
houette are incised, as often on Ionian vases. The eye, as nor- 
mally on Ionian vases, is a long pointed oval with a circle for the 
pupil, the same for the men and the woman. The ear is a figure 8, 
drawn like a reversing spiral.^ The hair, which is painted red and 
is in most cases long and confined by an incised band at the back 
of the neck, has a fringe of short incised lines. The collar bone 
is indicated by an incised V at the neck, the muscle of the upper 
arm by an incised V pointing out from the shoulder, the large 
thigh muscle and the muscle of the calf by pairs of short curved 
lines, the knee cap by a very small circle or half circle, and in one 
case only the ankle bone is marked by a very small circle. Along 
the front of the abdomen from the breast down a band of short 

^ Cf . De Luynes, Vases peintSj pi. VI, upper zone. 



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AN IONIAN DEINOS IN BOSTON 287 

oblique incised lines perhaps indicates hair.^ The nipples and 
the structure of breast and abdomen are not indicated at all. 

The style of the drawing is clearly Ionian, and relations may 
be pointed out with other defined types of vases made in Ionia, 
and in Italy after the Ionian manner. To assign it to a particular 
locality, unless possibly to Samos, is hardly possible with the 
data at oiir command. Its interest lies in the successful combina- 
tion of characteristics not often found together. On the one hand 
a skilled, practiced painter is using definite conventions for the 
human figure, expressing himself through them with no effort to 
transcend them. On the other hand the carefully balanced 
scene which he has developed is realistic in the sense that it 
evidently gives an accurate transcription of the theme; and again 
his use of conventions in no way hinders his expression of the 
living reality of these dancers and flute players and attendants. 
In a word his sense for life and for reaUty is expressed successfully 
within the mode in which he worked. 

Arthur Fairbanks. 

Museum of Fine Abts, 
Boston, Massachusetts. 

1 Cf . B. C. H, XVII, p. 427, fig. 2, Louvre, E. 737 for the red hair, short in- 
cised lines on front of abdomen, V for muscle of upper arm, and very small 
circle for knee cap. Cf . also Mon. Ant. XIV, p. 294, fig. 7, Mus. Kirch. 4788- 
4790, for incised lines on front of abdomen and back line of horse in the centaurs, 
for double V indicating muscle of upper arm, and for pairs of curved lines to 
mark muscles of thigh and calf. 



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THE PALACE OF ODYSSEUS 



Since the time of Didymus,^ plans of the palace of Odysseus 
have been drawn by commentators on the Odyssey to illustrate 
the action of the poem. During the greater part of the nine- 
teenth century these, with few exceptions,^ were based on the 
supposed arrangement of the Greek house of historical times, with 
the women's apartments and the storerooms in the rear of the 
great hall. The uncovering of the ruins at Tiryns, however, led 
Dorpfeld in 1885,^ to believe that the home of Odysseus resembled 
rather the prehistoric palace, in fact, that the story of the return 
of Odysseus could have been enacted in a structure like that at 
Tiryns. This view has found much favor, especially in Germany. 
In England Jebb* upheld the traditional theory against Dorpfeld, 
and showed from passages in the Odyssey that the women's 
quarters at Ithaca must have been more easily accessible from the 
megaron than could have been possible at Tiryns. His arguments 
convinced scholars like Hentze,^ Chipiez,* and Seymour.^ But 
Professor J. L. Myres® took issue with both Jebb and Dorpfeld, 
and placed the apartments of the women across the courtyard 
from the great hall, as they may have been situated at Mycenae. 
Finally, the late Mr. Guy Dickins,* who fell in 1916 in the first 
Sonmie offensive, attempted in a certain sense to harmonize the 
traditional theory with the results of excavations on prehistoric 
sites. Because of the argument of Professor E. A. Gardner^^ that 

* Cf. Schenkl, Die Homerische Palasibeschreibung (1893), p. 7, and Eustathius. 
1921, 53. 

* Especially the plan of Hayman, The Odyssey of Homer ^ Vol. I (1866), Fig. 1, 
illustrating Appendix F. 2. 

» Schliemann's Tiryns^ pp. 237 ff. 

< J.H.S. VII, 1886, pp. 170-189; cf . Introduction to Homer, pp. 175 fif. 

• Odyssee, a 333, Anhang. 

• Perrot-Chipiez, Hist, de VArt, VII, PI. I. 

^Homeric Age, pp. 189, 197. Professor van Leeuwen, Commentaliones 
Homericae, p. 201, and Miss Stawell, The Iliad of Homer, p. 175, alsD place the 
apartments of Penelope in the rear of the megaron. 

*J,H.S. XX, 1900, pp. 128-150. 

^J.H.S. XXIII, 1903, pp. 325-334. 

^^J,H.S. XXI, 1901, pp. 293-305. 

American Journal of Archaeology, Second Series. Journal of the OQQ 

Archaeological Institute of America, Vol. XXIII (1919), No. 3. ^^^ 



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THE PALACE OF ODYSSEUS 289 

in the historical Greek house the gynaeconitis was under the same 
roof with the andron (although not behind it), Dickins placed the 
apartments of Penelope near the front corner of the megaron, but 
suggested that the storerooms opened on a corridor running along 
the side of the great hall on the analogy of the palace at Cnossus. 
The problem of the palace of Odysseus, therefore, still awaits a 
satisfactory solution. The present paper offers new evidence for 
the location of the apartments of Penelope and for the relation 
between the megaron and the storerooms. 

As a basis of the discussion we assume that Homer presents a 
consistent picture of the palace throughout the poem. We do not 
accept Noack's theory that the hyperoon is mentioned only in late 
(and inferior) passages, for this theory rests upon the hypothesis 
of a stratification of the poem which is not generally accepted, 
and, furthermore, is contradicted, as Dorpfeld has remarked,^ 
by the existence of a stairway at Mycenae, not to speak of Cnos- 
sus und Phaestus. Nor do we find it necessary to suppose that 
Homer at any point in the poem thinks of an arrangement of the 
palace which conflicts with that which is found in other passages. 
The more carefully the Odyssey is studied, the more accurate in 
details does the poet prove to have been, and while it is true that 
he frequently introduces a feature merely for the sake of the 
moment, yet this is rarely out of harmony with the other parts of 
his tale. We also hold it to be probable that the poet was familiar 
with structures, or at least with the story of structures, which in 
essentials resembled the prehistoric palaces which have been 
discovered on the mainland of Greece, and belong to the end of 
the Aegean Age, and which differ alike from the historical Greek 
house and from the Cretan palace. How Ke could have known 
buildings which belonged to an era several centuries before his 
own time is hard to determine, but that he did is rendered likely 
by his knowledge of many other features of that civilization which 
the excavations have revealed. That these assumptions, on 
which our discussion rests, are open to objections is not to be 
denied, but in the interpretation of Homer as well as in archaeol- 
ogy the position of the pragmatist has this in its favor: it does not 
lead to more difliculties than it attempts to remove. 

The palaces at Tiryns, Mycenae, and Gha (Figs. 1, 2, 3) are 
alike in the use of megaron with vestibule, which may be either 

» Ath, MiU. XXX, 1905, p. 281. 



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290 SAMUEL E. BASSETT 

single or double, and of other rooms opening on corridors. They 
differ in the situation of the apartments of secondary impor- 
tance with respect to the megaron. Hence it is not necessary to 
believe that the palace of Odysseus was arranged like that at 
Mycenae or that at Tiryns, unless such an arrangement suits the 
narrative better than any other. A structure so complex as a 
palace was in all probability a growth to meet the increasing needs 
of the family and the estate, and the size, shape, and especially 
the location of the subsidiary apartments must have depended 



Figure 1. — The Palace at Tiryns. 

not only on these needs but on the peculiarities of the site and on 
the individual taste of the proprietor. An example of such a 
growth is the New England farmhouse, in which to the nucleus of 
a rectangular structure with central hallway were added an "L" 
or ** lean-to'' and various other extensions in widely differing 
ways. Similarly the Homeric palace in its simplest form may 
well have consisted, as Noack has suggested,^ of the megaron 
alone, in which the family lived and slept. There is no reason 
why a palace as simple as this should not have sufficed at Ithaca 
for Laertes and Anticleia so long as their two children were small. 
Let us suppose that this was the case, and then let us trace a few 
1 Homerische Pcddste, pp. 45 ff . 



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THE PALACE OF ODYSSEUS 



291 



of the steps in the expansion of the palace, noting especially the 
various apartments which in all probabiUty were occupied from 
time to time by Penelope, from her coming to Ithaca until the 
return of Odysseus. It is not assumed that these conclusions 
admit of proof, but they help to present our problem with 
greater clearness. 

When Odysseus grew to manhood he required a separate 
thalamos, perhaps like that of Telemachus, which was in the 




Figure 2. — The Palace at Mycenae. 

courtyard (a 425). On his marriage with Penelope we are told 
that he built a chamber for himself and his bride, using the trunk 
of an olive tree in the construction of the nuptial couch (^ 190- 
201). The poet gives no hint of the location of this marriage 
chamber, save that it was within the wall enclosing the palace 
(^ 190). The most natural place for it would be in the court- 
yard: the apartments of Priam's twelve daughters and their 
husbands were thus situated, and as these chambers were "on 
the other side*' (sc. of the courtyard) and '* opposite to'' the 
thalamoi of his fifty married sons, the latter, too, must have had 



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292 SAMUEL E, BASSETT 

their dwellings in the auXiJ.^ The increasing wealth of the family 
at Ithaca must have made it necessary to erect more storerooms, 
and to enlarge the quarters for the growing number of slaves. 
It is likely that Penelope continued to occupy the nuptial thal- 
amos of Odysseus until Anticleia died and Laertes retired to his 
house in the fields, at least seven years before the return of Odys- 
seus. Then she would naturally remove to that portion of the 
palace which was set apart for the master and mistress, which we 



Figure 3. — The Palace at Gha. 

have assumed to be the great hall. The arrival of the Suitors, 
however, and their banquets in the hall, made it inconvenient, if 
not impossible, for her to sleep there any longer. Hence she must 
seek other quarters. The poet could not allow her to return to 
the thalamos of Odysseus, for the recognition scene in ^ made it 
necessary that this should have been unused for some years. So 
she took up her abode in an upper room which seems to have been 

^ Z 242-250. Ameis-Hentze give the most natural interpretation of the 
passage. Others, e.g., Monro, take it differently, but Monro is puzzled to 
explain why the apartments of the sons of Priam were located differently 
from those of the daughters. 



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THE PALACE OF ODYSSEUS 293 

directly or approximately over the large room in which her women 
worked at the wool, carding and spinning, and doubtless weaving. 
Where were these apartments, or — to avoid begging the question 
— where were the apartments in which the queen is found at the 
return of Odysseus? Jebb answers, in the rear of the megaron; 
Dorpfeld, at the side, but some distance away; Myres, across the 
courtyard, and Dickins, at a front corner of the megaron. I 
believe the last is most likely to be correct.^ 

I. 

The location of the women's apartments, as Dorpfeld identifies 
them at Tir>^ns, is ill-adapted to the palace at Ithaca, for it places 
the queen too far from the great hall. Penelope from her upper 
room hears the words of the bard's song (a 328), and her sobbing 
seems to Odysseus, lying awake in the prodomos, to be near his 
head (v 92-94). From the thalamos below she hears Telemachus 
sneeze in the megaron (p 541 f.), and while seated in front of her 
door she catches the words *' of each man in the hair' (v 387-389) . 
These passages cannot apply to a structure like that at Tiryns, as 
a glance at the plan (Fig. 1) will show. 

Jebb's plan (Fig. 4), although it has the force of tradition 
behind it, and is in essentials the one most widely accepted, is not 
supported by any archaeological evidence, and — what is much 
more to the point — it does not suit the action of the Odyssey. 
Jebb assumes as the basis of his theory that there was a door at 
the farther end of the megaron opening into the apartments of 
the women, and that the stone threshold (p 30, v 258, ^ 88) 
belongs to this doorway. There are at least three very serious 
and apparently insurmountable obstacles to the acceptance of 
this view. 

In the first place, it leads to a most unusual situation at the 
end of the twenty-first book. Odysseus, from his seat near the 
stone threshold, shoots an arrow through the axes (<^ 420^23), 
and then is found separated from the great door-stone on which 
he leaps at x 2, by the entire length of the hall. According to 
Jebb, he carries bow and quiver from one end of the hall to the 
other unnoticed by the poet and unhindered by the Suitors. 
This alone should render Jebb's view unacceptable — although it 
would be better to agree with him than with Andrew Lang, who 

* I had oome to a similar conclusion, on different grounds, when my attention 
was called by my friend Dr. Lacey D. Caskey to the article of Mr. Dickins. 



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294 



SAMUEL E, BASSETT 



MYXOl AOmOY 



OAAAMO^ OAYI^EfiC 



GHIAYPO€ 



0AAAMO( 
OTTAAN 



rVNAIKXlNITU 






in his translation of the Odyssey makes Odysseus shoot the 
Suitors from the threshold at the farther end of the hall.^ 

But, secondly, Jebb's evidence for the location of this threshold 
is weak. Homer mentions two thresholds of the hall of Odysseus, 
one of ash, which we know to have been at the entrance in front 
(p 339), and the other of stone. 
The latter is mentioned three times. 
(1) At the banquet preceding the 
slaughter Telemachus seats Odysseus, 
who is disguised as a beggar, '^beside 
the stone threshold'' (v 258). Jebb 
holds that this was *' clearly at the 
upper end of the hall.'' But there is 
no direct evidence for this, and, as 
we have seen, the probabilities are 
against it. (2) Just before the recog- 
nition scene (^ 88) Penelope crosses 
the threshold of stone in entering the 
hall. We can draw no conclusions 
from this verse until we know the 
location of the queen's upper cham- 
ber, from which she came. (3) The 
third passage, overlooked by Jebb, is 
conclusive against him. Telemachus, 
copaing from the hut of Eumaeus, 
and before he has seen his mother, 
crosses the stone threshold (p 30), 
and finds Eurycleia spreading fleeces 
over the thrones, that is, she is in 
the great hall preparing it for the 
coming of the Suitors. Hence the 
stone threshold, as well as the thresh- 
old of ash, must be at the entrance 
to the megaron. The existence of 

two thresholds in one doorway presents a difficulty which we 
must try to remove before going further with the discussion. 

Several explanations are offered. According to the least satis- 
factory of these the poet is inconsistent and refers to the same 

* Butcher and Lang, Odyssey ^ pp. 422 flf., note 18: *The House of Odysseus.' 
Later, in his book Homer and His Age (1906), p. 211, he gives up this view, and 
seems to adopt that of Professor Myres. 



]l> 



E^XAPA 

• • 

•MEfAPON* 

IMEAIW OI OYAWI 



• AI«eOVt| U(A • 

.^ AYAH |. 

•< m ^^ 

♦ ^ ZVft £PK£\Oi 5^ 

§ S 



Q. 

< 
< 

21 



3 E 



Figure 4. — The Homeric 
Palace: Jebb. 



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THE PALACE OF ODYSSEUS 295 

threshold as now of ash and again of stone. This way out of the 
difficulty is both contrary to our premise and unnecessary, since 
two possible locations at the front of the megaron have been 
proposed for the two thresholds. The first is that of Reichel/ 
who places the threshold of stone between the megaron and the 
prodomos, and that of ash in the doorway which leads from pro- 
domos into aithousa (Fig. 6, L). There are two objections 
to ReichePs suggestion. (1) After Odysseus has left the ashen 
threshold, and has passed around the hall, begging from the 
Suitors, he returns with full wallet to his seat on the thresh- 
old (p466, &^ 5' «>' kT* omv I6)v k6lt* &p' llftro), and from there 
addresses the Suitors. The threshold mentioned in this verse 
would naturally be the one on which he had been sitting, that is, 
the ashen threshold, and from there, if it is where Reichel puts 
it, he could not well speak to the Suitors. (2) The evidence is 
against the existence of a double vestibule in the palace of Odys- 
seus. We are not told anywhere in the poem that the great hall of 
Odysseus had an aithousa.^ In the palace of Menelaus prodomos 
and aithousa were identical : Helen orders her maids to prepare 
couches in the aithousa for Telemachus and Pisistratus (5 297), 
and later we learn that the two princes slept in the prodomos 
(5 302).' Finally, the evidence offered by Joseph* in favor of a 
double vestibule in the palace of the father of Phoenix (1, 472 ff.), 
rests on a misunderstanding of the passage. The situation is 
this: For nine days Phoenix has been kept a prisoner in i^he 
palace by being shut up in his thalamos (which, like that of 
Telemachus, was probably in the courtyard). His guards, we 
are told, kept watch by night, kindling two fires, one in the 
aithousa of the court (vs. 472) and the other in the prodomos, be- 

> Arch. Epigr. Mittk. au8 Oesterreich-Ungam, XVIII, 1895, pp. 8 f. 

* Two of Professor Myres' statements in his argument for a double vestibule 
(J-.HJS. XX, pp. 144-145), viz., that prodomos and aithousa are occasionally 
mentioned together, and that the whole body of Suitors ate in the prodomos, 
must be due to an oversight. It is TptBvpov which is linked with aWowra, 
and that is quite a different thing from irp65o/ios, and of course the Suitors dine 
only in the hall. Nor is it likely, as Myres holds, that the guests of the father 
of Eumaetis dined in the prodomos (o 466, and the note of Ameis-Hentze). 
The poet tells us that the beakers and tables were in the prodomos, but the 
feast had ended sometime before, or else had not yet begun (cf. o 468), and so 
the tables were not in the hall (cf. r 61 f . cited by Ameis-Hentze, and Z 376). 

* Professor Myres explains (Lc.) that prodomos is a larger and vaguer term, 
and includes both parts of the double vestibule. But this is hardly satisfactory. 

* Die PaidsU des H(m. Epos^ p. 31. 



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296 SAMUEL E, BASSETT 

fore the door of the thalamos (vs. 473). On the tenth night he 
makes his escape in spite of the guards, by bursting open the door 
of his chamber and overleaping the encircling wall of the court- 
yard, that is, he forces his way through the guards at his door, 
and avoids those who were in the * ' aithousa of the court. " Hence 
the latter is not immediately in front of the prodomos, but is in all 
likelihood the covered portico inside the gateway, as at Tiryns 
(Fig. 1) and in the palace of Odysseus (<^ 390).^ Therefore, while 
the argument e silentio is far from being conclusive, it seems prob- 
able that the hall of Odysseus, like the megara at Gha (Fig. 3, 
B, Q.) and at Hissarlik, had but a single forechamber. On this 
ground, too, we must reject ReichePs identification of the two 
thresholds. There remains the explanation offered by Professor 
Myres {op, cit., 136-139) : both the thresholds belonged to the same 
doorway. The sill of the door was of ash, as its jambs were of 
cypress (p 339 f.). Under the sill was the stone threshold, called 
also the great threshold (x2), a slightly elevated platform of stone, 
so large that on it could stand two wrangling beggars (<r 33), or 
four armed men (x 115, 203). This theory harmonizes with the 
action of the Odyssey, and also aids in the interpretation of a 
difficult passage (x 126 ff.), which we shall discuss later. There- 
fore, in spite of the lack of any parallel in the prehistoric palaces 
which have been discovered, we must accept it as the most 
probable. 

We may now return to Jebb's plan of the palace, and consider 
the most serious objection to it. As Dorpfeld took for granted 
that in the smaller megaron at Tiryns he had found the gynaeco- 
nitis, so Jebb assumed without argument that in the Homeric 
palace the *'top of the hall" was at the end farthest from the 
door, as in mediaeval times and as at Oxford, for example, today. 
Against this view Professor Myres argued that the use of the 
phrases dvii dibna and Kara dcofia, *' up the hall, *' '* down the hall, " 
in the Odyssey, shows that just the opposite is true, the 'Hop of 
the hall" being near the entrance. These phrases, however, 
prove little more than that the poet thought of the main doorway 

1 This is the interpretation of Ameis-Hentze. Another occurs to me as 
possible. The guards of Phoenix slept i,n4>* ain-cfi (I, 470). The preposition 
implies a position aroimd, if not on two sides of the thalamos. May it not be 
that the aWowra airXris of VS. 472 was one of the porticoes which ran along the 
wall of the courtyard (cf . Fig. 1), that the thalamos stood in front of this, and 
that the purpose of the night-watch in the aithousa was to prevent the escape 
of the prisoner from his thalamos by means of a rear door or window? 



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THE PALACE OF ODYSSEUS 297 

as the point of departure, just as the Greeks thought of the sea- 
shore, or, to use the words of Professor Myres, the hall is regarded 
as a well, with its mouth at the entrance. They do not indicate 
that the position of honor, the "head of the hall," was not "at 
the bottom of the well," where Jebb places it. In fact, Professor 
Myres himself holds that the head of the hall was near the hearth, 
and therefore near the middle of the hall. But there is con- 
vincing evidence, which apparently has never been noticed, 
that in the scenes which are laid in the megaron the leaders are 
placed in the front portion. Since this has a direct bearing on the 
location of Penelope's apartments, we must consider it at some 
length. 

We follow Jebb in picturing the 108 Suitors as seated in two 
rows at least, along the side walls of the hall. As evidence for this 
arrangement may be cited the palace of Alcinous, in which the 
king and his family sat by the hearth, and the nobles by either 
wall (f 305 ff ., ?y 95 ff .) . We note also that when Odysseus begged 
from the Suitors (p 366), he stretched out his hand in all direc- 
tions. This implies at least a double row, which would be neces- 
sary on account of the numbers.^ The poet tells us that the 
Suitors sat " on thrones and on klismoi. " Very likely the former 
were placed against the wall, and the latter in front of these, for 
tbey were movable seats which could be brought in to accommo- 
date additional guests. Now there is a passage which shows con- 
clusively that Antinous, the leader of the Suitors, sat at the end 
of one of the rows, nearest the main doorway, and probably on the 
lefthand side. Telemachus bids the Beggar-Odysseus to beg 
from all the Suitors, and after the bard has finished his lay, Odys- 
seus makes his round from left to right (kvd^iaj p 365), asking of 
each man, "as though he were a beggar from of old." When 
all the others have given him something and he is on the point 
of returning with full wallet to his seat on the threshold, he pauses 
by Antinous. The latter, therefore, sat nearest to the threshold 
of all the princes on the same side of the hall. No one can ques- 
tion that the threshold in question was at the front of the mega- 
ron. Hence we have fixed with certainty where Antinous sat 
when Odysseus arrived at the palace.* 

> On this point cf. *The Suitors of Penelope,* Trans. Amer. Philol. Associa- 
tion, XLIX, 1918. 

* Whether Antinous sat on the left or the right side of the hall depends on the 
point of view from which the phrase **froin left to right" is to be interpreted, 
that of Odysseus or of the Suitors. The latter seems more natural. 



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298 SAMUEL E. BASSETT 

That his seat was the same on the following day is probable on 
general grounds, and is supported by the evidence. In the Con- 
test of the Bow Antinous proposes that all shall try in turn, "from 
left to right (kviSk^Lo), beginning where the wine is poured" 
{<!} 141). The Suitors agreeing, the first to essay the contest is 
Leiodes, who occupied a throne (0 166) beside the mixing-bowl 
(<f> 145), and, the poet adds (vs. 146), ''sat always farthest from 
the entrance" {fjLvxoiraTos aUi). His soft hands soon prove un- 
equal to the task. Then the bow is warmed and greased, and 
the young men endeavor to bend it, but in vain. The bow has not 
yet reached the two leaders, Antinous and Eurymachus,^ when 
the swineherd and the neatherd leave the hall, followed by Odys- 
seus. When the three return, Eurymachus is tr3ring the bow. 
He fails like the others. Then on the suggestion of Antinous, it is 
agreed to postpone the remaining trials until the following day. 
We must assume that only the Suitors on one side of the hall have 
taken their turn, with the exception of Antinous.* This places 
the leader where he sat on the previous evening, farthest from 
Leiodes, and nearest the door. Certain details of the slaughter 
which follows show this assumption to be correct. Antinous, 
nearest the threshold on which Odysseus stands (x 2 ; cf . Fig. 7, A) , 
is the first to receive an arrow, as he deserves. Eurymachus is 
next,and Leiodes, farthest from the door, is the last to be slain. 

As the position of the two leaders of the Suitors is fixed near 
the "top of the hall," which Myres has shown to be the end 
towards the entrance, so we may with certainty place Telemachus 
near the hearth in the centre, but on the side facing the front, or at 
least seated so that he can see the door, for he catches the nod 
of Odysseus (<f> 431), who has, however, secured his attention by 
addressing him directly. Near the hearth the family gathers, as 

^ 4> 186, 'Atrrlvoos S* fr' hr€lxe «caZ Eipiffiaxos $«o€LS4fs, The meaning of 4ircix< 
is disputed, some holding that it is to be rendered, "was holding to the task 
(of bending the bow)." But surely '*waa holding aloof " is the more natural 
interpretation, and this seems to be put beyond reasonable doubt by Ij^ 
(^ 245. [After the two slaves have returned to the hall, preceded by Odysseus] 

< Against this assimiption that less than half of the Suitors had essayed to 
bend the bow may be urged the words of the shade of Amphimedon (a> 170 
f .), ** No one of us could string the mighty bow. " He does not say specifically, 
however, that all had made the attempt, and if they had, there is little point to . 
the words of Antinous (4> 268), "Tomorrow let us finish the oontest," i.e., 
''Let me and the Suitors on the other side of the hall as far as Leiodes, who have 
not yet contested, have their turns. " 



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THE PALACE OF ODYSSEUS 299 

we have seen, and here Odysseus sits after he has slain the Suitors 
and is again master of his palace (^ 90 f.). It is necessary to 
place Telemachus here in order to explain his movements at 
the beginning of the slaughter (x 89-94). After Antinous and 
Eurymachus have been slain, the poet tells us that Amphinomus, 
the Dulichian, draws his dagger and rushes towards the door, 
hoping to force Odysseus from his position there. But Tele- 
machus was too quick for him, and /rom behind him brings him to 
earth by a blow of his spear.^ Telemachus, therefore, must have 
been seated towards the centre of the hall rather than near his 
father. We may add that the seat to which Telemachus con- 
ducted Mentes- Athena (a 130), was also, as it seems, near the 
hearth, for here was the only throne, so far as we know, which 
would have been ''apart from the Suitors" (a 132; see the latter 
part of note 1). Penelope, too, sits near the hearth in the even- 
ing, after the departure of the Suitors (r 55) ; In the daytime, 
on the contrary, she sits by the door in the absence of the Suitors, 
and when they are present she does not enter the hall farther than . 
the doorwAy.* The poet never tells us that the queen sat in the 

^ The only objection to this interpretation is a passage at the end of the Con- 
test of the Bow (^ 431-434). At a nod from his father Telemachus girds on 
his sword and grasps his spear, (iyxt ^' &p' ain-ov xiip $p6vw ktrrlfKu nwopvOt^kpoi 
a10owi xo>^v)' ''He stood beside his throne, near him (Odysseus), armed with 
gleaming bronze. " This seems strange, for Odysseus was sitting close to the 
threshold, and there is no mention elsewhere of a throne near the doorway: 
Penelope sits on a klismas (p 96), and Telemachus and Theoclymenus (in order 
to be near her) also occupy klismoi, and not the thrones of host and honored 
guest. Furthermore, if Telemachus were standing near his father, it is hard to 
see how he could have struck Amphinomus in the back. So I am inclined to 
accept the emendation of Miss Stawell (op. cit.^ p. 178, note 2), who reads 
iuKopv$ttkpott—a very slight change which she ably justifies. The lines quoted 
above now refer to the spear : ' ^ It was standing near him (Telemachus), tipped 
with gleaming bronze" (cf. x 125, A 43). This emendation also removes the 
objection of certain critics who ask where Telemachus got his spear; he took 
it from the "well-polished spear-rack" (a 128), where it rested against a tall 
column (a 127), and the latter was near both the hearth and the throne 
occupied by the head of the family (cf. f 308). 

* Professor Myres cannot be right in understanding Tapd (rradii^v /ueydpoco 
(a 333, T 415, <r 209, ^ 64) to refer to one of the colimms near the hearth. 
The column {nUav) was roimd (cf. ^191, and the archaeological evidence); 
the irraBtiSs was "hewn to a line" (p 340 f.), that is, squared. The word 
croByM is used of a support eighteen times in the two poems; in two-thirds of 
these cases it must mean a door-post, and it need never refer to a column. Nor 
are nUav and vroBitin ever used interchangeably. 



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300 SAMUEL E. BASSETT 

presence of her wooers, although she must have done so at least 
twice, while the gifts were being brought from the city (<r 291 flf.) 
and during the contest of the bow (.<^ 63-353). He will not give 
his hearers the impression that she ever shares in the company of 
the roystering princes, and therefore always pictures her as stand- 
ing on the broad door-step which plays such a prominent part in 
the story. Since it is from this position that she converses with 
Telemachus and with the leaders of the Suitors, and since, as we 
have given reasons for believing, both the prince and these leaders 
are seated in the front part of the hall, we have an added and a 
conclusive reason for rejecting Jebb's location of the threshold, and 
consequently of the apartments of the women. 

Nor is the situation proposed by Professor Mjrres, across the 
courtyard from the megaron (Fig. 2, D.), suflSciently free from 
objections to be acceptable. On general grounds we should 
expect the women's quarters to be more closely integrated with 
the main structure, as both Seymour and Dickins have remarked.^ 
Furthermore, a palace arranged like that at Mycenae fails to meet 
the requirements of several passages in the Odyssey. In 5 679 
Medon, while outside the courtyard, overhears the Suitors plot- 
ting to he in ambush for Telemachus, and starts 5td hwnara to tell 
the queen. Now the phrase hk 5w/ia (5td bwyLara) elsewhere in 
the Odyssey implies passing through at least some portion of the 
main structure consisting of megaron and porch, in fact, hihtuf. 
(d6>fiaTa) always includes a part of this portion of the palace. 
If the herald had only to enter the outer gate and proceed directly 
to the door of Penelope's chamber, without approaching the main 
building, the use of the phrase is somewhat unnatural. Again, 
the courtyard at Ithaca must have been at least as large as that at 
Mycenae, if more than one hundred princes could engage in their 
sports before the door of the megaron, and at Mycenae it is about 
seventy feet from the megaron to the door of the building which 
Professor Myres takes as the queen's apartments. This is rather 
too far to permit the words spoken in the hall to be heard by 
Penelope. But the chief and decisive passage is u 92 f : Odysseus, 
as he lies awake in the prodomos, hears Penelope (who is in her- 
upper chamber) sobbing, and he thinks that she is standing near 
his head. Surely her bedchamber is nearer the porch of the pal- 
ace than Professor Mjrres places it. 

We may note in passing a plan of the Homeric palace drawn by 

1 Homeric Age, p. 197; J,H.S. XXIII, 1903, p. 328. 



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THE PALACE OF ODYSSEUS 



301 



Dr. Walter LeaP to illustrate the action of the Iliad (Fig. 5). 

This is based on a slight modification of Dorpfeld's theory, 

for it places the women^s quarters 
and the other thalamoi at the 
side of the megaron, although not 
so far away. This plan is not open 
to any of the objections that have 
been urged against the theories of 
Dorpfeld, Jebb, or Myres. The 
apartments of Penelope (at I or N, 
Fig. 5) are of easy access to the door 
of the megaron (Fig. 5, M), and if we 
suppose there was a door at O, the 
queen might easily have overheard 
the words spoken within the hall, and 
her sobbing might have seemed very 
near to one who was in the pro- 
domos. But Dr. Leaf's arrangement 
of the other thalamoi, especially the 
storerooms, and the direction in which 
he, with most other scholars, makes the 
Xaupt; run (Fig. 5, K), interfere with 

what seems to be the most reasonable solution of a famous crux 

of the Odyssey (x 126 fif.), to which we now turn. 




Figure 5. — The Homeric 
Palace: Leaf. 



XL 

At X 125 the last arrow has been shot, Telemachus has brought 
from the armory spears, helmets, and shields for Odysseus and his 
three allies, and they have armed themselves and taken their 
stand upon the great door-stone. The poet now describes how the 
traitor Melanthius obtained arms for some of the Suitors, and 
how his treachery was discovered. The passage is so long that 
only the verses which are pertinent to the discussion of the palace 
will be quoted, the others being briefly summarized. 

dpaoBbprj dk r« taKev kvdfjiijTip hvl Toix(f) 126 

d-KpSrarov 5^ vap* oi)b6v kvaraQkos pitykpovo 127 

^v 666s k% \a{jf>riVf aavides 6' <^xov ^^ dpapuZat. 128 

Tijv *Odvcr(r€ifS <t>pd^€a6aL dj'oyyet dlov ixfiopfibv 129 

^ The Iliad* Vol. I, p. 588. I have added the letters M, N, O, and have 
placed a doorway at O. 



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302 SAMUEL E. BASSETT 

i<TT€(iyr* &7X* airr^* yia 6* olri ylyver' k4^pyLii. 130 



" &7X^ y^P dl^s 136 

a^X^ icaXd Sbperpa, Kal dp7aX€0v <rr6/xa Xa^piys* 137 

icai x' €^ Trd^raj kpifxoi di^p." 138 



cl)S e^To^v 6.vkpaiv€ McXdi^ios a^TrdXos a^7(ov 142 

ks ^aXd/ious '05i;<r^j dvd /^ciryas /nrydpoto. 143 

I'diyo'c j^ dios ixpopP^i, 162 

af^a 5' '05u<r<r^a irpoa^4>^vttv kyy^ kbvra- 163 



"iC€lwj hit ah'* dldi^Xos di^p, 5^ bihyi^* airroi, 165 

SIpxcrat ^s ^dXa/iov/' 166 

"Now there was an dpaodhpij [a door of some kind] in the well- 
built wall; and past the top of the threshold of the well-stablished 
hall ran a way that led into a corridor, and well-fitted doors barred 
it. This Odysseus bade the godlike swineheard to mind, stand- 
ing close to it. An enemy would have but a single means of 
approach.'' [Ageiaus, who now leads the Suitors, suggests that 
someone go out by the 6p<To6vpri {&p* bpaoBbpriv 6.vafiairi) to the 
town for help. Melanthius replies that this is impossible.] 
'''For the doors into the courtyard are terribly near, and the 
entrance to the corridor is hard to force. One man could hold it 
against a multitude.' Thus speaking the goatherd Melanthius 
went out to the storerooms through the narrow passages leading 
from the hall." [The goatherd brings twelve suits of armor. 
Odysseus sees the Suitors arming themselves, and says there must 
be treachery somewhere. Telemachus takes the blame because 
he had left open the door of the armory. Odysseus bids Eumaeus 
go and make fast the door, and see who the traitor is. Melan- 
thius now went again for armor.] "And the godlike swineherd 
noticed him, and quickly said to Odysseus, who was near Aim, 
* There is the destructive man again, the one whom we suspected, 
going to the armory.'" 

There are at least eight points in this passage on which com- 
mentators fail to agree. We shall discuss them in the order in 
which they occur. (1) The 6paoBi)pr\. The various explana- 
tions which have been proposed include the following: a postern 



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THE PALACE OF ODYSSEUS 303 

gate, as at Tiryns;^ a side door in the prodomos;^ a door in the 
middle of the side wall of the megaron, either at the top of a flight 
of stairs' or of a ladder,* or else more nearly on a level with the 
floor of the hall ;^ a door in the side wall near the front,' or, finally, a 
door in the rear of the megaron, probably in the side wall (Fig. 7).^ 
The last view finds the best support in the evidence from the 
Odyssey. Leiodes, as we have seen, always sat farthest from the 
entrance, and his throne was beside the mixing-bowl. The latter, 
therefore, was in the rear of the hall. He is likewise the last of 
the Suitors to be slain. We can determine approximately the 
position of Odysseus and his allies at the end of the massacre 
which concludes the spear-fight; they were some distance down 
the hall (x 307), but had not reached the farther end, for Leiodes 
runs forward to clasp the knees of Odysseus (x 310), and the lat- 
ter kills him with the dagger which had fallen from the hand of 
the dying Agelaus, leader of the Suitors, and consequently in the 
front rank in their second and last onset (x 293). After the death 
of Leiodes, the bard Phemius hesitates whether to go out by the 
orsothyre and take sanctuary on the altar of Zeus Herceius in the 
courtyard, or to throw himself at the feet of Odysseus and beg for 
mercy. He decides on the latter course, and lay^ down his lyre 
between a throne and the mixing-bowl (x 330-341). Phemius is, 
therefore, standing at the farther end of the hall, and the orsothyre 
is also there, for otherwise either Odysseus or one of his allies 
would block an escape by this route. This interpretation agrees 
with the passage which we are discussing. The suggestion of 
Agelaus that someone go for reenforcements by way of the 
orsothyre is more intelligible if the latter is in the rear of the 
Suitors rather than near the terrible Odysseus and his supporters. 

1 Schenkl, Die Homerische Palastbeschreibungf p. 16. This requires the 
rejection of x 333. Schenkl gives all the extant passages from ancient com- 
mentators which bear upon the points imder discussion. 

« Reichel, Arch.-Epiffr. MUth, aus Oesterreich-Ungam, XVIII, 1895, pp. 6-12. 
His arguments are answered by Noack in Strena Hdbigianaj pp. 215 ff. 

» Middleton, J.H.S. VII, 1886, p. 165, Fig. 4. 

* Gerlach, Philologvs, XXX, 1870, p. 508 and Taf. II. 

*Dickins, J.H.S. XXIII, 1903, p. 326, Fig. 1; Holweerda, Mnemosyne. 
N.S. XV, 1887, p. 301. 

« Kammer, Die Einheit der Odyssee, p. 685, Professor Percy Gardner, J.H.S. 
III, 1883, p. 277, Chipiez, and Miss Stawell, in the works alread y referred to , 
and many others. 

^ Ha3anan, Ameis-Hentze, and Professor Cauer, on x 126; Jebb (Fig. 4). 



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304 SAMUEL E. BASSETT 

Furthermore, dva/3atr; is the natural expression for egress from the 
''lower *' end of the hall. Those who would place the orsothyre 
towards the front of the megaron misinterpret the reference of 
T-fjv (vs. 129; see below). 

(2) inKp&rarov hi Trap* ohhbv (vs. 127), ''along past the highest 
part of the threshold." Many think this refers to the orsothyre, 
but it does not seem natural to describe the sill of a small rear door 
as "the threshold of the well-stablished hall.'* Others under- 
stand ovbbs as the foundation of the front wall of the megaron. 
There is no evidence in Homer for this meaning of the word. It 
seems to be rather the threshold of the main entrance. If so, it 
follows that (3) the 656s (vs. 128) is not through the orsothyre, 
as many have understood it to be, but in the prodomos (Fig. 7), 
and that the poet's thought has passed from the rear to the front 
of the hall at the beginning of vs. 128. The " way *' by which one 
approached the "laure'* was at the same level as the upper sur- 
face of the great door-stone: it, therefore, ran by the sill of ash, 
which may be regarded as the highest part of the threshold taken 
as a whole. 

(4) riiv, kt\. (vs. 129 f.). This is the stumbling-block of all 
who place the orsothyre at the front of the hall. They think this 
was the doorway which Odysseus told the swineherd to guard. 
But as the orsothyre, on other grounds, must be placed in the rear 
of the megaron, such an interpretation is impossible. Nor can 
the pronoun refer to XaDpry, for, among other reasons, Eumaeus 
stands, or is to stand, near it (vs. 130), and we shall see that he was 
also near Odysseus (vs. 163), who in turn was on the door-stone. 
Odysseus cannot mean that Eumaeus is merely to keep an eye on 
laure or orsothyre to see if anyone attempts a flank attack, for in 
that case the words, "standing near it," would have no force. 
Tiiv must, therefore, refer to the bhbs^ which runs along the 
wall (Fig. 7) from the great door-stone on which Odysseus and 
Eumaeus are standing. The swineherd has only to place himself 
a little to the rear of Odysseus — if he is not already standing there 
— and he can not only guard against an attack from the direction 
of the laure, but also be in a position to aid Odysseus if the 
Suitors should try to force the main doorway. It follows that 
(5) tda 8*olri ylyver* €(tx)pfjLii (vs. 130) cannot mean that there was 
only one approach to the orsothyre from within the megaron, but 
that an enemy leaving the hall by the small door in the rear and 
reaching the laure, could not make a flank attack on one who 
was guarding the doorway at the end of the 666s (vs. 128 and 



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THE PALACE OF ODYSSEUS 305 

Fig. 7). In other words, the only exit from the laure for one 
coming from the direction of the orsothyre, was into the pro- 
domos, and not, as in the traditional plan (cf. Figs. 4 and 5), 
into the courtyard. Hence (6) arSfm Xavprfs (vs. 137) refers to 
the (ravldes el dpapulai of VS. 128. 

(7) avXrjs icdXd dbperpa (vs. 137). This '* fair portal'' has been 
variously identified as the door at the end of the laure, where the 
latter debouches into the courtyard ; the outer gate of the court- 
yard;^ the door between prodomos and aithousa,^ and the doorway 
where Odysseus is standing.' The last seems by far the most 
likely. Melanthius says in effect, that it is just as hard to send 
a messenger out by the orsothyre as it would be to force the main 
doorway, for the only exit via the orsothyre can be blocked easily 
by one man, and this exit is so near the main door of the hall that 
Odysseus could easily place one of his retainers there. It is true 
that the words might more naturally be appHed to the outer gate, 
but against this can be urged with fairness that the aDXctat wvKai 
of Soph. Antigone y 18, lead into the courtyard from the interior 
of the palace.* 

(8) iivepaive MeXavSios . . . . « BoKdfjLovs 'OSvarjos dva /fcoyas 
luykpovo (vss. 142-143). What were the pcoyesT^ The conclusive 
evidence offered by Professor My res that &v6l means "out 
from the rear of the hair' as well as '*up," obviates the necessity 
of considering the suggestions that they were openings high 
up above the floor of the megaron, either in the clerestory, 
or between the rafters and the roof, or in the rear wall. The 
explanation offered by Protodikos, who equates the word with 
modern Greek ^oiryes, "short and narrow passageways,"® 
satisfies the demands both of philology and of the situation.' 

* See the note of Monro on the verse in question. 

*So Professor Mjnres, who thinks that Melanthius feared the arrows of 
Odysseus for one who should try to cross the prodomos. 

* Ameis-Hentze on vs. 137. 

* If the words mean the outer gate, as Jebb in his note on the verse under- 
stands them, then there is a change of scene betw^een the Prologos and the 
Parodos. This is unparalleled as well as unnecessary. • 

•See Schenkl. op. cU., for the ancient explanations, and Ameis-Hentze, 
Anhang on x 143, for many modem conjectures. 

* De Aedtbua Homeridaj p. 58. 

^ The folksong from the country near Cyzicus, cited by Jebb (IrUroduclionf 
p. 185), is convincing. ''A monster is chasing a princess: 
(TToifi 8p6/xovs rijv KVP^ayCf 



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306 SAMUEL E, BASSETT 

Those who accept this interpretation agree in general that the 
iJoryw were reached from the orsothyre. But the question re- 
mains whether the passageways were the same as parts of the 
laure, or different, and, if different, in what direction they ran. 
Jebb thinks, to the rear of the palace; Dickins, from the farther 
end of the laure into the armory (Fig. 6, and J.-ff.S., XXIII, 
pp. 332 f.). I think the word may well refer to a narrow and 
broken passageway leading from the orsothyre at the rear end of 
the hall to the laure (Fig. 7), and that this corridor, on which it is 
generally agreed that the storerooms opened, ran at right 
angles to the long axis of the megaron (Fig. 7). Since this expla^ 
nation differs essentially from any that has been proposed, we 
must consider the evidence at some length. 

The view which is almost invariably held, that the storerooms 
were situated towards the rear of the main part of the palace, is not 
supported by any passage in the Odyssey,^ nor have we good rea- 
son for placing them in the second story,* or underground.* 
On the other hand, since the treasury was l<rxoro$ (<^ 9), we may 
infer that the storerooms were arranged in a series. The poet 
mentions three, the treasury, the armory, and the ii^6po^$ 
^AXa/ios (/3 337) wherein Eurycleia had her office. This con- 
ical fjiks Tali ^(ryais rats artvaU 
Tov TttXaTioO ri)v ^dvul 

'he hunts her to the streets, he pursues her into the court, and in the narrow 
passages of the palace he overtakes her.' " 

* The statement of D5rpfeld (Tiryns, p. 242), that according to Homer the 
BiXatuH were in the farthest recess of the palace (kv /ivxf^ ^fj^f cf . also Dickins, 
op. cU., p. 332) lacks all authority, yet we can see, perhaps, how it came to be 
made. Alcinous and Arete, as well as two other royal pairs in the Odyssey, 
slept /ivx<fi 66mov. Odysseus and his bride occupied a nuptial B&Kafjutt. This 
was therefore Mt;x<i^ 56/iou. Ergo, the other thalamoi were likewise i^xi^ i^t^v. 
Dickins' remark, op, cit. p. 332, on which he bases his location of the armory, 
that this chamber was Mvx<i> ^t^v^ is due to a hasty reading of x 180. 

* Two passages have been relied on by those who hold this view. (1) x 142- 
143, the verses discussed above. Here dvA need not mean "up." (2) 4> 1-63. 
When Penelope decides upon the contest of the bow she goes upstairs to get the 
key to the treasury (vss. 5-7), and the poet does not say that she came down 
again before she reached this storeroom (vs. 8). We may answer that neither 
does he say that she descended in carrying the bow to the Suitors (vs. 58). 
Since the formula is the same in both verses {0ii i' {^ci^at ^oXcmi^mSc, and fiii a* 
l/xofM tuyap6vdt)^ we might argue in the same way that the great hall was in the 
second story! 

' KttTA in the phrase i^po^ov eHkafiov Kartfi^iaero {fi 337, cf . o 99) need not 
mean "down," but rather "in" from an outer door. 



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THE PALACE OF ODYSSEUS 



307 



tained wine, oil, and perhaps flour, as well as gold, bronze, and 
raiment (/3 338-340, 354), and so would naturally have been rather 
near the entrance to the hall. We may place the armory some- 
where between this storeroom and the treasury. Now it is to be 
noticed that Melanthius went, not 4s ^dXa/iov, but ks BaMnovt, 
that is, the winding passage led to the series of storerooms, and not 
to the armory alone, as Dickins thinks.^ But if the corridor — on 



a 



if-j 



„c 



METAPON 

O Okian 

(^ EiXAPA 
O O 



JH 



% 



D C 



A 



=»: 



1 



PPO^OMOl 



I I 



I I 



I I 



L L L 

AieOY^A 



H CL 



A. Door to women's apart- 

moots. 

B. \iivos oMs, 
B'. n4\ivos oMs, 

_^ fSZhs is Xai/piyv. 
'\ffr6fM Katipfis, 

E. \aifni. 

F. BdKofiOf $w\t0U, 

G. BdKafAOt, 

H. Women's apartments. 

K. K\itiai. 

L. KoXii B^rpa. 



AYAH 



Figure 6. — The Palace of Odysseus: Dickins. 

which we may take it for granted that a series of storerooms would 
have opened — ran close to the side wall of the megaron, there 

1 See Fig. 6. It is true that for metrical reasons Homer sometimes uses 
the plural instead of the singular, but nowhere in Iliad or Odyssey is there a 
clear case of e6.\a/Mi=^e6\atios. Witte, Singvlar und Plural^ p* 71, states 
that the singular of $&kattot is used seventy times in the Homeric poems, and 
the plural for the singular only once, ^ 41, pivxv Bakkniav tinrfiKnav. But here 
it is reasonable to suppose that the women had withdrawn in terror to the 
comer of one of several rooms, — the one that was farthest from the megaron 
(sQ Hayman). In the Hymn to DemeleTf 143, the same phrase may be taken in 
a similar way as referring to the last of a series of chambers. 



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308 SAMUEL E. BASSETT 

would have been no reason for using the /Kbyesy and everything is 
against taking ^arycs and Xahpri as referring to the same passage- 
way. I think, therefore, that we may regard the proposed 
arrangement of ^dXajuot, \a{jpriy and ^wyes as entirely within the 
bounds of possibility. The last verses of the passage which we 
are discussing, show that it is also probable, and that it explains 
the action better than any other which has been suggested. At 
vs. 157 Odysseus bids Eumaeus go and shut the door of the 
armory, and see whether the traitor is one of the maids or Melan- 
thius. As he was speaking (vs. 160), the goatherd went again for 
arms. Eumaeus caught sight of him, and said to Odysseus, 
who was near hiniy " There he goes. " The poet does not say that 
Eumaeus had started for the armory when he saw the traitor. If 
he had already passed the (rrhixa Xa6p7ys (Fig. 7, 2) — as he must 
have done to look down a corridor running parallel to the long 
axis of the megaron — he would not have beea near Odysseus 
when he spoke. Hence he must have been able to view the whole 
length of the laure from his position near Odysseus. The \avprt, 
therefore, ran much as I have indicated it in Fig. 7. 

The advantages of the arrangement of storerooms, corridor, 
and narrow passageway which I have suggested may be summed 
up ap follows: The pa>7€s are distinct from the \avprjj and the use 
of the preposition dvA, the plural ^aXdjuow, and the phrase €771)$ 
hdvraj are justified. This latter phrase, in fact, gives the key to 
the whole passage. 

III. 

If this interpretation of x 126 ff. is accepted as probable, Dr. 
Leaf^s location of the apartments of the women (Fig. 5, I) must 
be given up, for both the \avprj and its <rr6/ia must be placed dif- 
ferently. There remains the plan offered by Dickins (Fig. 6, H; 
see above, p. 293, note 1). This not only gives to the women 
the seclusion which is desirable, but if slightly modified (as in 
Fig. 7), has other advantages. If we suppose that there was a 
door opening on the corridor (Fig. 7, D) and giving access to the 
several rooms in which the women worked^ from the queen^s 
hyperoon above the thalamos which was nearest the prodomos and 
the courtyard (Fig. 7), Eurycleia can easily shut in the women 
before the slaughter (<^ 387); she can likewise have ready access to 
her office in the {np6po<l)o$ ddXafxos (/3 345 f . , Fig. 7, G) . But above all, 
the nearness of the queen to the hall and its prodomos, which is 

1 Cf. the plan of the palace at Gha (Fig. 3, T, W.). 



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THE PALACE OF ODYSSEUS 



309 




T^oPtoeYPH 



MEfAPON 

o o 



•iO 



9 



o 



..^.. IJIEh 



I' n I 



^6&6s 4s Xaupiiv fg / 



TTPOAOMOl 



O 



o 



FiGUKE 7. — Proposed Plan of the Palace of Odysseus.* 
1 Explanation of Plan. 



r.f. Women^s Apartments. 
S. Stairway leading to hyperoon. 
D. Door to Women's Apartments 

closed by Eurycleia just before 

the slauf^ter (^ 387). 
0. b^fXMffOs BaXattoi (fi 337). 
©'. e&ka^tos 5tXwv (r 17, x 109, 140, 

ktX.) 
0". ddXa/io? «Txaro5 (^ 8f.). 

A 



E. 
K. 
A. 
A'. 






The mixing-bowl {<t> 145, x 341). 

X&Lvos ohS6s (p 30, i; 258, ^ 88). 
Stone platform level with the 
Xinvos o(/5^, which is built into 
it; along this platform runs the 
6Wj 1$ Xaifptjp (x 128). 
/jikXiyoi o656t (p 339). 

ffrdfJia Xahprjs (x 137). 



The twelve axes (^ 76, 121f.). 
The route of Melanthius from the megaron to the armory by way of orso- 
thyre, rhoges, and laure is indicated by a broken line. The arabic 



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310 SAMUEL E. BASSETT 

essential in several passages, is obtained. From the thalamos 
below Penelope can hear Telemachus sneeze when he is in the hall 
(o 541 f.) and while seated in front of her door (Fig. 7, ii) she can 
catch the words spoken there (u 387-389). When she is in her 
upper chamber/ not only can she note the theme of the bard's 
lay (a 328), but also her sobbing easily seems above the head 
of Odysseus, as he lies awake in the prodomos (u92-94; Fig. 7, 3). 

Finality is not claimed for the new plan here offered (Fig. 7) 
of the palace of Odysesus. It rests in part, as all plans must, on 
conjecture. It is offered as a contribution towards a clearer un- 
derstanding of the action of the Odyssey, especially of the twenty- 
second book. All future discussions must take into considera- 
tion Professor Myres' discovery of the meaning of Ai'd Bwfxaf etc. 

numerals indicate the positions of leading characters as described in some 
of the passages discussed in this article: 1. Odysseus sitting on the 
ashen threshold (p 339) ; 2. Odysseus during the contest of the bow (v 257ff ., 
^ 420); 3. Odysseus when, lying awake, he hears Penelope sobbing (v Iff., 
92ff.)'f 4. Telemachus; 5. Antinous^ 6. Eurymachus; 7. Amphinomus 
(cf. <r 394-398 and x 89-100); 8. Leiodes (^ 145f.); 9. Melanthius about to 
enter the armory for the last time (x 165f.); 10. Eumaeus when he catches 
sight of Melanthius (x 162f.); 11. Penelope when, seated kot* iimjcriv (v 387), 
she listens to the conversation in the megaron. But according to Jebb's 
interpretation of the phrase (Introduction [1887], p. 182, xar' Ajn^orii'—over 
against the hall), which is attractive, Penelope would sit on the stone plat- 
form, A', about where we have placed the figure 10. 

The stone platform (A'), of which the stone threshold forms a part is due to 
a suggestion of the Editor of the Journal. The Editor also suggested that 
the mixing-bowl would more naturally stand in the centre, rather than at the 
side, of the rear of the megaron. This is true; but in that case the orsothyre 
would be in the middle of the rear wall, and since this would imply rhoges lead- 
ing also to the right and affording a second means of egress from the rear of the 
hall, I have decided to place the mixing-bowl as in the original sketch. 

That the subsidiary apartments are placed on the left, rather than on the 
right of the hall is due to the fact that the above arrangement of rhoges and 
laure was suggested to me by the passageways at the left of the megaron at 
Tiryns. The bath and other apartments may well have been situated at the 
right. 

» There would naturally have been window-like openings on the courtyard to 
give light and air to the h3rperoon, and through these openings soimds might 
move from and towards the megaron and prodomos more readily than by way 
of the staircase and passageways. I am indebted for this suggestion to Pro- 
fessor Paul Baur, 6f Yale University. Several other friends of the writer have 
also made helpful suggestions and criticisms, which the writer takes this op- 
portxmity of acknowledging. 



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THE PALACE OF ODYSSEUS 311 

It is hoped that due regard will also be paid to the new evidence, 
which the present writer has pointed out in this article, that the 
chief actors are found in the front part of the hall, and to the 
proofs that the difficult passage, x 126-166, becomes intelligible 
only if we recognize (1) that the orsothyre was at the rear of the 
hall, (2) that Eumaeus was ordered to guard the 656s, and (3) 
that the phrase kyyi^s ^6i^a (vs. 166) is the cornerstone on which 
any satisfactory interpretation must rest. 

Samuel E. Bassbtt. 
UNTVERarrr of Vermont, 

BUBLINQTON, VERMONT. 



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NOTICE. 

Additional copies of Volume XX, No. 1 (January-March, 
1916), of the Journal are needed, as the supply in reserve is 
much reduced. 

Members having copies of this number in good condition for 
which they have no further use, will confer a favor by sending 
them to the 

General Secretary, 

Archaeological Institute of America, 
Columbia University, 

New York, N. Y. 



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1919 
January-June 



ARCHAEOLOGICAL NEWS^ 

NOTES ON RECENT EXCAVATIONS AND 
DISCOVERIES; OTHER NEWS 

William N. Bates, Editor 
220, St. Mark's Square, PkOaddphia, Pa, 



GENERAL AND MISCELLANEOUS 

AN EXPEDITION TO THE NEAR EAST.— During the winter of 191^ 
20 the University of Chicago will send out an expedition to the Near East 
under the direction of Professor J. H. Breasted. Much time will be spent in 
Egjrpt, and in the spring the expedition will proceed to Beirut, then to Aleppo, 
then east to the Tigris and down this river by boat, up the Euphrates by caravan 
and back to Aleppo. The object is to determine the possibilities for archaeo- 
logical work. {News Letter^ University of Chicago, July 16, 1919.) 

NECROLOGY.— Charles Bayet.— Bom at Li^ge in 1849, Charles Bayet 
became a member of the ficole d'Athdnes in 1873, lectured at Lyons, was 
Rector of the University at Lille, director of primary and later secondary 
instruction at Paris. He was the author of numerous articles and of two ex- 
cellent manuals — L'Art byzarUin (1883) and Precis d'histoire de VArt (1886; 
new ed., 1905). He volunteered for active service in 1914 and became a lieu- 
tenant. He contracted a fever on the Macedonian front, which compeUed 
him to return to France. He died at Toulon, September 17, 1918. (S. R., 
R, Arch, fifth series, VIII, 1918, pp. 339-341.) 

£mile Guimet.— -The director and founder of the musemns which bear his 
name at Paris and at Lyons, f)mile Guimet, was bom at Lyons in 1836 and 
died at his clidteau of Fleurieu-sur-Sa6ne October 14, 1918. The son of a 
wealthy manufacturer, he was able to travel and to indulge his taste for music 
and the collection of objects pertaining to the religions of the East. Under his 
auspices the Annates du Musie Guimet, Bibliothhque de vidgarisaiion, Biblio- 
ihhque d'art, Confirences Guimet, and Revue de VhisUrire des religions have been 
published. His own writings, monographs and articles are numerous. (S. R., 
R. Arch, fifth series, VIII, 1918, pp.- 341-343.) 

Sir John P. Mahaffy. — Sir John P. MahafiFy, Provost of Trinity College, 
Dubhn, died April 30, 1919, at the age of eighty. Among his books are: Social 

>The departments of Archaeological News and Discussions and of Bibliography of Archaeo- 
logical Books are conducted by Professor Bates, Editor-in-charge, assisted by Professor C. N. 
Bbown, Miss Mabt H. BncKiNOHAM, Dr. T. A. Buenobr, Dr. L. D. Casket, Professor Harold 
N. Fowler, Professor Harold R. Hastings, Professor Elmer T. Merrill, Professor Lewis 
B. Paton, Professor A. S. Pease, Professor S. B. Platner, Professor John C. Rolfe, Dr. 
John Shaplbt, Professor Arthur L. Wheeler and the Editors, especially Professor 
Masquand. 

No attempt is made to include in this number of the Journal material published after June 
30. 1919. 

For an explanation of the abbreviations, see pp. 99-100. 

313 



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314 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

L^e in Greece^ Greek Life and Thought, The Greek World under Roman Stoay, 
Rambles and Studies in Greece, Problems of Greek History, The Empire of the 
Ptolemies, and The SHver Age of the Greek World, 

Jean de Mot. — Jean de Mot was bom at Brussels August 26, 1876, and was 
killed by a shell October 5, 1918, after having been decorated with the croix 
de guerre. He was educated chiefly at Brussels, but studied also at the French 
School at Athens (1900-1901), and the universities of Berlin and Bonn. He 
was the author of many able articles, chiefly on Greek archaeology. As con- 
servator in the Mus6e de Cinquantenaire at Brussels he helped to. make that 
museum a scientific establishment of the first rank. (E. Pottibb, R. Arch., 
fifth series, VIII, 1918, p. 344 f .) 



GREECE 

ARGOS.— Unpublished Inscriptions.— In Mnemosyne, XL VII, 1919, pp. 
160-170, W. VoLGRAFP continues his publication of new Argive inscrip- 
tions (see A. J. A. 1905, pp. 107 f.; 475; 1910, pp. 103 f.; 371). They are: 

I. A fragment of a treaty between the Argives and the Epidaurians. The 
adverb dju^orcpcZ, not found elsewhere, is noteworthy. 2. A fragment con- 
taining a Ust of citizens or soldiers. 3. A squared stone inscribed with the 
words &pos *E\>itaTlou, in letters of the fifth century B.C. This proves that 
the Cretan goddess 'EXKurtt had a shrine at Argos. It must have been 
located near the road to Mantinea not far from cross roads where remains 
of a building have been found. 4. Two inscriptions from the same base read- 
ing, (a) Eifoli^os Ei/^&vtos • KaXXucpdn;t 'Apyttos. (&) E^icpdn^ff] E^dlvcof]. 
'Apiirrc^ iirolij<rt, 5. A fragment of fifteen lines, chiefly proper names, dating 
from the second or first century B.C. 6. An inscription in three lines, part 
of which was published in 1903. It reads Zoucp&nis MtpdpSpov iLyopai^otmp Kal 
ypafJLtiaT€Ou)v koI ra/iuiKav rd Mrrtpw t6 firitia roU Ayopaif6fioii, 7. Fragment of a 
decree in honor of P. Anteius Antiochus. 8. Roimd statue base inscribed Aopadp 
Tt(/84pAOf) KXaifiios 'AMyovos. 9. A dedication to Serapis and Isis. 
10. A dedication of the third century b.c. reading 'Aya0oK\ri:, BatiU di^irw^. 

II. A fragment dating from the third century b.c. reading ]cia h XahdSi 
'Ayriyoptia [iilvteklrav]. 12. Sepulchral inscription of the first century b.c. 
reading 'AaKXaxMa, xatpc* Merttrrci}, x^tpc* 13. Epigram of Roman date. 
14 — 18. Small fragments. 19. Rudely cut inscription of Roman date, 
alirolfi<r€P iavru Kal rrj yw€Kl aOrov koI toU tULott Ttidois* 20. Honorary 
decree of twenty lines more or less broken, dating from the second 
century B.C. 

SALONICA.— A Recent Find of Coins of Magna-Graecia.— In 1916 a British 
soldier in Salonica dug up in a garden a recent hoard of coins that included 
with some modem specimens a few hundred of ancient date. Of especial 
interest among the latter was a homogeneous series of seventy-five didrachms 
of Metapontum, Heraclea, and Tarentum, from the fourth and early part of 
the third century b.c. These coins were brought to England, and came into 
the possession of Sir Arthur J. Evans, who recognized them from some pecu- 
liarities of their period and condition as a part of the ancient hoard discovered 
in the neighborhood of Tarentum a few years earlier, from which the late Mr. 



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Italy] ARCHAEOLOOICAL NEWS, 1919 315 

John Gordon Ford had procured a few specimens which he bequeathed to the 
British Museum. The two lots are now minutely described and classified by 
Sir Arthur Evans, with valuable comments on the history dming the given 
period of the cities concerned. Several signatiu'es of magistrates or mint- 
officials occur in the series which do not seem to have been previously re- 
corded, and the new find "supplies a valuable contribution to our knowledge 
of the types and chronology of a series of coins that have hitherto received 
little attention from numismatists" (Num, Chran. 1918, pp. 133-154; 2 pis.) 



ITALY 

DISCOVERIES IN ITALY IN 1918 — In the NoHan, May 10, 1919, pp. 744 f. 
is a summary of the report of Mrs. A. S. Strong published in the London Times 
on the archaeological discoveries made in Italy during the past year. These 
include the so-called "Victory" (see A. J.A, XXII, 1918, p. 347) found on the 
Palatine embedded in the foundations of the dimgeon of the Frangipani. A 
few yards south, on the line of the Clivus Sacer, foundations supposed to have 
belonged to one of the triumphal arches of Domitian have been uncovered. 
On the Aventine, part of the brickwork of an ancient building with a barrel 
vault has come to light. The only wall now preserved has painted decoration 
consisting of a red dado four feet high above which are three vertical panels, 
each holding a female figure. In the centre panel Aphrodite appears rising 
from the sea, in the one at the right a goddess is being presented with a cloth 
of some sort, but the scene in the left hand panel is too faint to be identified. 
In lowering the level of a courtyard in the Via degU Avignonesi a small collec- 
tion of sculpture hidden in antiquity was discovered. It consisted of a fine 
nude male torso, a draped torso, a herm with the head of a young man, a small 
bearded head, and a head of Athena. At the Marmorata, on the left bank of 
the Tiber, an important series of store houses was discovered. Close to San 
Paolo outside the walls, to the left of the road to Ostia, a large cemetery was 
found (A J. A, XXII, p. 347). The wall-paintings in the tombs are of no 
particular importance. The best executed represents Hermes conducting 
Alcestis to Hades. Another cemetery was found between the Via Po and the 
Via Gregorio AUegri (A J. A. XXII, p. 79). It is interesting as showing how 
later tombs cut into and across earlier ones, and how they were frequently 
altered and readapted. The most important discovery here was the large 
Hellenistic relief put together from thirty-four fragments (A J, A, XXII, p. 
79). The work of freeing the little temple of Fortuna Virilis has begim. In 
the Golden House of Nero beautiful paintings in perfect preservation, but on a 
small scale, were discovered. One series consists of small panel pictiu-es with 
figures reheved against a deep blue background and with traces of gilding. 
No large paintings were found. 

ALBA.— A Latin Inscription.— In Not. Scav. XV, 1918, pp. 94-96 Pihtro 
Babocelu publishes a Latin inscription, apparently dating from the second 
centmy a.d. It was foimd about four miles southeast of the town of Alba 
in Liguria. 

AMENO.— Tombs of the First Iron Age.— In NoL Scav. XV, 1918, pp. 
81-84 PiBTRO Barocelli reports the discovery of several pre-Roman tombs, 



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316 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

apparently belonging to the first Iron Age, in the commiine of Ameno in the 
Transpadine region. They contained pottery and a few bronze ornaments. 

BERCHIDDA.— Denarii of the Republican Period.— In Not Scav, XV, 
1918| pp. 155-163 A. Taramblli describes a hoard of denarii of the Roman 
republican period, found in 1918 near Berchidda in Sardinia. The coins, 1398 
in number, represent 87 Roman families and 133 individuals. They date from 
268-82 B.C., and are for the most part in an excellent state of preservation. 
Some of them, however, are defective, being stamped upon one side only. 

BESANO.— A Hoard of Coins.— In Not. Scav, XV, 1918, pp. 92-93 G. 
Patroni reports the discovery of a hoard of Roman coins at Besano in the 
Transpadine region. It included eight silver pieces and 174 of bronze, extend- 
ing from Tiberius to the younger Philip (244-249). The only rare coin was a 
Gallic imitation of a sestertius of Marcus Aurelius. 

CASTEL DI SANGRO.— Latin Inscriptions.— In Not. Scav. XV, 1918, pp. 
142-144 (3 figs.) V. Balzano publishes five fragmentary Latin inscriptions 
from Castel di Sangro in the Samnite region. 

COLOGNOLA AI COLLI.— A Villa Rustica.- In Not. Scav. XV, 1918, 
pp. 102-103 G. Pellegrini gives an account of tombs and ruins of Roman 
buildings, discovered at Colognola ai Colli, about 16 km. east of Verona. 
The walls apparently belong to a villa rustica, and the coins which were found 
indicate the third and fourth centuries of our era as the time of its greatest 
prosperity. 

ESTE.— Roman Antiquities.— In Not. Scav. XV, 1918, pp. 100-102 (2 figs.) 
G. Pellbqhini describes Roman antiqxiities found at Este, including a small 
bronze bust, 9 cm. in height, made to attach to a piece of furniture. It repre- 
sents a youth in a Phrygian cap, perhaps Attis or Paris. 

FINALPIA.—Pre-Roman Pottery.— In Not. Scav. XV, 1918, pp. 95-96 
Pietro Barocelli reports the discovery of pre-Roman pottery at Finalpia 
in the Transpadine region. 

GALLIATE.— A Roman Necropolis.- In Not. Scav. XV, 1918, pp. 84-88 
(fig.) Pietro Barocelli reports the discovery at GaUiate in the Transpadine 
region of a Roman necropolis, evidently that of a village inhabited by farmers 
of no great wealth. Coins were found of Augustus, Germanicus, Vespasian, 
and Domitian, and others which belonged to the second and third centuries of 
our era. 

INTROBIO.— A GaUic Tomb.— In Not. Scav. XV, 1918, p. 91 G. Patroni 
gives notice of the discovery in August, 1917, of a Gallic tomb at Introbio in 
the Transpadine region, containing vases, weapons, and armor. He will 
publish the find in the next number of Riviata Archeologica di Como. 

MORLUPO.— An Inscription from the Via Flaminia. — ^In Not. Scav. XV, 
1918, pp. 127-128 P. RoMANELLi publishes a funerary cippus foimd near the 
twentieth mile (ad Vigesimum) of the Via Flaminia, containing the name of a 
"RtUaenits ex AqmtanicaJ^ 

NOCERA-UMBRA.- A Sepulcretum.— In Not. Scav. XV, 1918, pp. 103- 
123 (14 figs.) E. Stefani gives an account of the excavation of an and^it 
Umbrian sepulcretum at Nocera-Umbra, with remarks on the topography of 
the region. The tombs date from the sixth and seventh centuries B.C. The 
most important objects found were removed to the Museimi of the Villa 
Giulia. 



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Italy] ARCHAEOLOGICAL NEWS, 1919 317 

OSTIA.— Recent Ezcavations.— In Not, Scav, XV, 1918, pp. 128-138 (2 
figs.) R. PARI3ENI gives an account of the work at Ostia from October 1917 to 
March 1918 inclusive. The continued excavation of the so-called macellum 
(Not, Scav. 1916, pp. 323-326) has led to the conclusion that it is more properly 
designated as horrea, A number of inscriptions are given, one of which 
meatiouBSilvanus iiwenia, while another, in a fragmentary condition, seems to 
be an eulogium of Ancus Marcius, the founder of Ostia. At the corner of the 
Via delle Pistrine and the Decumanus a small temple has been discovered, 
elevated above the level of the streets. On a republican foimdation a later 
building was reared, which imitated the architecture of the neighboring 
'Tour Temples," but was considerably later. 

POGGIO SOMMAVILLA.— A Female Portrait.— The National Museimi in 
Rome has recently acquired a marble head accidentally discovered by a 
peasant not far from Poggio Sommavilla. The head, which is in a fair state of 
preservation, is larger than life and from the cutting of the neck was once 
inserted in a statue. It is the portrait of a woman and shows well the skill 
retained by the Roman sculptors of the middle of the third century amid the 
general decadence of art. The subject is unidentified, but it is probably not 
an empress. (Pagine d'ArUy VI, 1918, p. 135; fig.) 

PORNASSC— A Tomb of the First Iron Age.— In Not. Scav. XV, 1918, pp. 
96-100 (3 figs.) PiETRO Babocelli describes the objects foxmd in a tomb in the 
commune of Pomasso in 1914, including a vase of peculiar form, with a double 
rim, bronze chains, rings, and fibulae, belonging to the end of the first Iron 
Age. 

RIVOLL — ^An biscription with New Gallo-Roman Names. — In Not, Scav, 
XV, 1918, p. 90 (fig.) PiETRO Barocrlu publishes an inscription in the 
museum at Turin, which was foimd near the church of S. Martino at Rivoli. 
It contains new Gallo-Roman names. 

ROME. — ^Miscellaneous Discoveries. — ^The usual discoveries of architeo- 
tural and sculptural fragments, foimdations, walls, and inscriptions, accident- 
ally made during various building operations in Rome are reported by Ltjigi 
CoNTABBLU, B, Com, Rom, XLV, 1917, pp. 220-242. The following may be 
noted: A portrait head of the third centiuy a.d. in Greek marble, the head of 
a child also in Greek marble, and a group of four sepulchral monuments along 
the ancient Via Statilia in the Villa Wolkonsky-Campanari. They date from 
the end of the republican period and are in the form of small chambers built 
of blocks of tufa. Three of them bear inscriptions showing that they were the 
tombs of freedmen of the Glodii, Annii, Quinctii, etc.; the fourth is much 
dilapidated. One chamber has three portrait busts carved on the fagade, another 
has two. All of the tombs were originally used for humation but later received 
cremated bodies. 

A Marble Cippus.— In B, Com, Rom, XLV, 1917, pp. 93-102 L. Mariani 
describes a marble cippus in the form of an altar found in the course of building 
operations in the Piazza Campo Marzio and reerected near the place where it 
was discovered. Though executed in the first century its decorations of gar- 
lands, ribbons, and bucrania are poorly done. There is a hollow for the recep- 
tion of the urn and traces of forcible opening. The montunent was probably 
brotight to the Campus Martins in the Middle Ages together with other sec- 
ond-hand material found nearby and formed part of the stock of a marble 
workshop. 



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318 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXUl, 191D 

The Proceediiigs of the Cmninifwione Archeologica CoamtttiuLle. — The 

'Atti della Commissione Archeologica Communale di Roma' published in B, 
Com. Rom, XLV, 1917, pp. 247-250 give a short account of the activity of 
that body during the years 1916 and 1917. 

SANGANO.— Two New Inscriptions.— In Not. Scav. XV, 1918, p. 91 
PiBTRO Barocelli publishcs two fragmentary Roman inscriptions, found near 
the ruins of the old abbey of S. Solutore at Sangano in the Transpadine 
region. 

VELLETRL— VU Mactorina.— In NoLSoav.XV, 1918, pp. 138-141 (2 figs.) 
O. Nardini publishes a Latin inscription foimd about five kilometers south of 
the town of Velletri, near the Via Appia. It belongs to the first century a.d. 
and mentions a Via Mactorina, which was repaired by L. Octavius Onesimus. 

ZOVERALLO.— A New Tomb.— In Not. Scav. XV, 1918, pp. 88-90 PnsTRO 
Barocblu reports the discovery of a new tomb in the Roman necropolis of 
2k>verallo in the Transpadine region. He also publishes an inscription from 
the same necropolis, which was foimd in 1838, but has not yet be^i included 
in the C.I.L. 

SPAIN 

BOLONIA.— Excavations hi 1918.— In C. R. Acad. Insc. 1918, pp. 347- 
366 (fig.) P. Paris reports upon his excavations at Bolonia in 1918 (see A J. A. 
XXIII, 1918, p. 84). The house foimd in 1917 was completely cleared and two 
large hand mills foimd in it. At the north end were two deep pits and a room 
for salting fish. On the other side of the main street, which was foUowed to its 
end, was another house like the first having painted decoration and many 
graffiti. It was here that the small bronze of a satyr carrying off a woman came 
to Ught. The cemetery was partly explored, but nothing unusual foimd in it. 
Many rude figures which had once stood over the graves were unearthed. 



FRANCE 

ALESIA.— A Bust of TuteU.— In B. Soc, Ant. Fr. 1917, pp. 103-107 J. 
TouTAiN describes a bust found in a well at Alesia in 1914. It is in very high 
relief and represents a draped woman wearing a crown of towers. The face 
has distinct individuality. She is the Gallic goddess Tutela, and this discovery 
at Alesia shows that not only large cities but also small towns placed them- 
selves under her protection. 

NORTHERN AFRICA 

CARTHAGE.— A Seventh Century Tomb.— In B. Soc. Ant. Fr. 1917, pp. 
109-115 (2 figs.) A. Merlin reports upon the contents of a tomb found at 
Carthage in 1916 and dating from the seventh century b.c. It was covered 
with slabs which lay 3.50 m. below the modem surface. It contained 1. a 
silver ring with a scarab of blue faience on pivots for the bezel. This had 
■carved upon it the figure of a standing man grasping a bull by one horn. 2. 
There was also found an ivory comb, 5 cm. by 10.1 cm., (Fig. 1). Above the 



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NoRTHBRN Africa] ARCHAEOLOGICAL NEWS, 1919 



319 



FiGXTBB 1. — Ivory Qovb\ Carthage. 



teeth there is engraved on one 
side the figure of a sphinx with 
a bird perched on its back, reclin- 
ing in front of two large lotus 
blossoms. On the other side of 
the comb a bull advances to the 
left toward some lotus flowers. 
3. An ivory statuette, 16 cm. 
high, was also brought to light. 
It represents a standing goddess 
with an Egyptian headdress fully 
draped and holding her bosom 
with both hands. The face is 
flat, the eyes large, the body 
cylindrical, and the whole figure 
primitive. It was perhaps used 
for the handle of a mirror. Sim- 
ilar objects of ivory have been 
found at Carthage before. Combs 

resembling the one described have been found in Spain. Both must have had 

the same origin which was probably Phoenician. 

CTRENAICA.— Excavations in 1916.— In Cron, B.A.V, 1918, pp. 2^32 

(2 figs.) L. Mariani summarizes the results of the excavations at the 

Baths at Cyrene where the statues of Aphrodite, Alexander, the Graces, 

and Eros were previously found. The most important piece of sculptiu^ 

discovered was a standing Hermes (Fig. ,2), a Roman copy of a bronze 

original by Polyclitus. This throws some light on the 

problem of the Idolino, which Mariani thinks may be 

the work of followers of Polyclitus who were influenced 

by Attic art. Other discoveries were the statue of a 

dancer, an Alexandrian work; a satyr used for a foun- 
tain decoration; a small satyr; a statue of Zeus Aegi- 

ochus found in a temple of the acropolis and dating 

from the time of Hadris^. The god is represented 

nude, leaning on his sceptre, with his thunderbolt in his 

right hand, while the eagle stands on the ground 

beside him. The type is familiar, but the proportions 

of the figure indicate a fourth century date. It is 

attributed to a certain Zenion, son of Zenion. At 

Tripolis the town wall was torn down and various 

discoveries made. The best piece of sculptm^ 

brought to light was the torso of Apollo of fine 

finish. The god was represented in repose with 

his lyre resting on a support and his right hand 

which holds the plectrum hanging by his side. 

The style is that of Praxiteles. Remains of build- 
ings were also uncovered. (See also the same -^ „ PmY- 

"writer, Rend, Ace. Lincei, XXVII, 1918, pp. 125-138; clitan Hermbb: 

3 figs.) . . Cyrene. 



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320 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

GHARDIMAOn.— Temples of Saturn.— In C. R. Acad, Insc, 1918, pp. 
338-347 (2 figs.) Dr. Carton records the discovery at a place called Bir-Der^al 
near the village of Ghardimaou, Tunisia, of remains of a villa and three small 
buildings which were probably temples of Saturn. In the villa were foirnd 
mosaic floors, one of which depicted a boar hunt. One of the temples measured 
6.75 m. by 2.75 m. and had two niches at the rear. These originally held life- 
size statues of terracotta and many statuettes, most of which had been de- 
stroyed. One life-size head had the face of a lioness with fillets about the 
head, and evidently represented the Genius Terrae Africae. There were also 
found coins of Vespasian and seven votive stelae, one bearing a dedication to 
Saturn. About 20 m. away are remains of a second small building with nu- 
merous fragments of terracotta statuettes, and still further off a third building. 
An inscription indicates that they date from the second century a.d. 

IfADURA.— The Hastiferi of Bellona.— In C. R. Acad. Inac, 1918, pp. 
312^23 F. CuMONT publishes a Latin inscription foimd in the ruin of the 
Byzantine fort at Madura, Nimiidia, in 1918. It is a dedication to the genius 
of the hastiferi of Virtus, i.e. M& or Bellona, and dates from the end of the first 
or beginning of the second century a.d. These hastiferi formed a religious 
society dedicated to the cult of Bellona- Virtus. Cumont thinks they played a 
part similar to that of the dendrophori of the Magna Mater, i.e. the former car- 
ried lances in the same processions in which the latter carried the pine of Attis^ 

UNITED STATES 

BOSTON.— Fragment of a Relief of the Fifth Century.— In B. Mus. F. A. 
XVII, 1919, p. 29 (2 figs.) L. D. C(ask£y) calls attention to a marble head 



Figure 3. — Fragment of a Relief: Boston. 



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Unttbd States] ARCHAEOLOGICAL NEWSy 1919 321 

of a warrior about three and one-half inches in length recently acquired by the 
Museum of Fine Arts (Fig. 3) . It dates from the second half of the fifth centurj-^ 
B.C. and belonged to a relief. In style and size it agrees with the figures of 
the frieze of the temple of Wingless Victory at Athens to .which the writer 
would assign it. It does not, however, fit on to any of the existing bodies. 
The head is said to have been purchased in Athens twenty years ago. 

NEW YORK.— Acquisitions of the Metropolitan Museum.— In the Forty* 
ninth Anniud Report of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 1919, 
p. 15 it is announced that the Museimi acqxiired during the year besides the 
vases and the Medusa relief mentioned below, two pairs of Etruscan gold 
earrings, two small amulet cases, and a Cypriote barrel jug. Several impor- 
tant purchases made in Europe have not yet reached the United States. 

Three New Greek Vases.— -In B. Metr. Mus. XIV, 1919, pp. 8-10 (3 figs.) 
Miss G. M. A. R(ichter) describes three Greek vases recently acquired by the 
Metropolitan Museiun. One is a red-figured stamnos of the early part of the 
fifth century B.C. decorated on one side with a scene representing Eos pursuing 
Cephalus, while an aged man looks on; and on the other side with a yoimg war- 
rior and two female figures. The second is a black-figured cylix deUcately made. 
The exterior is without decoration, but the interior is adorned with a sphinx. 
The vase is said to have been found in Rhodes. The third is a fine example of 
a proto-Corinthian lec3rthus. In the principal band of decoration are depicted 
warriors in combat and sphinxes. 

A Medusa Head.— In B. Metr. Mus. XIV, 1919, pp. 59-60 (2 figs.) Miss 
G. M. A. R(ichter) publishes a bronze relief representing the head of Medusa. 
Two serpents twine their tails below her chin and two small wings appear 
among the flying locks of her hair. This bronze once decorated the end of a 
chariot pole. 

An Early Egyptian Portrait.- In B. Metr. Mus. XIV, 1919, pp. 148-149 
(fig.) A. M. L(ythgoe) announces the acquisition by the Metropolitan Museum 
of the upper part of a statuette of a man of the fifth or sixth dynasty. The 
figiu-e was probably seated but is now broken away at the waist. It is a fine 
example of Egyptian portraiture of the Old Kingdom. 

A Group of Sculpture from Assiut. — In B. Metr. Mus. XIV, 1919, pp. 
32-35 (2 figs*) H. E. W(inlock) discusses a group carved in white limestone 
2 ft. 10 in. high, recently acquired by the Metropolitan Museum. It was 
found at Assiut in 1913 during the excavation of the tomb of a certain Amen- 
hotep and represents his son, Iny, and daughter-in-law, Rennut, seated side 
by side. On the back of the group is an inscription. Reliefs from the tomb 
and a life-size statue of Iny discovered at the same time are now in the museimi 
at Assiut. Iny was the royal administrator of the priesthood at Assiut in the 
latter part of the eighteenth or first part of the nineteenth dynasty, and a 
man of prominence in his community. 

A Jewish Amulet— In B. Metr. Mus. XIV, 1919, pp. 94-95 (fig.) Miss 
G. M. A. R(ichtbr) calls attention to a Jewish amulet of the Roman period 
recently acquired by the Metropolitan Museum. It is of thin bronze foil, 
4i inches long and If inches high, and was originally rolled to fit into a small 
cylindrical bronze case. The whole surface of the foil is covered with an 
Aramaic inscription in twelve lines. It is said to have been foimd at Irbid in 
the Hauran, Syria. 



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322 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXm, 1919 

A Cihnese Tablet of the Wei Period.— In B. Meir, Mua. XIV, 1919, pp. 
90-92 (2 figs.) S. C. B. R(Errz) publishes a bronze votive tablet recently 
acquired by the Metropolitan Museum. On the front side the Buddha Saky- 
amuni appears in the attitude of expounding the law with Ananda and Kasyapa 
on either side of him. All three figures are standing on lotus flowers. Above 
are six angels playing musical instnunents; between them is a dragon, and at 
the top two angels carrying the elixir of life in a vase. On the reverse side is a 
Buddhistic scene and a long inscription, dated in the year 534 a.d. The stone 
is 61 inches high and 38 inches wide. 

EARLY CHRISTIAN, BYZANTINE, MEDIAEVAL AND 
RENAISSANCE ART 

PALESTINE ^ 

DEIR DAKLEH.— A Recently Discovered Mosaic— An Early Christian 
tessellated mosaic discovered at Deir Dakleh and drawn by Capt. -F. M. 
Drakb (Fig. 4) is described in Burl. Mag, XXXIV, 1919, pp. 144-145 (pL). 
The marble of the pavement is the same a^ that foimd at Belial and Umm 
Jerar — all of it must have been imported from Greece. The foundation, 
however, at Deir Dakleh is more extensive and consequently more interesting 
than are those previously found during operations. 



Figure 4. — Mosaic Pavement: Dbir Dakleh. 



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Chkistian Art] ARCHAEOLOGICAL NEWS, 1919 323 

• 

UMM JERAR.— A Sixth Century Mosaic— In Burl Mag. XXXIV, 1919, 
pp. 3-10 (2 pb.) O. M. Dalton writes on the tessellated pavement discovered 
in 1917 at Umm Jerar. Because of its similarity to the Shellal pavement, 
which bears in its inscription the date 561-^562, and because of its similarity to 
other works of this time, the Umm Jerar pavement is probably to be dated 
in the middle of the sixth century. Like the Shellal pa^^ement, it has been the 
floor of a small church or chapel. The mosaics are arranged in panels corre- 
sponding to the parts of the church which they adorned, and their designs 
consist of geometrical forms and symbolic animals. 

ITALY 
AREZZO.— Was Majolica Made in Arezzo?— In FaemajWl, 1918, pp. 19-23 
are published dociunents which A. Del Vita offers as proof of the existence of 



Figure 5. — Byzantine Standard: Avellana. 

majolica factories in Arezzo in the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries. The 
discovery of fragments of the ware in recent excavations in the arena of the 
Roman amphitheatre of Arezzo adds weight to the proof. U. Pasqui {ibid. 
pp. 66-70) denies the existence of majolica factories in Arezzo, first, because the 
few names of ceramists recorded do not imply any greater number than the 
everyday use of pottery would call for; second, because the abimdance of 
remains bears witness only to the size of the town, not to its native industries; 
third, because the products known to be Aretine are not majoHca and are of 
no local type or artistic importance; and fourth, because no tradition or 
chronicler records a local manufacture. The actual majolica found in excava- 
tions is held to be imported. 

AVELLANA. — ^A Bjrzanttne Naval Standard. — ^A Byzantine naval standard 
of the end of the fourteenth or beginning of the fifteenth century (Fig. 5), 



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324 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

now in the Monastery of S. Croce, Avellana, Is published by L. Serra, Burl, 
Mag. XXXIV, 1919, pp. 152-157 (pL). It consists of a crimson silk cloth 
with designs in embroidery, principally in gold thread. The iconography of 
the subject matter, which represents the archangel Michael and Emanuel Pal- 
eologos, is largely drawn from miniatures. 

BOLOGNA. — Mediaeval Architectural Ceramics. — A singular edifice at the 
comer of the Via Manzoni and the Via di Porta Castello in Bologna is described 
and its history traced by G. Ballardini in FaemayVl, 1918, pp. 1-4 (5 figs.). 
Erected at the end of the thirteenth centiuy by Alberto Conoscenti for his 
home, it is one of the oldest monuments of Gothic architecture in Bologna. 
The ceramic decoration is most interesting. It consists of bowls or basins, one 
set in the arched tympanum over each of the six biforium windows of the 
second story of the house, the windows that light the great salon. Apparently, 
these bowls are majolica, i.e., ceramic covered with *^smaUo stannifero" al- 
though this was little used. The designs of the basins, geometrical in form and 
var3dng among themselves, are illustrated in the accompanying figures. 

^ORENCE.i-New della Robbia Documents.— In VArU, XXI, 1918, 
pp. 190-209 R. G. Mather publishes a large number of documents relating to 
the members of the della Robbia family. Some of these docmnents were known 
to Gaetano Milanesi, who referred to them but without publishing the text. 
(See A. Marquand, AJ.A, XXII, 1918, pp. 310-318; 361-377.) 

MONTE ASDRUALDO.— Bramante's Birthplace. — Data in regard to the 
much disputed birthplace of Bramante are given by A. Venturi in VArUf 
XXI, 1918, pp. 210-219. Besides other valuable docimaents, a notarial deed 
made by Bramante himself in 1492 gives his birthplace as Monte Asdrualdo. 
Among those imder whose influence the artist came in his early formative years, 
Luciano Laurana, the architect who was continuing the traditions of Brunel- 
lesco and Alberti, was the most significant for Bramante. Analysis of the lat- 
ter's architectural productions shows the reflection of Luciano's characteristics. 
In Urbino the Palazzo Passionei and the church of San Bernardino are said to 
have been built by Bramante in the early years of his life, before he left that 
region. These edifices bear out the statement just made as to Luciano's 
influence. San Bernardino was built, apparently, between the years 1467 
and 1472, i.e., while Luciano was working on the ducal palace. 

PERUGIA.— Pietro Vannucci's Perugian Citizenship. — In Rasa, d'Arie, 
XVIII, 1918, pp. 120-121 U. Gnoli publishes a document which proves what 
has always been taken for granted, but has previously been without dociunent- 
ary proof, namely, that Pietro di Cristoforo from Castel della Pieve was granted 
the citizenship of Perugia. The date of the concession was 1485. 

ROME.— A Portrait by PisaneUo.— In UArte, XXI, 1918, pp. 277-278 
(fig.) A. Venturi publishes a profile portrait of a man in the Gi^itoline 
Museimi. The subtle color and especially the clearcut drawing serve to place 
the portrait in the series of works attributed to Pisanello. 

A Memento of Pope Paul n.— In Cron, B. A.Y, 1918, pp. 32-35 (fig.) 
C. Gradara publishes a leather writing desk which was recently found 
by the director of the museum of the Vatican Palace and which originally be- 
longed to Pope Paul II. (1464-1471). It bears the escutcheon of Barbo, the 
Pope's family, and is a fine example of work in the minor arts in the fifteenth 
century. The work is clearly by an Italian artist, Roman or Florentine. 



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Chkistian Art] ARCHAEOLOGICAL NEWS, 1919 325 

SIENA. — An Annimdation by Gerolaxno da Cremona. — ^In Rasa. d'Arte^ 
XVIII, 1918, pp. 141-143 (3 figs.) P. Toesca publishes a hitherto un- 
attributed painting of the Annunciation in the. Academy of Fine Arts, Siena. 
That it is the work of Gerolamo da Cremona is shown by its peculiar combina- 
tion of Lombard and Mantegnesque characteristics that may be seen in other 
of Gerolamo's productions, e.g,, his miniatures in a codex of the Cathedral of 
Mantua. 

SULMONA.— The Bust of Panfilc— A little known work but one which 
serves to affirm the importance of the school of the Sulmonese goldsmiths in 
the fifteenth century is the bust of Panfilo in the Cathedral of Sulmona, pub- 
lished by P. PicciRiLU in Rasa. d'Arte, XVIII, 1918, pp. 116-119 (6 figs.). 
The bust is the work of Giovanni di Marino di Cicco de Argerio and was made 
in 1458-59. The exquisite designs skilfuUy worked on the drapery and on the 
crosier are especially noteworthy. 

SPAIN 

MADRID.— A Holy Family by Pedro de Moya.— In B. Soc, Esp. XXVII, 
1919, pp. 62-63 (pi.) N. S. publishes a Holy Family by Pedro de Moya 
(Fig. 6), which is of interest for the clear way in which it reveals the character 
of Moya's art. The general effect of the picture is that of a Van Dyck. Pedro 
de Moya actually went to England because Van Dyck was there; yet £he St. 
Joseph is clearly Spanish. In spite of the points of comparison with Ruben's 
Holy Family in the Sanssouci Gallery, Potsdam, and that in the Royal Gallery, 
Windsor, the individuality of the Spanish artist, for all his Flemish imitation, 
is shown by comparison with the six pictures in the Prado representing the His- 
tory of Joseph. 

PLASENCU.— Two Retables.— In B. Soc, Esp. XXVII, 1919, pp. 56-61 
(2 pis.) J. R. Melida publishes two retables composed of glazed tile of Tala- 
vera in two churches at Plasencia. One is a retable of Saints Crispus and Cris- 
pinianus with many subjects in its panels, in San Lazaro. It dates from 1590 
if the date 159- can be so read; certainly it cannot be dated in 1509, as some 
have suggested, for its style is that of the end of the sixteenth centiuy. The 
other retable is that of the sacristy of the old convent of Santo Domingo. It 
is a long frieze with a great Crucifixion in the middle and dates from the second 
half of the sixteenth century. 

SEVILLE. — Ceramic Art. — ^A posthumous study by J. Gestoso of the history 
of the ceramists' art in Seville is published in memory of its author in B. Soc, 
Esp. XXVII, 1919, pp. 2-19 (4 pis.). 

FRANCE 

PARIS. — ^Two Flemish Primitives in the Louvre. — ^Two important Flemish 
paintings, one by Jerome Bosch, the other by Peter Bruegel, recently presented 
to the Louvre by M. Camille Benoit are discussed by L. Demonts in Gaz. B.-A. 
XV, 1919, pp. 1-20 (pL; 3 figs.). The one by Bosch represents the Ship of 
Fools. It was inspired by the popular book by Sebastian Brant, Das Narren- 
sckiffj published in 1494. Both the date of the book and the style of the 
painting place the latter in the late fifteenth century as one of the works of 
Bosch's maturity. The painting by Bruegel, which portra3n3 a winter scene, 



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326 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 



Figure 6. — Holy Family by Pedro de Moya: Madrid. 

is also a mature work and shows Bruegel carrying on and developing the 
naturalistic side of Bosch's style. 

GREAT BRITAIN 

BACTON. — Queen Elizabeth's Kirtle. — ^A kirtle, which has been adapted 
as a covering for a communion table in Bacton Church, Herefordshire, is pub- 
lished by L. Oust [Burl. Mag. XXXIII, 1913, pp. 196-201 ; pi.) as an example 
of the rich embroidery work of the time of Queen Elizabeth. The piece, 
which is covered with realistically treated flowers and animals in embroidery, 
was presented to the church by one of Queen EUzabeth's ladies-in-waiting, but 
it is probable that it originally belonged to the queen herself. 



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Chriotian Art] ARCHAEOLOGICAL NEWS, 1919 327 

LONDON. — ^Recent Acquisitions of the National Gallery. — In Burl. Mag. 
XXXIV, 1919, pp. 15-23 (3 pis.) R. Fry discusses the recent acquisitions of 
the National Gallery. The most important are works of French painters of 
the nineteenth centmy, a painting by Masaccio (published ibid. XX, 1911, p. 
70) and a small head by El Greco. Less important are an Adoration of the 
Magi by Bramantino and an altarpiece by Pesellino. 

Recent Acquisitions of the British Museum. — ^Among the objects acquired 
by the National collections in 1918 the following are mentioned in Burl. Mag. 
XXXIV, 1919, pp. 59-62: Some Anglo-Saxon brooches and glass vessels from 
a group of graves at Bridge, in the neighborhood of Canterbury; an imusual 
fifteenth century Italian casket with the side panels of carved ivory; a Swiss 
bridal casket of the sixteenth century; and many important prints of the 
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries and later. 

Bernardo da Parenzo. — A small panel recently acquired by the National 
Gallery and which has borne the name of Francesco Mantegna is discussed by 



Figure 7. — Thirteenth Century Embroidery: British Museum. 

C. J. HoLBiBs in Burl. Mag. XXXIII, 1918, pp. 195-196 (pi.) The painting 
represents the Adoration of the Shepherds and evinces all the characteristics 
of Bernardo da Parenzo, whose connection with Mantegna, and particularly 
with the Downton Castle Adoration is nowhere so clear as in this picture. 

Thirteenth Century Embroidery.— In Burl. Mag. XXXIV, 1919, pp. 
140-145 (pi.) A. Vallance describes a piece of thirteenth century silk and 
gold embroidery (Fig. 7) recently acquired by the British Museum. It has 
been labelled ' 'Spanish' ' but is now recognized as optis Anglicanum. The 
subjects represented are the Annimciation, the Visitation, and the Nativity. 

An Icon Illustrating a Greek Hymn. — ^An Italianate-Greek icon, said to 
have come from a church in the island of Santorin (Thera) is discussed by M. 
Adby in Burl. Mag. XXXIV, 1919, pp. 45-55 (3 pis.). It now belongs to 
Mr. C. J. Hope-Johnston. Some of the twenty-four scenes, e.g. the three 
repetitions of the Annunciation, painted on this small wooden panel baffled 
explanation imtil Miss Carthew showed that the series is interpreted by the 
verses of the alphabetical hymn called *0 'Axd^tcrros ^^T/xpos. The painting 
is apparently to be dated in the late seventeenth century. 



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328 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

RICHMOND.— A New Spanzotti.— In Burl Mag. XXXIII, 1918, p. 208 
(pi.) H. Cook adds another painting to the restricted list of works by Martino 
Spanzotti, the teacher of Sodoma and of other painters of the Vercellese school. 
The painting is in the collection of Sir Frederick Cook and represents the 
Madonna and Child. It has formerly been assigned to the school of Foppa, 
but its signature, M. F., is apparently to be interpreted, as in another of 
Spanzotti's panels, Mariinus fecit. 

UNITED STATES 

BOSTON. — Print Accessions of the Boston Museum. — The Boston Museum 
of Fine Arts has recently acquired seven prints from the magnum opus of 
Israhel van Meckenem, the "Large Passion,'^ engraved about 1480; also four- 
teen from the "Small Passion" (1475?). All are first states and come from the 
Huth collection. Van Meckenem owed most to Master E. S., "the Van Eyck 
of engraving"; and by this master the museum has recently acquired through 
the gift .of Paul J. Sachs a signed impression of "The Saviour," dated 1467, 
from the Wilton House collection. Among other important prints of recent 
accession are Van Dyck's etched portrait of the Baron LeRoy, also from the 
Wilton House collection, and a number of fifteenth and early sixteenth century 
German, Netherlandish, and Italian prints. {B. Mus. F. A. XVII, 1919, 
pp. 7-8; 2 figs, and pp. 14-17; 6 figs.) 

Early French Sculptures in the Boston Museum. — ^Three alabaster statuettes 
of the fifteenth century in France are published by G. in B. Mus. F. A. XVII, 
1919, pp. 1-3 (3 figs.). Each represents a saint, probably from a group on 
the back of an altar. They are said to have come from Amiens and have been 
attributed to PhiUppe de Bourgogne, a French imagier, who helped adorn the 
cathedrals of Spain. A beautiful group of the Madonna and Child, probably 
modelled from life, is said to have stood originally in a church in Lorraine, 
and its date must be in the fourteenth century. A PietA from the sixteenth 
century school of Champagne, still bearing its original paint, shows a combi- 
nation of a fourteenth century conception with sixteenth century technique. 
It presents a Gothic art grown conscious of itself. (Ibid. pp. 10-13, 5 figs.) 

CLEVELAND. — ^French Gothic Sculpture. — In the BuUetin of the Cleveland 
Museum of Art, VI, 1919, pp. 6-15 (5 figs.) W. M. M. pubhshes five French 
Gothic sculptures recently purchased. A figiure of a prophet, of the middle 
of the twelfth century, which was originally in a series decorating a porch of 
a church, is supposed to have come from the neighborhood of Rheims. A 
representation of a Donatrix belongs to the fourteenth century. The Christ 
Child, a fragment from a life-sized statue of the Virgin and Child, is also of the 
fourteenth century; and a polychrome statue of the Virgin and Child in a much 
more realistic style belongs to the fifteenth century. All four of these pieces 
are of stone. The fifth, representing the Virgin, is polychromed wood and is 
the most appealing figure that the museum has acquired. It probably formed 
part of the group of an Entombment. 

NEW YORK. — ^Recent Accessions of the Metropolitan Museum. — Among 
the recent accessions of the Metropolitan Musemn is a copy of Roger Van der 
Weyden's Descent from the Cross, the original of which has been lost. It is 
in the style of the school of mannerists that flourished about 1510-25 in 
Brussels and Antwerp. (B. B., B, Metr. Mus. XTV, 1919, p. 65.) A triptych 



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Chkistian Art) ARCHAEOLOGICAL NEWS, 1919 329 

by Segna di Buonaventura is of interest since, with the exception of the Pom- 
peian frescoes, it is the earliest Italian painting in the Metropolitan collection. 
Another recent purchase among Italian paintings is a Florentine cassone panel 
of about 1450 with scenes from a marriage feast. {Ibid. pp. 6-8; 2 figs.) 
Two imsigned and undescribed prints lately acquired are by Jacob Comelisz. 
They represent Judas Thaddeus and St. Peter. (W. M. I. Jr., ibid, pp. 17 and 
39; 2 figs.) 

A Portrait of Charles de Grasse-Brianson.— In B. Melr, Mus. XIV, 1919, 
pp. 61-63 (fig.) B. D. publishes a portrait of a knight of Malta included in the 
Riggs collection, the subject of which he has identified as Charles de Grasse- 
Brian^on. It bears the date 1603, when the subject was seventy-seven years 
old. 

Lace Pattern Books of the Sixteenth Century. — The Metropolitan Musemn 
has recently acquired a nmnber of sixteenth century lace pattern books that 
are of great importance in identifying patterns in laces that have been pre- 
served. One of the most interesting, though not the earliest, of these is by 
Isabella Catanea Parasole and was published in Rome in 1597. (F. M., B, 
Metr. Mu8. XIV, 1919, pp. 86-89; 2 figs.). 

PROVIDENCE. — ^An Interior by Adrian van Ostade. — A painting signed, 
"A Ostade 1651," in the 3rown University collection, is published by J. 
Shaplby in Art in America^ VII, 1919, pp. 121-124 (fig.). The subject is a 
dark interior with three figures, a man and two women. Points of close 
similarity to the figures are found in the Fiddler in the Hermitage, the Louvre 
Family Portrait, and the Old Fiddler, and A Smoker in the Metropolitan 
Museum. While some of the minor details favor the idea of a collaborator, 
the conception of the design and the principal features of the picture can 
have as their source no other artist than the master whose signature the paint- 
ing bears. 

Accessions of the Rhode Island School of Design. — A thirteenth centiuy 
stained glass window from Bourges has recently been acquired by the Rhode 
Island School of Design and is published in the Bulletin, VII, 1919, pp. 14-16 
(fig.) by L. E. RowB. The panel is made up of parts of two windows and 
its most interesting feature consists in its wealth of color. Two small predella 
panels by Mariotto di Nardo, which have recently been purchased by the 
museum and which represent the Stigmatization of St. Francis and the Martyr- 
dom of St. Lawrence, show the characteristic spirit and traditions of the fom*- 
teenth centiuy. (Ibid. pp. 16-18; 2 figs.) Other recent accessions through 
gift and purchase are a fifteenth century Italian wrought-iron lamp-holder, a 
sixteenth century Italian silk fabric and a fifteenth century French chest front 
ofwahiut. (/Wd.pp. 7-8;3fig8.) 

WORCESTER.— A Flemish Madonna.— In AH in America, VII, 1919, 
pp. 124-129 (fig.) R. Wyer publishes a sixteenth century Flemish Madonna 
in the collection of Mr. Frank C. Smith, Jr., Worcester, Mass. • Its attribution 
to Jan Gossaert is suggested. 

A Madonna by the Master of Frankfort. — In the BvUetin of ike Worcester 
Art Museum, X, 1919, pp. 6-9 (fig.) R. W. publishes a Madonna and Child 
with angels owned by the Museum which has the characteristics associated 
with the works attributed to the Master of Frankfort. The best qualities of 
the pictiure are its rich coloring and detail. 



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330 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

Minor Arts at the Worcester Museum. — ^In the BvUetin of the Worcester 
Art Museum, IX, 1919, p. 02 (8 figs.) R. W. announces the recent purchase by 
the museum of a collection of works of Italian minor arts, — bronzes, placques, 
and laces of the fifteenth to eighteenth centuries. Among these are included 
two bronze allegorical figures in the manner of Alessandro Vittoria, a bronze 
figure of Johann Gutenberg by Pierre Jean David, and a terracotta placque 
of the Madonna and Child in tJie manner of Luca della Robbia. 



AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY 

GENERAL AND MISCELLANEOUS 

TORONTO. — ^Acquisitions of the Ontario Provincial Museum. — ^In the 
Thirtieth Annual Report of the Ontario Provincial Museum, 1918, pp. Ill- 
ISO (22 figs.) R. B. Orr records the acquisitions of American antiquities of the 
Museum during the year. There are 372 different items, chiefly articles of 
stone and terracotta. 

WHITCHURCH.— An Indian Fort— In the township of Whitchurch, York 
County, Ontario, there are remains of an Indian "hill fort." It covers an area 
of seven and one half acres and the sites of a dozen bark houses can be made 
out within it. Remains of an extensive moat extend from the southeast to the 
northwest comer, and along the western side for a distance of 779 feet the 
clay elevation for the palisades can be followed. Outside of the fortification 
there is an extensive burial site which appears to be Algonquin. (R. B. 
Orr, Thirtieth Annual Report of the Ontario Provincial Museum, 1918, 
pp. 49-53; 4 figs.) 



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jameritan ikfiool 
of CUuifl^tcal l^tubteK 
at SUteM 



GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 
IP 



The Corinthian inscriptions published in this paper are the 
classical Grfeek inscriptions discovered by the American School 
at Athens in its excavations from 1902 to 1907 inclusive. A few 
from earlier excavations which were not published by Mr. Powell 
are also included. Mr. Powell published 60 inscriptions or 
fragments of inscriptions. Hence the numbering in this article 
begins with 61. Mr. Powell followed an approximately chron- 
ological order of presentation without regard to type. This 
method is less advisable when, as in the present article, one has 
more representatives of distinct types to publish than he had. 
In this paper, therefore, the inscriptions will be found in groups 
corresponding to those in the Inscriptiones GraecaCy and in each 
group an attempt has been made at chronological arrangement. 

The first and most important of the groups here published con- 
tains the Public Decrees, — in fact, all the decrees of the Corinthian 
state written in the Greek language that we know — excepting one 
found at Magnesia and published by Kern, Inschriften von Mag- 
nesia, No. 42. All but the insignificant fragment No. 66 are to 
be dated before 146 B.C. Like all other pre-Mummian Corin- 
thian inscriptions they bear witness to the devastation wrought 
by the Roman sack as well as by earthquakes, and by their 
incessant re-use for building purposes by Greeks, Romans, Vene- 
tians, and Turks. Not one of them is complete. None of them 
adds much to our knowledge of the history of Corinth. Two of 

1 The first paper on Greek inscriptions discovered in the excavations of the 
American School at Corinth was published by the late Benjamin l^owell in 
A. J 'A. VII, 1903, pp. 26-71. This paper has been numbered as a continua- 
tion of his work, although by a different author. One other important archaic 
inscription found in the American excavations has been published by S. O. 
IMckerman in conjunction with one from Cleonae in A. J. A. VII, 1903, pp. 
147-156. [As Mr. Powell's article and I.G. IV were published nearly simul- 
taneously cross-references were impossible. The following inscriptions appear 
in both pubUcations: Powell 7 =/.(?. IV, 397; 21 = 1599; 22-1604; 23 =« 
1603; 24 = 1600; 25 -1601; 27 -1602; 30 -1605; 31 = 1598; 48 =405. J.M.P,] 

AnMrican Journal of Archaeology, Second Seriea. Journal of the oo i 

Archaeologioal Institute of America, Vol. XXIII (1919) , No. 4. ^^ 1 

2 



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332 KENDALL K. SMITH 

the six are very small fragments. In the case of only two is 
restoration certain and this does not extend beyond the formulae. 
The other two permit us only to guess at their contents. And 
none of them is as early as the fourth century b.c. 

Nevertheless, despite these disappointing facte, this group does 
throw some light on the character of the Corinthian dialect 
spoken, or, at least, used in public documents, in the third and 
second centuries B.C. It furnishes the first positive proof of the 
use at Corinth of the Doric koiv^. Outside of the regular a for n 
may be noted especially the verbal forms -BrjTij kvoBktij^v (61, 8), 
and hu>v (63, 3) as well as TraptTvbayx>\)<nv (63, 5). 

Something may also be learned from this group about the 
documentary formulae employed at Corinth. In No. 63, and 
probably also in No. 64, the divided type of prescript is found, 
the Udit of authorization appearing not immediately after the 
date but between the Reason for the Decree (eiretfi^ . . . . ) 
and the body of the text. The dating is extremely brief in the 
one instance preserved, No. 63, consisting merely of the epony- 
mous officiaPs name, without designation of his office, and of the 
name of the month, both in the genitive case. In No. 61 the 
conclusion of a decree is seen to contain provisions for procuring, 
inscribing, and erecting the stone copy of the original document 
and for meeting its expense, in language paralleled by Corcy- 
raean and other Dorian decrees. The style of the formulae, 
in general, varies from the simplicity of No. 63 to the verbos- 
ity of No. 62. The phrases are naturally more akin to 
those of Peloponnesian than of Attic documents; but they show 
no special similarity to the phrases used in documents of Corinth's 
colonies. 

For the constitutional side of Corinthian history this group of 
fragments is again of little value. As in the Magnesian decree, 
honors are conferred by a single body, presumably the same 
Ecclesia there named. It is certainly not the Corcyraean 
Halia or Haliaea. And this fact adds nothing to our knowledge 
of the government of this important state concerning which so 
little is known. 

The second group of inscriptions in this article contains frag- 
ments of three Catalogues and one Boundary Stone. Two of the 
catalogues are Victors' Lists of the Roman period, one is of uncer- 
tain character. The first of the Lists contains only the official 
dating, not the list proper. It is noteworthy for having the 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 333 

Emperor-Consul's name erased. The Boundary Stone, a precious 
fragment from the fifth century b.c, is a most interesting stone, 
and helps to explain a mysterious rock-cutting and secret entrance 
close by the spot where it originally stood. It is also important 
for the history of the Corinthian alphabet and numerical signs, 
and makes a slight contribution to our knowledge of the Corin- 
thian dialect. 

Dedications of different kinds compose the third group, Nos. 
71-98. They range in date from the sixth century B.C. to late 
Roman times. Most of them are mere fragments, but many are 
not lacking in interest. Four are written in fine archaic Corin- 
thian letters. One may have come from the pedestal of a statue 
of the famous Timoleon. One, and possibly a second, gives 
the sculptor's name. In the Roman group are found frag- 
ments of pedestals of the statues of the Emperor Hadrian and of 
one of the prominent Achaean provincials of the time of Tiberius. 
Other fragments possibly give us the late Roman designation for 
the long portico known to the excavators as "The Northwest 
Shops." 

In the fourth group a few broken Gravestones are found, one of 
which is metrical. 

Finally, I have made a few comments on certain of the inscrip- 
tions published by Powell. 



Public Decrees 
An Honorart Decree 

61a and & (Inv. 401 and 432. Fig. 1). Two fragments of bluish-grey lime- 
stone, found at different times and in different localities, but not so far apart 
as to preclude any attempt to bring them into association. The larger frag- 
ment, a (401), was found in 1907 in an accumulation above the Agora, south of 
the Northwest Stoa. The smaller fragment, b (432), was picked up later in the 
same year near the Propylaea on the late Greek pavement of the Agora. They 
are not of the same thickness; but neither fragment appears to retain its orig- 
inal back surface. On the other hand, identically the same quality of stone 
appears in both and the letters in both have exactly the same size, shapes, and 
peculiarities; viz., the main strokes are merely short, disconnected wedges; the 
middle horizontal strokes in E and A are missihg; and it is almost impossible to 
tell apart 0, 0, and Q. For these reasons the fragments have been associated. 

Fragment a is broken from the lower left-hand comer of an inscription and 
contains the beginnings of nine lines. Its dimensions are H. 0.255 m., W. 
0.264 m., Th. 0.07 m. 

Fragment l> is a small piece from the last two lines of an inscription and con- 



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334 KENDALL K. SMITH 

tains no more than nine letters. Its dimensions are H. 0.14 m., W. 0.07 m., 
Th. 0.031 m. 
In both fragments the letters are 0.005-7 m. high. 



. . . ayopa 

aVTOV KCL 

StiTi 6tws 
5 avrfjp thtp 

r[a>] 6 kyhbrrip hv 

Kal kvoBkiitv tU 

ttI ILupiivai' rd d^ dv 

a. Line 1. Only a few traces of letters remain, possibly A, 
then perhaps O, and N or I. 

Line 2. The last letter might be N instead of I. 

Line 3. The fourth letter may be either or 12. Beyond K 
only a sloping bar appears. It might be A as well as A. 

Line 5. The rj in avriiv is clear. It is a sm*prising Koivrj in- 
trusion. Contrast Uetprfpai (9) and also kvaSkn^v (8). 



A 

Figure 1. — Inscription from Corinth: No. 61. 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 335 

Line 7. After the first letter the stone appears to have a small 
chipping. Into the space could only fit either 0, 0, or Q. Be- 
yond the last letter — ^which might be A as well as A — a vertical 
hasta can be deciphered, belonging to r, N, E, or possibly P. I 
believe it to be N, the second letter of dvo7pA^ou 

Line 9. On the fractured edge at the right can be seen the 
beginning of an upright hasta, which again I consider to be N. 

Enough is preserved to show that the conclusion of a Corin- 
thian decree was couched in familiar language. But we have too 
little to enable us to offer any restoration which will be anything 
but suggestive of the original. The details are wholly uncertain. 
The restoration below is merely intended to indicate what I 
conceive to be the sequence of thought, and how I think the 
two fragments can be brought together. 

a . . . 

aiTa)i[ * Kokelv d^ Kal €ls Tpoedpiav] 

ahrbv ico[i Ik76vou$ kv rols hyOxn oh A ir6\vs ri]- 
BriTiy 6ira>s [icd d ir6Xt$ 0a(j^rai irdvras roc's tU -^J- 

5 CLvriiv 6U€p[7€roi}j'ra$ icara^las Kal xdptras] 

Kal Tt/ids kiclobihovaa' CT&Xav d^ \idipav kyd6]- 
r[a>] 6 kydoTtjp' d^[a7pd^ac d^ els ahr^v rd ^d^tcr/ia] 
Kal iLvajSkiJL€V els [riiv etaodov ras] d7opo[$ Td.v k]- b 

tI Ueifyfjvai,' rd 61 6.p[6.\o)fJLa bbros ^i)\yJtvr\s [6 rayXas.] 

The phraseology follows in general that of an inscription of 
Epidaurus Limera, /.(?. V, 1, 932. 

Line 6. ardXav U kt\. The language resembles that in con- 
temporary Spartan inscriptions; /.(?. V, 1, 4 and 5; also in 
one from Hermione, Dittenberger, Sylloge,'^ 654. The duties of 
an kyBorfip (or kKddrris) are succinctly expressed in /.(?. XII, 653, 
59, dt'^pa 6<Trij kydcoaei Hiv arfj\riv Kal arfiaei Kal kin,fjLe\is ^otijcnyrat 
5irw$ kvaypa4)% rbbe rd ^iJ</>t<T/Lia. He was the "director of con- 
tracts'' (Tillyard, B.SA. XII, 1905-1906, p. 443). He had to 
give out the contract for the shaping, inscribing, and erection 
of the stone. On the form in -rrip see most recently Fraenkel^ 
Geschichte der griechischen Nomina Agentis aufj -Ttip, -royp, -ri/s. 
Compare also No. 75, note on line 3, page 369. 

Line 8. t^ elao8ov ras dyopas. The more usual formula of loca- 
tion would be els rb Upbv t6 rov deLvds or els t6v kTn<t>avk<TTaTOV t&kov^ 
But I have been led to my restoration by the fact that the smaller 



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336 KENDALL K, SMITH 

piece was discovered near the great northern Mobos which is in 
fact close to Peirene. In an inscription of lalysos (Ditt. Syll? 
560) a similar site is appointed for the erection of an honorary 
decree. 

Line 9. n€ipi7J'ot. The famous city-fountain, the atyLvbv tfdc^p 
of Euripides {Medea 69). The excavations of the American 
School at Athens have brought to light its varied architectural 
history from the days of Periander down to modem times. 
The water is still flowing copiously and supplies the modern village 
of Old Corinth. The speUing with rj is that of the Attic or of the 
milder type of Doric. So Euripides writes in a choral passage 
of his TroadeSy 205, nctpi7i'as bdpevaofxkva wpdawdKos oUrpb, atfjLvojv 
i>h6.T(av. Pindar uses the more severely Doric form ILupkvwi in 
Olymp. XIII, 86. 

r6 bk iLv6.\o)/xa, Among examples of this formula may be noted 
particularly Ditt. Syll.^ 654 (Hermione), t6 dk kvb.\(aiia ddroj ds 
raOra 'AT€X(Xa)$, 6 rafilas: LG, IX, 685-6 (Corcyra), rdv 6^ rafdav 
bbfuv t6 y€v6fjL€vov iLv6.\(afjLa: I,G, XI, 683 (Delos), rd dl di/dXco/ia 
dovvaf, rbv Tapiav 'kp.--\ LG, XII, 5, 653 (Syros), t6 d^ kaSfxcvov 
dj^Xoj/ia €ls re Hiv arfiXrfv Kal rfjv iLvayptKpiiv Wra> 6 ra/itas 'ApLara- 
ydpas &Td Trjs kvKVKklov du}iKfia€0)s koBSti Slv avvreXkay 6 kyddTTjs: I»G. 
IV, 2 (Aegina), t6 di yev6 fievop &vdXc^/Lca d6ra> 6 ra/Uas. 

Honors Conferred on Nikadas, Son of Alexanor, of Aiqion* 

62 (Inv. 269. Fig. 2). Three contiguous fragments of greyish marble, 
which together form the upper right-hand comer of a slab surmounted by a 
pedimental decoration. Found in 1902 behind the shops on the Lechaeum 
Road, at the north end, in the filling beneath the Basilica. As reconstructed 
the dimensions are H. 0.31 m., W. (of the inscribed field) 0.277 m., Th. (of the 
inscribed field) 0.032 m. (at top) — 0.051 m. (at bottom). H. of letters: in line 
1, 0.009 m., in the other lines, 0.007-0.009 m. The original width of the in- 
scribed field can be determined approximately since the apex of the pediment 
is preserved. The pediment itself must have been about 0.356 m. wide. De- 
ducting 0.042 m., to aUow for its excess width, we get an original width of the 
inscribed field of 0.314 m. This means a minimum loss of 0.037 m. at the left. 
The forms of the letters indicate the first half of the second century B.C. as the 
probable date. 

[*EtI -]p<7'tXa, ^OLVucaiov (fjLriv(n), 
['E7r€t6i7 N]ticd5as 'AXcfAvopos Alyuvs 
[kv Trav]Tl KaipOii ^toreXcT ^f)vovs k- 

1 The Greek proper names in this article are transliterated according to the 
system preferred by the author and adopted at his special request. J. M. P, 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 337 

[d)v Koi]vai T€ rat x6X€( Kal koB' iBlav roTs 
5 ['jrap€]TiBafjLOv<nv Kal xP^^o-^ txovffiv 
[twv dLfjLe]Tkpu)v toXlt aVy tBo^€ rat 
[kKKkrjaiaL kTrailveaai NtK<!i5av 'AX€- 
[^dvopos AlyLTJ M rat €Ovo]Lai &t Ix^i' 
[diaTekel kt\. 

(In the Year) of — ^rsilas, (in the month) Phoinikaios, 
(Whereas) Nikadas, son of Alexanor, of Aigion 
never permits an opportunity to pass of showing 
kindness to the State as a whole and to our 
individual citizens who visit Aigion 
and need assistance, Voted by the 
Assembly to commend Nikadas, son of Alexanor, 
of Aigion, because of the kindness which he 
continually shows, etc. 

Line 1. An unfortunate shadow in the photograph has oblit- 
erated the first letters of this line and the line below. The stone 
has before 2 a P, and a possible tip of the lowest horizontal hasta 
of an E, as indicated in the transliterated text above. But this 
letter is by no means certain. If it were, QtpalXas would be a 



Figure 2. — Inscription from Corinth: No. 62. 



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338 KENDALL K, SMITH 

plausible restoration;^ but in view of the uncertainty it is best to 
leave the name incomplete. The name is unquestionably that of 
the eponymous magistrate, either a ypafxpLarebs (see Nos. 8 and 
16, pp. 34&-347) or the TpOraws, the officer who usually appears 
in this eponymous capacity in the documents of Corinth's 
colonies,^ the executive head of the eight Tp6j8ouXot, the Corin- 
thian ephors, who are mentioned by Nicol. Damasc. frg. 60.' 
It is strange to find the title of his office missing, but lack of 
space preceding the name compels us to assume such an omission 
in this instance. There is room for kirl and a space equal to 
that following -pcrlXas, but not for so long a word as TrpvravebovTas 
or ypa/x^aTevovTos. At first glance it would appear as if the 
krl also must have been omitted; for it happens that the two 
names as they stand are centred in their line. But this sym- 
metry is misleading. So far as I can discover, the genitive of a 
man's name without M or the designation of his office is found 
in the heading of an honorary decree only when the name be- 
longs to the recipient of the honors. In this inscription the 
recipient is Nikadas, so -rsilas must be the name of the magis- 
trate and krl must have preceded it. Even this formula is 
unusual and restricted to a very few of the known documents.* 
^otvticatou. This is recognized as the name of a Corinthian 
month from the Corcyraean decree discovered at Magnesia 
(Inschr. v. Magn,, 44) with the heading: 'Ext rpvTavuK 
'Av6p(ji)TrL<rKov fxrjvds ^OLViKaLov d/i^ai rkpLTTai, (Notice the 

similar spacing.) Otherwise it would have been understood as 
a demotic appellation. It is so defined by Steph. Byzant. 
8JV, ^oivlKaiov 6pos KoplvBov, "E^poy kvvtaKai8€K6.T(^, rd Wvikov 
^oLviKolos. The omission of fJLrjv6sj while less surprising, parallels 
the suppression of tputovcOovtos, or its equivalent, in the phrase 
preceding. 

* Suggested by Mr. Hill, Director of the American School at Athens. As a 
matter of fact, I have found the name only in the Ionic form QepckKeas {LG. 
XII, 6, 216 — ^the well-known archaic Parian column). It has been suggested, 
also, that the eponymous founder of the Thersilion at Megalopolis may have 
been named OepalXai rather than QifxriXxn. See the Index to I.G. V, 2, s.v. 
OkpatXoi. 

« See Kern, Tnschriften von Magnesia, 42 and 44; G.D.I. 1389, 3180, 3199 S. 
Cf. Anthol. Gr. VII, 619. 
' Greenidge, Outlines of Greek ConslUulional History^ p. 72. 

* I.G. XIV, 208-213 (Acrae) and 421-423 (Tauromenium), are to be added to 
the three examples given by Larfeld, I, p. 470. 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 339 

Line 2. The I in NticASas actually appears on the stone 
though concealed by the shadow in the photograph. 

'AXcfdvopos. An honored name in this neighborhood (Paus. 
11, 11, 5). 

Alytevs. As Aigion was at this time the centre of the Achaean 
League, Nikadas must indeed have found many opportunities for 
showing kindness to visiting Corinthians. The nature of his 
public service to the Corinthian state is unrecorded. 

Line 5. TaptTiBafiovaiv is the regular word in this formula, 
outside of Attica, from the end of the third century B.C. The 
commonest Attic synonyms are kvrvyx^i^ovffiv, Teptriryxavoucrtv, and 
iL4>iKvovtikvoii. Two other possible restorations may be set aside 
as inferior: kverLSanovaiv, a rare late word, which does not quite 
fill the lacima; and del ^Tt$a/xoD<riv, an imusual combination, 
although both words occur separately in this formula. 

Line 6. &fjL€Tkpo>v, On the introduction of the first person 
see Larfeld I, pp. 528-529. 

Uo^€ Tax kKK\ri<Tiai. The Corinthian prescripts, as observed 
here and in the Corinthian inscription at Magnesia {Inschr. 
V. Magn.y 42), omit this formula at the beginning and set it 
after the statement of facts, where normally the transitional 
infinitive 5€56x^at appears (Larfeld I, 482-484). Parallels to 
this Corinthian type are not uncommon, e.gf., Larfeld, I, 479 
(inscriptions of Sparta, Corcyra, Epirus), Inschr, v, Magn,, 40 
(Argos), 45, 46 (Epidamnus), 48 (Eretria). It is, in fact, a char- 
acteristic late type (Larfeld, I, 475). 

Line 7. kKKKrialcu. Restored from Inschr. v, Magn,, 42, 10. 
In literatiu'e we hear only of a Corinthian ytpovala. As in 
Sparta, all real power seems to have been concentrated in the 
hands of this oUgarchical body, there under the Ephors, here 
under the Probouloi [Diod. XVI, 65; Polyb. XXXVIII, 13 (11)], 
but there is nothing in the evidence to disprove the existence of 
an Ecclesia. In fact, by analogy with Spartan institutions we 
should expect both bodies. We find the Corinthian Gerousia 
possessing executive and judicial authority; the Ecclesia would 
control foreign relations and confer such honors as are decreed 
in this inscription. That the latter is never mentioned in litera- 
ture is due, no doubt, to the rarity of literary allusions to the 
government of Corinth. Grote's picture of the Corinthian state 
inclines to the excessively oUgarchical. There must be a measure 



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340 KENDALL K. SMITH 

of truth in the Sicilian view of Corinth quoted by Plutarch.* One 
inscription of Ithaca mentions the kKK\ri<ria (Ditt. Syll.^ 25). In 
the other colonies the name AXIa is given to it {G.D.I, 3180, 
3199 flf.). But this word is too short to fit into our text. 

Before A I traces of N E ^ can be observed on the fractured 
edge of the stone. 

Line 8. kiyLij. For the restored contracted ending see No. 
63, line 5, —airj, 

kirl rat €^o]lat St lx(^v. There is no doubt of this read- 
ing although the last three letters of the noim are broken. This 
dative with krly giving the summarized motive for honoring a 
person, practically displaces the genitive and heKa outside of 
Attica in the early second century B.C. As collected by Larfeld, 

I, pp. 511-513, the figures are the following: 

Centuries IV-III II-I 

Gen.+«lv€Ka 30 times 9 times 

*Ti+Dat. 8 " 35 " 

In Attica ixi with the Dative does not displace the other con- 
struction until the- second half of the first century B.C. (Larfeld 

II, 770). It is found in the one complete Aeginetan decree 
known, I.G. IV, 2 (69 B.C.). 

Proxenia Conferred on Chairesilaos 

63 (Inv. 248. Fig. 3). A slab of Acrocorinth limestone, broken on all 
sides except the right. Present dimensions: H. 0.106 m., W. 0.246 m., Th. 
0.074 m. H. of letters, 0.008-0.015 m. O and 9 are small. The others are 
not of uniform size. There are no real finials, but the wedge-shaped hastae 
produce a similar effect. The cutting is very uneven, and, considering the 
size of the letters, the channels are over-wide. In the fourth line the cross-bar 
of the A in the proper name has been omitted. It was probably painted in. 
The fragment was found in a late level near the east end of the Northwest Stoa. 
Its date seems to be the first half of the second century b.c. 

['EirttfiT) — — — — 
(Unknown number of lines lost) — 
[ — — — ]s nr)T€ 
[ — — '!r\a<Tav ^Tt- 
[/i^Xttav kTroiri\(Taro' Ibo^t 
[rax hKK\ri<r\lai XatpccrlXaov 

* Timoleon 2, Ti^v T6\iy bpS)VTt% ^XeXtifBtpoy Ktd futrorhpavvw ola^av dei Kal tQi^ 
xoKkiMav Tohi xXtUrroin koI fxeyLjTovs wtiroXturfKviai^ o{>x ^ip ^tfiovias Kal rXcoirc^at 
AXX' inrkp riji Ttaf 'EXX^wov IXet^cp£a$. 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 341 

5 [ ]at5 vvv Tp6^€vov 

[etfjLCP k](u ebepykrav ras 

[t6\ios] rdv Kopivdiu)v av- 

[t6v t]€ Kal kKydvous' vTrdp- 

[x^w] 5^ ainm Kal to. Xot7r[d ^t]- 
10 [Xdv9p]ci}7ra Kal rl/ua Td[j'Ta] 

[6<ra Kal rois fiXXots Tpf^kY- 

[voii Kal ebepykrais kt\.] 

(Whereas Chairesilaos of — 

— — ) has devoted 
himself — — — 

— — , Voted 

by the Assembly, That Chairesilaos 
of — be Proxenos 
and Benefactor of the 
Corinthian State, him- 
self and his descendants; and That 
he enjoy all the other 
favors and honors 
(that the other Proxenoi 
and Benefactors etc.) 

Line 2. Maaav kmlfieXtiav kiroiri]<TaTO. See Larfeld, I, 494. 
Line 3. ?5o$€. See note on No. 62, line 6. 
Line 4. [kKK\rja]Lai„ See note on No. 62, line 7. 



Figure 3. — Inscription from Corinth: No. 63. 



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342 KENDALL K, SMITH 

XaipealXaos. G.D.I. 1745, 1954; Fick, Griech, Personennamen,^ 
pp. 18, 28, 287. 

Line 5. Not more than eight letters are missing at the left. 
The father's name is so rarely omitted (I have found as parallel 
examples only I.G. XI, 652 and 1040) that we must conclude 
that both patronymic and ethnic are to be accommodated in 
this short space. It is possible to restore "AXairj or 'Rpatrj and 
still have room for a genitive of five or six letters. Even ^apur} 
would be possible; but any longer form like Alyiairij KapSatrjj 
KpriTairj, Ilctpat^, or XlXarat^ leaves room only for some rare name 
like B£as. 'AcrruTaXat^ would fill the lacuna perfectly by itself. 
In view of the number of possibilities, it seems wisest to leave 
the gap. It is disappointing to have the ethnic adjective in 
doubt. For Chairesilaos is the first and only known proxenos in 
the entire commercial empire of Corinth. Indeed, this consular 
institution has hitherto been inferred for Corinth merely in view 
of its prevalence throughout the Hellenic world.^ 

Line 8. The horizontal hasta on the edge of the stone could 
belong to a sigma; but undoubtedly it is part of the epsilon of re. 

Line 10. Of <t>i\dv6pcjTra only the tops of the last three letters 
are preserved, but they are enough to prove that the normal 
Hellenistic formula, tSl Xotrd 4>L\dvdp<aTra Kal rt/ita xdyra, was 
employed here; see Larfeld, I, 521 flf. The word <t>i\dv$pwTra is 
here used in the usual sense of favors or privileges; at times it is 
to be interpreted as services rendered {B.S.A. XII, 442). 

SOSTBATOS 

64 (Inv. 453). On a Greek building-block of poros discovered in 1907 built 
into a shop of the earliest Roman period, at the western end of the Agora H. 
0.35 m., W. 1.225 m., Th. unascertainable. H. of letters 0.026-K).03 m. 
Shapes: AHl^ZOO 

<TTpaT7fy[d]s — 

'ZoxTTparov 'A^f 

KopLvBlov t6v ahT[6v — 
Kal Fo)fialu)v woa — 

These words appeiar to belong to the concluding lines of the 
inscription. There are traces of words above ffTparriyds but 
none beneath the last line. 

1 Cf . P. Monceaux, Lea Proxines grecques^ p. 164. 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 343 

Line 1. Beyond aTparrrY^ there are some illegible letters. 

Line 2. At the right A is clear, r seems to follow; then per- 
haps an A and N or M. We expect the father's name. 

Line 3. The letters am are exceedingly doubtful. 

The fragment can be dated with considerable certainty in the 
first half of the second century B.C. Its use in one of the earliest 
buildings of Roman Corinth as second-hand material makes it 
antedate Mummius's sack of the city in 146 B.C. Its letters also 
are typical of the second century B.C. 

Crowns for Arbitrators (?) 

65 (Inv. 255. Fig. 4). A bluish-grey marble slab, broken on all sides except 
the left. H. 0.245 m., W. 0.108 m., Th. 0.082-85 m. Found under the north 
end of the Basilica to the west of the Lechaeum Road. H. of letters: 



€ai;[ — — — — 

Kal T[€]t(ru[ — — 

pv Kal 6 Brifi[o — — 

TOVi cOxoIp — — 

5 vkffai /i^v[ — — — 

aT€<t>avoi [ — — — 

Kal k^airoirlT — — 

(TTtts irav [ — — — 

pu)v Kal rdv y[ — — 

10 Tcov .as duc[a — — 

<t>avoi Ka\o[ — — 

4>6.V(i3v 6Lvayo[p€V — 

{^iovvcitjiv [ — — 

. . TOIS Kal [ — — 



Figure 4. — Inscription from Corinth: 
No. 65. 



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344 KENDALL K. SMITH 

0-0.003 m.; I sometimes =0.009 m.; *«0.011 m.; other lettere«0.006 m. 
The letters are shallow and carelessly cut. A few have finiaJs. They look 
more like a bookhand than monumental forms. Some traces of alignment- 
rulings are visible, but only above the letters. The engraver appears to have 
contented himself with this single guide. The inscription may be dated in the 
middle of the second century b.c 

Line 2. The fifth letter was read A by the finder; to me E 
alone seems possible. The last letter is surely T. 
Line 10. The fourth letter is illegible. 

The following amplification of the preserved portion of the 
text pretends to do nothing more than suggest the original con- 
tent of the inscription. It is based on the assumption that Sfj^ws 
would not be used in a genuinely Corinthian decree of this date 
and that the fragments of words 4fa7ro<r- (1.7),--<rras (1.8), and 
diK- (1.10) refer to the common Hellenistic practice of sending 
oflf (efairoffrctXat) to another city, on request, arbitrators 
(StKacrrdj) to decide important suits (5tKa$) between citizens of 
the city making the request, between that city and another, or 
whenever the partiaUty of the local judges was suspected and 
feared. The preservation of such records on stone is commonly 
due, as I assume was the case in the present instance, to the pub- 
lication in this manner of honors conferred on the visiting com- 
mission by the state whose citizens have thus been laid under 
obUgation. The place of discovery is not necessarily the city 
which promulgates the decree. It is as likely to be the home of 
the arbitrators. Consequently, it is not surprising in such an 
inscription to find a dialectic form Uke 5^mos.^ 

iay[Tous (?) — — — — — — — ] 

Kal U[€]i(rv[\ov — — — — — — — ] 

ov KoX 6 drjiJL[os — — — — — — — ] 

Tovs €i'xa[p^<'"''0*^^tts €fc t6v dij^v rcav — ' 5€66x^at rwt 5i)/ia)t ^tcu]— 
vkffOL yAv [t6v drjfiov t6v twv KopLv6iu)v Kal aTe<l>ayca<rai ahr6v xpv<rS>i 
<rT€(l>6.vo)i Kal &v ay opevaai 6rt 6 bijixos] 

^ AnK)ng other examples may be mentioned I.G. V, 2, 367, a Magnesian 
decree in Arcadia; I.G. XI, 4, 1067, a Doric decree in Delos; I.G. XII, 2, 530, 
an Ionic decree in Eresos; I.G. XII, 2, 658, a Colophonian decree at Meth3rmna; 
and the many foreign decrees among the Magnesian inscriptions. In general 
see Pauly-Wissowa, V, 1, p. 570, s.v. Sucturral. M. N. Tod, IiUemalional 
Arhiiration among the Greeks, has collected the examples in which these ducaaral 
arbitrated between states. See also P. Raeder, UArhiirage irUematumale chez 
lea Grecs. 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 345 

(rrc^ovot [rdv drjfiov t6v tQv KopLvdUov xpwTcoi <TT&l>6LV<jii kirl rwt — ] 
KoL ^aTO<r[r€TX(u &vdpas icaXovs K&yaBovs — — * ^Tatv4<rat 8^ 

Kal Tovs 8iKa]- 
crrds Ilavfa (?) — — Kal UeiavKov — dpcr^s tveca Kal 81- 

Kauxrifvris Trjs eli t6v hrj\— 
ftov' Kal t6v 7[pa/i/iar4a — — — — aT€<t>av(h<TaL d^ oOtovs 

TO)v [T]d,i 8tK[as — — — — — — ' 6 be Krjpv^ Ava- 

yoptvkTO) 6tl 6 dfjfjLtK 6 tG>v — cr^- 
(t>ajHn Ka\o[KayaJ9Las tvexa Ilava — — — Kal H€1<t()\ov — • 

<l>dv(ji)v 6.vayo[p€ha€<as kTifjLeXrjdTjvai — — • — — — — — ] 
[A]LWV(rUap [rwv ftey&Xcav rpaycaidwv rait d^ww virdpxctv d^ aifroii 

[ai\Toh Kal [bcydvoi^s avroiv — — — — — — — — ] 

Line 1. The restoration iav[Tovs] is purely conjectural. 

Line 2. nlelKrulXov]. This hypocoristic proper name, which 
is found also in Rhodes {I.G. XII, 1, 788), I have conjec- 
tured on the analogy of Sc^uXXos (No. 74) and similar names. 
See Fick-Bechtel, Griech. Personennamen,^ p. 27. 

Line 3. 55m[os]- Contrast TaptTiBaiMvaiVj No. 62, line 5. 
This Koiirff form probably did not enter Corinthian inscriptions 
\mtil after the Roman rebuilding of the city. Without exception 
the colonies use 5aMos, and this is the form employed in the 
Corinthian decree at Magnesia {Inschr. v. Magnesia, 42, 1). 

It is tempting to correct the preceding -ov to olv and restore 
5tci>s dv (^v Kal 6 Sfjfios d iipkrtpw il>alyriTai TLfMV icrX., as in the 
regular hortatory formula. 

Line 4. rws €£>xa[pi<rToOvTas kt\. Cf. Larfeld, I, pp. 504 flf. 

Line 6. aT€<l>avoi, The verb is restored here and in line 11 
instead of the plural noxm because in practice only a single crown 
was voted to a drjpos or to a group of individuals, no matter how 
numerous they were. I understand the plural in Une 12 to refer 
to all the crowns separately voted above. This summarizing 
pliu'al appears also in a Delian inscription {LG. XI, 1056); after 
recording the individual crowns in the singular, the decree pro- 
ceeds: rrjs 8^ avayop€va&as tG)v <TT€it>6.v<t)v Kal rcov eUdvcav kinixeKrfirivaL 
Tws cTparnyohs. Similar summaries are I.G, XII, 3, 6 (Syme), 
Kal kcT€<^a3f(ankvov xpwT€ols <7'r€^dvots i^x' dLfiuv t6 tIpLtov], and 331 
(Thera), Kal robs tikv xpo<rods <rT€<t>dvovs eU Xc^icwjiia Karax<(>P^<''at. 



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346 KENDALL K. SMITH 

Line 8. -o-ras is presumably a final syllable. Words seem to 
be divided at the ends of lines in this inscription, as in others of 
the time, on a syllabic principle. The restoration 5tica]<7'rAj is 
consistent with k^aroaTkXKeiv, (1. 7) and T^i dUai (1. 10). 

nav[a-]. The break here favors A after N. I assume that 
the names of the ducaaral begin with this word. 

Line 9. ypantiareU, the indispensable secretaries of such 
boards, are not often the recipients of honors; but on occasion 
they are, e.g. J.G. VII, 4130, 4131; I.G. XII, 5, 869; Pauly-Wis- 
sowa s,v. ypayLixartit (Vol. VII, 2, pp. 1741-3). 

Line 11. icaXo-. Because (rr€<^awt are never called icaXo£, this 
seeming attributive must be imderstood either as the beginning 
of a proper name, or, better, as part of the brief motive which I 
have restored. 

Honorary (?) 

66 (Inv. 391. Fig. 7, a). Fragment of a marble slab, preserving the orig- 
inal right edge and portions of the original back surface. Found in 1905 in the 
precinct east of Glauce. Its dimensions are H. 0.21 m., W. 0.15 m., Th. 0.054 
m. The letters, 0.031-37 m. high, are framed by a channelled band or mould- 
ing 0.05 m. wide. Frame and inscribed surface are actually in the same plane. 
The effect of relief is obtained in the old way, by bevelling close to the frame, 
as in No. 94. Scratched horizontal rulings to aid the engraver in his alignment 
are seen not only in connection with the letters preserved but also on the 
stone beneath them and indicate that at least two more rows of letters were 
on the stone. These were diminishing in height. The space between the 
rulings is only 0.028 m. The letters are poorly cut. A possible date would be 
the second century a.d. 

That we have to do with a decree is to be inferred from the 
second line, which is naturally restored [<i]5of€. The delta is 
certain. I imagine that this was preceded in its line by 9€o(* 
'kyoBrj Tuxry* In the first line we may have the last letter of 
Hpofei'ta, E{j€pyeaia or XloXtreta. On this understanding our 
fragment is broken from near the upper right-hand corner of some 
Corinthian honorary decree. 

Two Decrees (?) in Powell's List 

Attention should be called, while we are presenting the group 
of public decrees, to the fragments published by Powell as Nos. 
8 and 16. ^ 

8. The present condition of the architrave block is apparent in 
the accompanying photograph (Fig. 5). My study of the letters 
leads me to read as follows: 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 347 

[A proper name ending with -]a$ y^a[pLtiaT€bs] 
lET€iS]ii 6 nu^ [ . . *. ] 

There is no letter between 2 and r. r is practically certain, 
P probable, and A certain. In the second line it is the letter 
following T that is most diflScult to decipher. Strange as it may 
seem the various marks favor E or 2 more than a circular letter. 
But as the next letter is almost certainly O, the linguistic possi- 
bilities drive us to adopt 9. The photograph, as a matter of 
fact, supports this reading better than it does the other letters. 

16. This fragment is a piece of yellowish Acrocorinthian lime- 
stone, not white marble. Like No. 8 it seems to be the beginning 
of a decree. I would restore as follows: 

*EtI yp]aiJLtJLa[Tkos rod Sei,v6s . . . 
'ET6t5i)] 0t65o[To$ 



By comparison with Powell's reading of the second line it will be 
seen that I feel more certain of the last three letters than he did. 
The spelling of the proper name with I instead of E before is 
not otherwise found in inscriptions belonging to Corinth proper. 
The decree at Magnesia (Inschr. v. Magnesia, 42) has, for ex- 
ample, d€ap6sf not BiapfK, But it is a common phenomenon in 



Figure 5. — Inscription from Corinth: No. 8. 



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348 KENDALL K. SMITH 

the dialects of all the neighboring states and appears in the 
Corcyraean decree at Magnesia, where ^tap6s is found a number of 
times; but compare Thumb, Handbuch d. Griech. LHalekte, p. 113. 

II 

Catalogues and Boundary Stone 
Heading of a List of Victors in Games 

67 (Inv. 49. Fig. 6, a) . A mutilated block of marble, originally in the shape 
of a triangular prism surmounted by a pyramidal cap. It was found in a By- 
zantine level northwest of Peirene. All three faces were inscribed. The 
front, a, is badly broken at the right but is the only face on which any words 
can be read. The dimensions of the block are H. 0.52 m., W. (of face c, the 
best-preserved) 0.295 m., Th. 0.163 m. 

There is one peculiarity about this stone which can only be explained if we 
assume that part of the fracturing belongs to ancient times. In the photo* 
graph it will be seen that the first three lines are continued by dim painted 
letters on the broken surface. These complementary letters, underlined in 
the transcription below, not only resemble the others perfectly in size and 
shape but are painted with exactly the same minium as that which is now 
found in the inscribed letters. I think that we must assume that this comer 
was broken ofiF, either in an earthquake or by some accident, at a time when 
Corinthians were still interested in keeping their pagan monuments in condi^ 
tion. H. of the letters: line 1, 0.03 m., other lines, 0.017 m. 

a. 
ATAQ E TTXH 

'E^ri 'TTdrwv [AM" 
Kpkropoi [Kalcra]- 

posT 

5 

[. a]i f . 'Avri<r[ ] 

[. .]u 6.y<ji)vo\ ] 

[. TJI/?. KXav[. . . .1 

10 [. . .]oi V€ik[ ] 

[. . . : .]'EX[ ] 

Line 1. Nothing has to be supplied. H TTXH is painted in 
the fracture. 

Line 2. wv is painted in the fracture. 

Line 3. s is painted in the fracture. 

Line 4. The important question to decide, if possible, is the' 
name that has been erased from this and the two following lines. 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 349 

The work of erasure has been done so thoroughly that nothing 
has survived but the high-set mark of abbreviation immediately 
after -POS, the horizontal bottom stroke of a 2 in line 6, and some 
scattered suggestions of letters which prove deceptive on closer 



A B 

Figure 6. — Inscriptions from Corinth: Nos. 67, 68. 

examination. Among these, however, the most convincing is P 
at the end of line 4. Really the only data to start from are first, 
the date, in so far as this may be guessed from the shapes of the 
letters and the formula of the prescript; second, the fact that the 
Roman emperor must be one whose name was likely to be erased; 
third, the title can contain no more than 36 letters, this being all 



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350 KENDALL K. SMITH 

the erased space allows; the title begins with an abbreviation, 
probably P is the fourth letter, and 2 the fourth or fifth from the 
last; fourth (and possibly most definite of all), his colleague's 
name just below contains the letters TANTIS. 

The only emperor whose name at all satisfies these conditions 
is Commodus. The letters in their combination of cursive and 
capital types are appropriate to the second century a.d. He is 
post-Flavian, as the phraseology khroKpkropw kt\. implies. His 
name is often found erased in both Greek and Latin inscriptions, 
e.g. I.G. Ill, 1145, Index to Inscriptiones Graecae ad Res Roman, 
pert. I, p. 574, and Index to Dessau's Inscr. Laiinaey III, 1, p. 
284. His oflScial title will contain 35 letters if written in the short 
form M. Abpriydov Ko|i/x65ou 'AvTcaveivov ZcjSacrroi}, and in this it will 
be observed that we start with an abbreviation, that P is the 
fourth letter and 2 the fourth from the last. Finally, in the 
year 181 a.d. the consular colleague of Commodus wasL. Antistius 
Burrus Adventus. That is the most tantalizing fact of all. 
Everything fits except this colleague's praenomen. The Lucius 
is well established by C.LL. VI, 213, 725, 1979, and other 
inscriptions. The r of our text n^ght be interpreted as tertium 
if it were not for the I before it which almost certainly belongs 
to a Koi. No; the T is Antistius's praenomen. Some explanation 
must be found for this or the whole hypothesis falls to the 
ground. The most hazardous explanation would be that T was 
an error for L. This is unlikely but still within the realm of pos- 
sibility. Or, in view of the fact that a long line of consuls 
through the first century of the empire bore the name C. Antis- 
tius Vetus, the T might be due to a confusion of names in the 
records. I prefer to offer the second explanation. In the family 
of Antistius Vetus there were a Caius, consul in 50 a.d. and a 
Lucius, consul in 55 a.d.^ Confusion may have resulted at times 
in the provincial records. 

Unless we admit some such explanation, we shall have to con- 
clude either that in C. Antis-, despite the completeness of our 
consular lists, we meet the name of an unrecorded consul, or that 
the names of both consuls have been erased and these letters are 
to be interpreted in some other way. I find either of these alter- 
natives difficult to accept. Hence I prefer to assume the T to be 
due to a confusion in the records. 

^ See Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. 'Antistius'. 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 351 

Line 7. The break before the I suggests A, A, or A. Thfe last 
letter on the stone is a 2. 

Line 9. An abbreviation-mark stands over the IB. There is 
room for one letter before a restored [T]lfi. 

Line 10. ol leaves room for a short cognomen following an 
abbreviated K\av{dlov) in the line preceding. If the cognomen 
were dropped, KXavdlov would fill out its line and ovtoi could be 
restored here. 

Line 11. In the EA I imagine the beginning of the name of 
the games. 'EX€u<7'£vta would be appropriate to a city that held 
Demeter and Kore in such reverence as Corinth.* But we are 
ignorant of the existence of Eleusinia there. Corinth did cele- 
brate 'EXXwrta in honor of Athena Hellotis.* Possibly those are 
the games in question. 

Assuming that this is actually a monument of the year 181 
A.D. I offer the following restoration of the preserved text: 

AFAGH TTXH 

'Exi 'TxdTOJiv [AifToh 
KpSiTopoi jKatcra]- 
pos [M. A{fprj}dov] 
5 ['AvTcaveLvov Ko/i]- 

[fxddov ZcjSao-ToO] • 
[<ca]i r. 'Avn<T[{Tiov) Bo6p]- 
[po]vy ' Ay (i)vo[6€Tov\ 

[. T]Z/3. K\av[idlov) ]- 

10 [. . . ]oi v€iK[rjaav]- 

[rti Td]'EXlXd)Tta] 

It will be noticed that I have violated the officially proper 
order of the names of Commodus in that I have set KotifjMov 
after 'AvTCi)V€ivov. The only parallel I know for this is a fragment, 
I.G. XII, 3, 266 -NEINQ' KOMO-. But unless this order be 
adopted, the syllabic division of the words at the ends of the 
lines will have to be sacrificed, and this is contrary to the practice 
both of this and of other late Corinthian inscriptions. 

Victors in the Caesabea 
68 (Inv. 379. Fig. 6, b). A thick marble block found in 1904, one metre 
below the modem level, south of St. John's church. It has been recut at the 

* Pauly-Wissowa, 8,v. 'Demeter*. 
.» Pauly-Wissowa, «.t;. 'Hellotia\ 



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352 KENDALL K. SMITH 

right for use as a Byzantine capital. When it was put to this use, the inscribed 
surface became the top. In a still later period it would appear that it was used 
as a doornstep with the inscribed face up. A hole quite suitable to serve as the 
socket for a door to tmn in is clear in the photograph. Tlie result of this hard 
usage has been the obliteration of all but the first eleven lines of the inscription. 
The present dimensions of the block are H. 0.59 m., W. 0.249 m. (at top), 
0.253 m. (at bottom), Th. 0.165 m. The letters have a height of about 0.01 m. 
(«»0.02 m.)- The inscription is not elegantly cut; the letters are irregular 
and the lines imeven. Its date may well be the second century a.d. 

oi v€iicfi<TavT€5 t6, E(u<rdp€t[a' €k] 
Kaiaapji Seov vldv Ze/3ao'r6v 

Aoyticc^t 'EvkojjjlUjl 
TaTos 'Io6Xw>$ 1u)v KopivBiosj 6 Kal 'A[pyetos (?) *] 
els Tifikpiov Kaiaapa Seov Ze/ScurroO ij{ldv] 
2)e/3a<rr6v 

Ao7Uci;t *EvK(t)IJLl0)L 

FaTos lo^Xtos "liav KopLvBiosj 6 Kai *Ap[y€Las (?) ] 
els Bekv '\[o]v\iav Xefiaffriiv 
UoirjfjLaTL 
Fates K[A]<r<rio$ ^\&kkos 2i;pa[ic6<rto$.] 

Victors in the Caesarean Competitions 

With a Prose Encomium 

To the Glory of Caesar Augustus, son of Divus (Julius), 

Caius Julius Ion, citizen of Corinth and of Argos (?); 

With a Prose £ncomi\mi 

To the Glory of Tiberius Caesar Augustus, son of Divus 

Augustus, 

Caius Julius Ion, citizen of Corinth and of Argos (?); 

With a Poem 

To the Glory of Diva Julia Axigusta, 

Caius Cassius Flaccus, citizen of Syracuse. 

Line 1. The Caesarea were as widespread as was the city- 
name Caesarea. Games and cities were founded at the same time. 
The Caesarea are fully discussed in Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. 
As this inscription shows, the competitions were Uterary or musi- 
cal rather than athletic. .The Corinthian Caesarea are mentioned 
in an inscription of Thespiae, dated in the reign of Augustus, 
/.(?. VII, 1856, K(u<rdp€ta iv KoplvOm, and on the various pedestals 
at Troezen and Corinth that once carried statues of Cn. Cornelius 
Pulcher, I.G. IV, 795, 1600 and No. 89 below {ir€VTaenipuc6p 
ky(av6d'eTr\v KanrapeUav 'IcBuUov).^ 

iSee also L.R.Dean, 'Latin Inscriptions from Corinth,' A J A. XXU, 1918, 
p. 196. 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 



353 



line 2. It was customary to have competitions in eulogizing 
the imperial personages in whose honor these games were in- 
stituted.^ 

Line 4. The Corinthian and Syracusan victors bear honored 
Roman names, but are not, I believe, otherwise known. 

69 a and h (Inv. 192, 198. Fig. 7, b) . Two small fragments of white marble 
found in the excavations of 1902, at a high level above the east part of the 
Northwest Stoa. Fragment a certainly belong^ to the inscription published 
by Powell, No. 12. It is the small piece in the middle photograph below. 



o]$ 



-ravos 

-7a$ 

-a 






-avres 



-ijcrtos 



— 6U)S 



A B 

Figure 7. — Inscriptions from Corinth: Nos. 66, 69. 

The larger is No. 12 itself. The new piece has the following dimensions: 
H. 0.153 m., W. 0.033 m., Th. 0.10 m. The letters are obviously of the 
same height, 0.02 m. They may be read as follows: Line 1, A or A and E; line 
2, r or T; A and the vertical of N; line 3, r or T and A. 

Fragment &, the photograph on the right above, is not so surely a part of this 
inscription; but it has the same peculiar shape and the letters are approximately 
the same size; H. of 9 =0.014 m., of A =0.017 m. In No. 12 on the right face, 
not visible in the above photograph, they are 0.015 m. The left face of this 
fragment is not inscribed, but that fact might be explained in many ways. 

"No Trespassing" 

70 (Inv. 226. Fig. 8). A poros stele found in situ beside the ancient Greek 
road near the Old Spring leading up to the small fifth century temple that 
once stood there. H. 0.715 m., W. 0.48 m., Th. 0.174 m. (average). The 

^Daremberg et Saglio, 8,w. 'Ludi' and 'Laudatio'. 



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354 KENDALL K. SMITH 

weathering proves that the left side of the road, on which the stone was placed, 
was graded down so that when this stele was set in vertically only 0.24 m. was 
covered at the left as against 0.28 m. at the right. In other words we possess 
the figures from which we can calculate that the side-dip of the road was at 
an angle of 16**. The stele narrows towards the top, its width at the level 
of the ground being 0.44 m., and at the present top 0.39 m. The original 



[H6po$] 

[ht€p6$,] 

AjjuXos. 

jnii Kara- 

PipaaaK- 

kroi • f a/x(- 

allllllll 



Figure 8. — Inscription from Corinth: No. 70. 

top was undoubtedly narrower. The irregular cutting of the back has sug- 
gested that originally the stone was set against an uneven surface of natural 
rock.i If this view is correct, then the place in which it was found is not the 
only position in which the stele was used by the Greeks; for here it abuts upon 
the end of a terrace wall with which the cutting has no relation. At the bot- 
tom of ihe left side there is an irregular cutting in the stone like a pry-hole. 
The shapes of the letters agree with the topographical data in dating the 

^ The suggestion of Mr. B. H. Hill on the analogy of several other stones at 
Corinth. 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 355 

inscription in the early part of the fifth century b.c. The characteristic Corin- 
thian letters of the sixth century: M = i, 5 = i and K = u have been displaced by 
5 » J, |«i and V "■«'i whfle ^ «i7, €, P^ =/3, and ^^ =ft have been retained. 

The letters, varying in height from 0.034 m. to 0.06 m. do not possess the 
beauty of the letters in the more archaic dedications like Nos. 71-73. They 
are written in uneven lines irregularly spaced, and often negligently cut. 

Line 1. The word at tbe top of the stone is certainly llLav>u>iy 
although none of the letters is completely preserved and only 
the ends of the A are to be seen. This A and the M beneath it 
have been cut above the other letters in their respective lines. 
The explanation probably lies in the missing first line. For if all 
the lines had six letters, there would be no possibility of pushing 
up the initial letter into a vacant space above, especially as the 
stone narrows to the top. Assume, however, one line with five 
letters and the peculiarity is explicable. I restore HOPO^ and 
imagine that the first lines once looked somewhat like this: 

uHOPO^ 
A lAPOS 

"^l^lc AJA 
ru I fu A ^ S K 

Kpdva instead of 5pos iap6s is possible, but is less Ukely, despite 
the proximity of a sacred fountain.* This is rather a boundary- 
stone Uke one of Tralles (Ditt. SylU 573), "Opos iepdi HavXos 
Aiovvaov B6.kxou't6v iKkrrjv fiij 6.dLK€lv jJLfjdi &8i,kovijl€Vov irepiopaiv - el d^ 
fxri, k^6)\r] elvai Kal ahrdv Kal t6 ykvos ahrov. 

Line 4. On the omission of n$ after nrj in such general pro- 
hibitions (uriTii^nrjdeis), see Kuhner-Gerth, I, p. 36. 

KaTCLfiifia<r<TKkTU). The syllabic division after Kara- is only 
accidental as the next Une proves. In Corinth this refinement 
belongs to the epigraphy of the days succeeding both the stoiche- 
don and the space-filling arrangements, i.e. of the late third and 
early second centuries b.c. Cf. Nos. 61-65. 

The iterative iSt/3A<rxa), whether in its simple form or in a com- 
pound, occurs very rarely in Greek.^ This recondite form may 

* This restoration assumes that F ha^ been dropped. Cf. Collitz-Bechtel, 
G.D.L II, 3194 (Corcyra). But id. 3192 shows F (HOPFO$). 

* fii0iL<nua in two minor Mss. as a variant of fiifi&aewt Homer, II, XV, 676 
and XVI, 534; the accepted reading in Hom. Hum. ApoU. Dd. 133. The com- 
pound kinfiifidaiua is found in Aristotle, Hist. Animal, VI, 18 of copulation 
between animals. I have been unable to find any example of the compound in 



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356 KENDALL K. SMITH 

have been employed to enhance the solemnity of the injunction. 
I understand it not as an inchoative, but as a frequentative, 
emphasizing the strong general prohibition. The syllabic doub- 
ling of <r before k is, of course, a phenomenon of widespread 
occurrence. We have numerous examples of it from the im- 
mediate neighborhood of Corinth; e.g. I.G. 1, 441, A, 5 (Cleonae); 
but this is the first known example from Corinth proper. 

Line 7. The amount of the fine imposed for trespass is repre- 
sented by eight vertical strokes. As the acro-phonetic numeral 
system of Corinth is unknown, we are forced to conjecture that 
the value of the vertical stroke here was the same as that which 
prevailed almost without exception throughout the rest of the 
Greek world, viz., the obol. The only states in which this unit 
sign is known to stand for the drachma are Orchomenos, Karys- 
tos, and Nesos.^ It seems hardly likely that the great conmxercial 
city of Corinth had a system in agreement with these isolated 
and comparatively insignificant states and differing from that of 
all the great states as well as of her neighbors and colonies. 

But for this fact we should naturally argue that the fine was 
eight drachmae. Eight obols ought to be written as one drachma, 
two obols. The absence of a special sign for five drachmae is not 
surprising in view of the history of. the numeral system of the 
neighboring Epidaurus. At Epidaurus there was no special sign 
for 5, 50, 500, or 5000 before the middle of the fourth century 
B.C. (Tod, op. dt.y p. 130). The Coans even as late as the third 
century b.c. wrote h nine times for nine drachmae. The expres- 
sion eight obols, however, is, so far as I know, without parallel. 

It may well be queried, also, whether eight obols is a large 
enough fine for the ofifense. This seems at first thought to have 
been nothing but a matter of trespassing on ground beside the 
road. More thorough study of the region has, however, revealed 
a more serious (or amusing?) state of affairs. The foimdations of 
what must once have been a small temple containing an altar lie 
at the top of the ascending road on the left side of which, near the 
temple, this " No Trespassing " stone was found. The area to the 
left of the road gave access to a secret passage cut in the solid rock 
that terminated underground at the base of the altar in a mega- 
phone-shaped opening. All the apparatus for oracular deception ! 
Here was no ordinary area to be kept clear. It was made forbid- 

1 M. N. Tod, 'The Greek Numerical Not&tlon/ B.S. A. XVIII, 1911-12, pp. 
98 £f., and J.H.S. XXXIII, 1913, pp. 34 fif. 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 357 

den ground to prevent close examination of the terrace-wall in 
which was the masked entrance to the secret passage. Would 
even eight drachmae be a large enough fine to secure for this spot 
the desired immunity from curious eyes?^ 

To the two arguments that I have brought forward in favor of 
interpreting the eight strokes as drachmae, viz., (1) that eight 
obols should be written as one drachma, two obols, and (2) that 
eight obols is too small a fine for the offense, something can be 
said in rejoinder. The sum may have been written out in this 
full manner for two reasons: for the sake of impressiveness, and 
in order to fill out the last Une of the inscription. The email fine 
may have been preferred to a larger one for the very reason that 
a larger fine would have aroused suspicions. At the same time, 
the eight obols were to exercise their full influence and not be 
reduced to three figures. 

Even eight drachmae was a small fine as fines went in old Greek 
days. Not to mention the huge fines in talents imposed in several 
historic instances, we read in the Tean law (Ditt. SyU.^ 523) that 
the penalty for infringement of the law was 10,000 drs. Refusal 
on the part of the iepol and Upai at Andania to take the oath 
was punished by a fine of 1,000 drs. (Ditt. SylU 653). Cutting 
down trees in a iepSv entailed a fine of 500 drs., and letting cattle 
graze in the same place one of 100 drs. (Ditt. SyU.^ 790). We 
approach more nearly to the eight drachmae in the Andanian 
fine of 20 drs. for failure to obey market regulations, for tamper- 
ing with the water-supply, and for other similar offences (Ditt. 
SyU.^ 653), and in the maximum fine of 5 drs. for kbUrtyLa in the 
Amphiaraeum (Ditt. SyU.^ 589). Smaller than either eight 
drachmae or eight obols is the fine of one drachma levied in Ceos 
upon vt&TtpoL who failed to appear for athletic contests (Ditt. 
SyU.^ 522). 

It can be; seen that none of the arguments we have raised in 
favor of interpreting these marks as drachmae is conclusive. 
Hence it se^ms preferable to interpret them as obols in harmony 
with conunon Greek usage. 

1 This interpretation is due to Mr. B. H. Hill, Director of the American School 
at Athens. I !have given only the facts essential to my argument. When the 
whole story is itold, it will be both a fascinating contribution to our knowledge 
of ancient mo<Sles of oracular deception and a striking testimony to Mr. Hill's 
penetrating inkight and imagination. 



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358 KENDALL K. SMITH 

III 

Dedications 
Artamo- 

71 (Inv. 176. Fig. 9). The upper part of a pedestal in the shape of a small 
Doric column of soft jx/ros stone, once coated with that fine stucco which is 
found at Corinth only on monuments of the sixth and earlier centuries B.C. 
Found in 1902 between the scarped rock on Temple Hill and the shops on the 
western side of the Lechaeum Road, in a stratum of earth characteristically 
Byzantine. Hence, its original location is largely a matter of conjecture. 
Perhaps it should be assigned to the precinct of Apollo, whose temple stood 
close by on the west. Dimensions: H. 0.346 m., Diam. 0.33 m. There are 
sixteen channels, each 0.065 m. wide; their depth (only approximately deter- 
mined because of the destruction of all the arrises) is about 0.004 m. A mould- 
ing, 0.07 m. wide, once encircled the top. It is now too mutilated for us to 
tell whether or not it once had the form of a Doric echinus. In the centre of 
the top is a round hole 0.05 m. in diameter, and 0.075 m. deep, apparently 
for the dowel by which the statue or other dedication was fastened to the 
pedestal. 

The inscription is cut in one of the channels. The letters, written retrograde, 
read from the top downwards in the normal archaic fashion. H. of letters, 
0.035 m., excepting which is 0.017 m. They are splendid examples of sixth 
century calligraphy, being cut with regularity, accuracy, and a fine feeling for 
proportion. The alphas, ''standing on one leg," in Wilhelm's apt phrase, 
remind us of those on the similar Attic column which has been associated with 



Figure 9. — Inscription from Corinth: No. 71. 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 359 

the great Callimachus. But this Corinthian pedestal seems older than the 
early fifth century B.C. The material, the stucco, and the direction of the 
writing are all characteristic of sixth century inscriptions. 

Beyond the no trace of any letter can be detected. It is hard 
to tell whether this is due to the present condition of the stone, 
or merely indicates the fact that our inscription was limited 
to one word, and that a woman's name ending in «: 'Apraju<Ij 
a Corinthian form of 'Apr€/ia>, analogous to "Apra/its for 
"Apre/xts, which is found in inscriptions of the Argolid, Cor- 
inth, Megara, and Boeotia (Meyer, Gr. Gram} p. 102). If the 
inscription was once longer, the dedicant may have been an 
'ApT&tuav (Corinthian for 'Apre/xwv) ; 
or, if we are looking for an hexa- 
meter, &pTa/io$ = 6 &pTafiOi would 
offer a parallel to the Calabrian 
butcher's dedication (LG.A. 543). 
As a metrical inscription, how- 
ever, ought to occupy more than 
one channel of the column, this 
last supposition is of little worth. 
Hence I would read ^ither 'Ap- 

ra/io), or 'AprA/Mo[v 

iipidrjKe]. 

72 (Inv. 301. Fig. 10). A poros 
block, broken at left and bottom. H. 
0.41 m., W. 0.227 m., Th. 0.27 m. 
Found before 1900, but exact date and 
place of finding not recorded. The fin- 
est type of early Corinthian stucco is 
preserved on the upper part of the front 
face. The inscription consists now of 

only five and a half letters of the most Figure 10. — Inscription from 
archaic type, but exhibits the same Corinth: No. 72. 

monumental calligraphy as No. 71. H. 
of letters: 0.039 m. Date: first half of the sixth century b.c. 



-niTAm 



-(Tuvats 



73 (Inv. 256. Fig. 11). Block of poroA. H. 0.214 m., W. 0.472 m., Th 
0.484. Found in 1902 near the north end of the shops on the Lechaeum Road. 
Broken along the top of the front face and worn on its right edge. Careful 
cuttings for 2^1amps in each of the sides and a concave cutting 0.07 m. deep 



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360 KENDALL K. SMITH 

and 0.15 m. in diameter in what was originally the bottom prove a re-use of the 
stone in very early times. As a result it is impossible to tell whether the stone 
was onoe larger or not. 

The inscription has been practically obliterated. H. of letters 0.03 m., the 
O, which is made with compasses, is only 0.022 m. Traces of red coloring may 
be observed in a few letters. 

Line 1. P is the first letter which can be read with any cer- 
tainty. Preceding this appear two vertical hastae. The stone 
does not permit us to interpret them as San. The one before P 



Figure 11. — Inscription from Corinth: No. 73. 

is probably T, the first may be the last stroke of a San. The 
fracture at the left runs up just within the spot where the first 
vertical hasta would begin. The letter following P is A. The 
transverse hasta is visible in its upper half. Widely spaced there 
follows the vertical shaft of a tall T; then comes a broken 0, and 
quite distinctly TOM( = s)A. The next letter looks like a N but 
I suspect it is a M. There is room for still another letter like A. 
As restored the line is iambic or trochaic. 

Line 2. rOM( = s) are the first legible letters. It looks as if 
another P preceded the first. Nothing else can be deciphered on 
this part of the stone. The clamp-cutting has removed one or 
two letters and the fracturing to the left of the clamp has de- 
stroyed another. Of this last only the apex of A, A, M or N, 
is preserved. Close to the right edge of the clamp-cutting it is 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 361 

perhaps possible to decipher N, but this is a deduction more 
from the strokes that are absent than from those that ^re present. 
The next four letters are fairly clear: fe T S ( = t) . If there was 
another letter beyond these, all traces have disappeared. 

It is sad that the stone is so mutilated. The engraver's work 
was beautifully executed. That fact stands out as one certainty 
where so much is obscure. But the softness and fragility of the 
material, which must have meant the early annihilation of many 
of Corinth's archaic monuments, has in this case also been the 
ruin of most, if not all, of a once artistic inscription. My efforts 
to read the inscription have borne little fruit. The following 
transUteration will indicate the present state of my mind on the 
problem: 

-ajlpSiTO rb a-aM[a 

-irlxos a . veroi, 

I am aware, of course, that a genitive ending 5, not ov, is unique 
for Corinth. 

We may have in this stone the pedestal of a statue erected 
over a grave. 

Xentllos 

74 (Inv. 22. Fig. 12). An oblong block of 'paros stone, found in 1902 in the 
late top course of the terrace-wall between the shops on the Lechaenm Road 
and the Propylaea. H. 0.223 m., W. 0.705 m., Th. 0.96 m. Broken or out 
down on all faces except the front. H. of letters, 0.07 m. 

At the left of the first letter, fe, the tips of the two lower hori- 



i ^ r V r r ov 

FiQURB 12. — Inscription from Corinth: No. 74. 



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362 KENDALL K. SMITH 

zontal hastae of a I can be made out on the stone. The second 
r has lost its oblique stroke but there is no question that X and 
not 4 is to be read. An artificial cutting has removed almost half 
of the 0; and of the last letter, V, only the apex is left. 

Without doubt it is a block from some important archaic 
Corinthian monument. This is indicated by the large, widely 
spaced letters. The genitive also calls for one or more other 
words on other equally large blocks. It may be compared with 
No. 78. It is the oldest instance after LG. IV, 1597 of the Corin- 
thian genitive form in -ov carved in stone. The upsilon is in its 
later form V, not the older K which appears in No. 72 and pre- 
vails on the vases and tablets of the first half of the sixth century 
B.C. The V form is seen on the helmet dedicated by Hieron at 
Olympia, and on the slab recording the victory at Tanagra, which 
was set with the golden patera at the peak of the pediment of the 
temple of Zeus at Olympia.* It is also to be read in the "No 
Trespassing** inscription, No. 70. The inscription under dis- 
cussion must belong to the end of the sixth or the beginning of 
the fifth century B.C. 
. For the form of the name cf . Ueiai^lXos], No. 65. 

TiMOLEON (?) 

75 (Inv. 431). A broken pedestal of greyish blue limestone (Fig. 13) found 
in 1907 in the foundations of an early Byzantine house just south of the church 
of St. John. H. 0.31 m., W. 0.91 m., Th. 0.905 m. The left side is cut in the 

familiar manner to make a 
joint with an adjoining stone 
but the front comer on this 
side is broken away. The 
surface of the joint seems to 
be Roman. Corresponding 
with it can be seen on the 
top of the stone two cuttings 
for clampjs and others for 
the pry and dowel (Fig. 14). 
The right side, although 
most of it is broken away, 
Figure 13. — Inscription from Corinth: No. shows the same joint surface 
75, General View. as the left. All these are 

traces of a re-use of the stone 
in Roman times, perhaps in the period of re-building the city, 44 B.C. Esther 
then or later still it formed the ninth block in a series. On the back appears 

^ For a recent publication of these two inscriptions see Nachmanson, /Tis- 
torische Griechische Inschrifteny Nos. 16 and 17. 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 363 

the Roman numeral Villi cut upside down. The excavations have revealed 
near-by two other blocks of the same limestone, similarly nimibered VIII and 
X respectively, but without inscriptions. 

Of the original smooth top surface all but a little along the 
front edge and left comer has been chiselled away (Fig. 14). 
This chiselling has not gone deep enough to remove two foot- 
shaped sockets that belong without a doubt to the original 
pedestal. Their Lysippean position can be seen in the drawing. 
The left foot of the bronze statue was set to the front. The 
socket for its leaden attach- 
ment has been cut in half 
by the re-dressing of the 
right side of the block. 
The socket for the attach- 
ment of the right foot is 
clearly outlined a little 
back of the right centre. 
Its length is 0.223 m. The 
length of the other socket 
was approximately the 
same. This means that 
the statue was fully life- 
sized. There are no 

grounds of certainty that Figure 14.— Top op No. 75. 

only a single statue stood 

upon this pedestal, but my interpretation of the inscription 
makes me believe that this was the case. If we assume this as 
a working h3rpothesis, and assume further that the statue stood 
approximately in the centre of its pedestal, by doubling the 
distance from the left side to a Une midway between the two feet 
we arrive at 1.60-1.70 m. as the original width. To be sure, the 
left face is not the original, but it seems safe to suppose the orig- 
inal surface has only been worked over, as the shortening was 
clearly done from the right end. This length (or width) gives 
us a pedestal proportionally as much longer than No. 76 as it 
is thicker from front to back. 

The surviving portion of the inscription tells us that it con- 
sisted of five Unes and the beginning of a^ sixth (Fig. 15). The 
last word in the inscription ends at the left of our fragment. 
The letters, 0.025 m. high, are square and simple, without the 
elegance of the letters in No. 76, and show a tendency towards 



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364 KENDALL K. SMITH 

the curvilinear. They remind one of those on the Lysippus 
pedestal, No. 5, and certainly are to be dated soon after the middle 
of the fourth century B.C. They are arranged in columns. Our 
fragment contains letters from ten of these. For some reason the 
last two columns are obUque instead of vertical. This device is 
usually employed by the Greek stone cutter when he finds himself 
crowded for space and must insert extra letters at the ends of 



Figure 15. — Inscription from Corinth: No. 75. 

lines which strict adherence to the columnar arrangement would 
forbid. No such cause operates here. There was plenty of room. 
Perhaps the misplaced Q in line 2 started the trouble. The 
letters of the first line are widely spaced. The stonecutter may 
have realized wh^n he had cut the P under Q that if A and the 
rest of its column stood directly under the N and the the 
appearance of the inscription would be marred by an ugly hiatus 
at this point. He, therefore, might choose to sacrifice perfect 
vertical arrangement in order to bring about equal spacing 
between the letters. 

I read the inscription as follows: 

]iwrat Ko[ ] 

iiwd Tojv] iroXejuUav d[ 1 

]KTiaTrjpa k[ 1 

] X/W7<^a/i€va[ 1 

. €\€v]e€plas kwkpla ] 

] raSe. 



The only restorations which appear to me to be certain are 
those I have given above. A number of suggestions for com- 
pleting the other words and some of the lines I shall take up after 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 365 

discussing the historical event which I believe this monument 
commemorated. 

First, a word on some of the doubtful letters. 

Line 1. I before Q might be T so far as the stone is con- 
cerned. 

line 2. The letter before is certainly P ; the last letter 
beyond N is A. 

Line 3. The first two letters are KT. 

Line 5. The break before E traces the curve of a 0. 

Line 6. The first letter is doubtful. The horizontal stroke 
may be only a scratch above an I. The two strokes do not 
actually touch as in the other examples of T in the inscription. 
Still I prefer to read T. 

If the length of the pedestal was L6Q-1.70 m., as calculated 
above, there would be room on the stone for two more letters 
before IXcv^eplas, for eight before I in line 1, and for seven before 
P in line 2, before K in Une 3, and before X in line 4. At the 
right some 13 columns could be suppUed. 

Enough of the inscription is preserved with its reference to 
''ene^iies," "founder," and "freedom'' (by restoration), to war- 
rant us in attempting to connect it with some military event in 
the history of Corinth. We have guessed above that the date 
was near the middle of the fourth century b.c. I should be sur- 
prised if it was much later than Chaeronea, 338 b.c. (Corinthian 
troops did stand by the Athenians and Thebans on that field, 
but the issue of the day could hardly have prompted the Corin- 
thians to commemorate it in just this manner.) And yet the 
striking fact about the preceding generation is Corinth's com- 
plete aloofness from the discords that reigned throughout Greece. 

Worn out by the constant warfare in which she had shared 
with few interruptions for nearly a century, Corinth withdrew 
from an active rdle in Greek politics four years before the battle 
of Mantinea. She refused to become embroiled in the struggles 
between Sparta and the Theban-Arcadian combination. During 
the Sacred War against Phocis she acted the characteristic part 
of a neutral by being the market in which the Nooxotot procured 
the stone for rebuilding the temple of Apollo. In two of the 
years, 351 and 349, a Corinthian cast one of the two Dorian 
votes in the Amphictyonic League but this did not draw Corinth 
into the war (Ditt. SylU 140). 

External peace, however, never gave a Greek state assurance 



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366 KENDALL K, SMITH 

of internal quiet. In fact, the mercenaries which Corinth had 
hired to keep her safe in her neutrality^ made it possible for 
Timophanes to establish a temporary tyranny. Philip of Mace- 
don split the city into two factions, but just before Chaeronea 
Demosthenes achieved one of his diplomatic triumphs in swing- 
ing so large a majority to the Athenian side that Corinth actually 
:gave up her long policy of isolation to fight the Macedonian.* 
Clearly, this generation did not find Corinth wholly peaceful; 
yet it was not celebrating victories over its neighbors. During 
this entire period Corinth's name is associated with only one mili- 
tary exploit. Fortunately that one shows many surprising points 
of contact with the language of our inscription. I refer to Timo- 
leon's Uberation of the Sicilian cities, 344-336 B.C. 

However rigidly Corinth might hold herself aloof from politics 
nearer home, she could not turn a deaf ear to the many appeals 
for assistance that came to her at this time from her best-beloved 
colony, Syracuse. As in the days of Dionysius I she had sent the 
unfortunate Nicoteles to reconcile the Sjrracusan people with 
their t3rrant, as in the days of Dion she had sent counsellors to 
help in the establishment of a Platonic state in Syracuse, so also 
in the days when Dionysius II set up his tyranny for the second 
time, Corinth once more listened to her favorite colony's call for 
help. We are told that there was great enthusiasm in Corinth 
over the project of sending a military force to depose the tyrant. 
But when it came to deeds, not words, it was found that the 
Corinthians were as averse to personal service as the contem- 
porary Athenians and hardly as generous in their financial outlay 
as the reputed wealth of Corinth might have led one to expect. 
Not even the heart-rending story of the colonists could induce 
more than a handful to volunteer and only enough money was 
voted to provide 1000 mercenaries and seven triremes. Diodorus 
<XVI, 66, 2) puts the number of mercenaries as low as 700. This 
force was somewhat augmented later by contingents picked up at 
Xeucas and Corc)n'a. But it would have been a pitifully dis- 
couraging response if the S3rracusans had not remembered that 
the success that had attended Dion on his return from exile had 
been gained with an even smaller force than this which was being 
Bent out under the leadership of Timoleon. 

If ever a Greek deserved the honor of a commemorative statue, 

» Xenophon, HeOm. VII, 4, 6; Plut. Timol. 4. 
* Demosth. De Car. 237 and 295. 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 367 

Timoleon surely did. He freed Syracuse from the tyrant 
Dionysius within the gates and from the Carthaginian foe with- 
out. The sight of ''the supreme monarch of Sicily loitering 
about the fish-market" was one of the earUest proofs to Cor- 
inth of Timoleon's heaven-blest skill and fortune. Then came 
the jewelled shields, a small part of the enormous treasure in 
gold, silver, and jewel-studded weapons and armor which fell 
to the victors after the Carthaginian rout on the Crimesus. 
These were sent to be dedicated as thank-offerings in the temples 
of the gods, as the inscription recorded by Plutarch (on the 
authority of Timaeus?), declares (Timoh 29): KoplvBioi koL Ti/io- 
\k(av 6 (TTpaTTjy^ k\€v$€p6)(ravT€s rous ZiKtXiap oUovpras "EXXiyvas Att^ 
KapxTiBovUav xaptcrn^pia dedis iivkBi)Kav, Then when he had crowned 
his military victories by that rarest of achievements, renuncia- 
tion of power, and had spent his last days' in guiding as a private, 
but reverenced, citizen the steps of the revived democracy, 
Corinth heard that at his death he was accorded the honors of 
a hero and that the following proclamation was made at his 
funeral: *0 briyi<K 6 Zupcucourkov TinoKkovra TifxodrifjLov KopLvOiov 
rbvbt BkvTU iiiv BioKotrUav fivojv, krinriat B' tls t6v &TravTa xP^w^ 
iiySxTi pLovffucoiSf Ittikols, yvfivLKolsy 6tl Toi*s Tvpdvvovs KaTaKixras 
Kal Toirs fiapfidpovs Kara7roX€/ii7(ras Kal rds tieyuTTas rlav kvaiTTkriav 
'!r6\€(»)v olKiffas iLirkBcoKt roi^ vbpovs toIs ZticcXtcc^rous.^ A magnificent 
monument was erected to his memory in the Market of Syracuse. 
Despite the silence of history we cannot beUeve that nothing 
was done to honor him in his own city. Diodorus (XVI, 83) 
tells us that in Sicily the Sicilians raised many &vaBrinaTa to com- 
memorate their renewed Uberties. May they not have been 
moved also to devote some of the money derived from the sale 
of the booty taken at the Crimesus to the erection of a statue 
of Timoleon in Corinth? It was at approximately this time 
certainly that some fine bronze statue was unveiled in Corinth 
and its cost was met &Trd twp iroXtfiUav. I beUeve that it was a 
statue of Timoleon, son of Timodemos, Uberator and restorer 
of Sicily. Whether it was erected by Sicilians or by his fellow- 
citizens must be decided by the inscription on the pedestal. 

As I have already stated, the fragmentary words in our inscrip- 
tion would be exceedingly appropriate to a statue of Timoleon. 
And this will appear more clearly as we consider possible restora- 
tions of the incomplete words. 

1 Plut. Timol. 39; Diodor. XVI, 90. 



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368 KENDALL K. SMITH 

Line 1. -iwrat can be the end of either SucXtwrat or errpa- 
TWJTat, mercenaries. Prefix the definite article, toL, and the 
space at the left is exactly filled. I think the former is the 
more probable restoration, although it must be remembered that 
it was largely the devotion of the mercenaries, despite the defec- 
tion of 1000 just before Crimesus, that made Timoleon's triumphs 
possible.^ 

Ko- might be restored as KopivBUav if arpariGirax were read 
just before it. K6pat is another possibility. Objections to it are 
that dedications to Kora alone are extremely rare. Her name is 
regularly associated with Demeter's and in this combination 
Demeter's name regularly precedes. Still it may be argued that 
Sicily was peculiarly Kora's isle* and that the Sicilians may have 
dedicated this to her alone, or may have set her name before her 
mother's here, because of her greater importance in their eyes. 
Plutarch's account says that it was the priestesses of Kora alone 
that saw the vision in which the two goddesses declared their 
intention of accompanying the expedition. At the same time, 
he says that the sacred trireme conveyed both the goddesses to 
Sicily, and Diodorus's account ascribes the dream to the priest- 
esses of both goddesses. There were statues of both goddesses in 
Corinth and presumably they shared one temple, but this is left 
uncertain in Pausanias's description (II, 4, 7). Our pedestal was 
not found in situ and cannot help in locating their precinct, which 
Pausanias's words imply was at some distance from the Market 
on the road to Acrocorinth. 

Still another possibility is the name of the eponymous founder 
of Corinth. Korinthos appears to have been worshipped in 
Corinth and xnerriypa below could be used to support this restora- 
tion. Korinthos, however, is a very inconspicuous person even 
in local legend and seems unlikely to appear here unless we give 
up the attempt to associate this pedestal with Timoleon. Kor- 
inthos has no importance in that story, whereas Kora and Demeter 
occupy a conspicuous place. Yet if the shields sent to Corinth 
after Crimesus could be dedicated to Poseidon, as Diodorus says 
(XVI, 80), it was plainly thought unnecessary to give all the 
honor to the two goddesses. So we must not exclude the possi- 

^ As an example of a dedication by mercenaries see Ditt. Syli} 273. 

'Pint. Timol. 8: cti^oi 7dp Updv rrji Kdprfs rifv ZuceXlav krcl koI rd xep2 ri^p 
ipirayily aOriOi fjLvBoKoyovtn y€t^a0<u koI ri)y vrjtrov ky rots y6.fiOis iLVOKakvTTiipiop 
airr^ doBrji^eu. 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 369 

bility that this statue was dedicated to Korinthos. The dedica- 
tory inscription for the shields as given by Plutarch, which I have 
quoted above, speaks indefinitely of "gods," xap*<'"»^P^a ^«>«- 

Line 2. [iurd tojv] voXefdcap would be parallel to drd Kapxri- 
dovlMv in the dedicatory inscription for the shields given above. 

A- suggests iivkBTjKav or something similar. 

Line 3. Kntrrripa gives us in KnaTiip a hitherto undocu- 
mented dialectic variant of the Attic ktUtttis, There are 
many similar doublets known. The following list gives a few of 
the forms in -^rip that were used in the Doric territory around 
Corinth:^ 

dpfioarrip (Lac. Cythera LG. V, 1, 937, 2) iLpfuxrvfis, Attic. 
iydoHjp (Lac. I.G. V, 1, 4, 13, 14; 5, 11, 12; UBSrris, Attic. 

Epidaur. /.(?. V, 1485, B, 45; 

cf. Corinth, No. 61) 
kaBoTiip (Tegea, LG. V, 2, 6, 6) 

Kovtarfip (Epidaur. LG. V, 1484, 251) Koviarfis Attic. 

Kpirnp (Mycenae, LG. V, 493) icptnis Attic. 

Others for which the Attic has no exact parallel are the following: 

elriHip (Epidaur. LG. V, 1259) iarpis, Attic. 

TeptioffTfip (Epidaur. LG. V, 926, 85) 6pt(rn7s Attic. 

<t>pa&a'nip (Sicilian, G.D.I. 3241, 3242) ipfirivtifs Attic. 

Besides KTiarrjs, the form KTi(TT<ap is found in older poetry, 
e.g. Pindar, Frg. 71. As to whether we are dealing with poetry or 
not in this inscription, see below in my discussion of the final 
letters. 

The common Attic word is oIkkt-Hi^. Kriffrris is first used by 
Aristotle, e.g. Frg. 507. In inscriptions it is found quite commonly 
from the third century on. These two words are not identical in 
meaning. The former, obciffHiSy never altogether detached it- 
self from the idea of "the colony." It began to go out of use 
as colonizing ceased. KtIo-ti/s never impUes a colony excepting 
in Aristotle, and as it reminds us of the long used.icrlfo). The 
foundations to which it applies are more institutional, e.g. LG. 
VII, 2712, 58; XII, 3, 1124; XIV, 1759. The word was little 
more than an honorary title from the start and this is its regular 

^ The latest and most thorough study of this class of endings is that by Fraen- 
kd, OesddchU d. griech. Nomina AgerUis auf -niPf -T<aPf -Trisi-r). See also 
Rutherford, Phryn. 57 fif. 



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370 KENDALL K. SMITH 

epigraphical force.^ While oUcLaHis keeps its original mean- 
ing for the most part, we can see in its use at times the seeds of 
the purely honorary meaning which might have developed if a 
special word had not been found in ktIcttis. Thucydides, for 
example (V, 11, 1), says that the Amphipolitans after the death 
of Brasidas called him their obncrhs in place of Hagnon, the 
original Athenian "founder." Plutarch {TimoL 23), also, calls 
by the name olKiaTaL the two Corinthian commissioners who 
helped the Syracusans reorganize their government after Timo- 
leon ha,d removed the tyrant. These two passages furnish us with 
two successive steps in the development of the meaning. Brasi- 
das receives the honors of a "founder," but only by the erasure of 
Hagnon's name from the records. In the days of Thucydides 
there is not yet room for more than one "founder." The Corin- 
thian conunissioners receive the honored title merely for a work 
of political reorganisation. The next step was to give the title 
to any benefactor. But this meaning was reserved to icrterrTys. 

I consider our word ktutttip, which in form is more closely re- 
lated to KTurrris, to be used in this inscription in the later sense 
of olKLcrfis. KtUtttis itself may have begun life with just this 
meaning and only have lost its hold on reality as the demand 
for honorary epithets increased. There are a few later examples 
in which it happens to be so used, e.g. Ditt. O.G.I . 471, 10. Timo- 
leon was not, like Brasidas, substituted in the place of the orig- 
inal founder. Archias was himself a Corinthian. It would have 
been bad manners to set up one Corinthian in the place of another. 
So Timoleon oxrirtp olKiariis riyairaTO (Plut. Timol. 35). 

This word is one of the strongest links between our pedestal and 
Timoleon. The historians take pains to record this attitude of 
the Sicilians towards him. He had overthrown the tyrants in 
Engyum, Apollonia, Leontini, Catana, Messana, Acragas, and 
Gela. ^^Civihus veteribus sua restituit, novis beUo vacuefadas 
possessiones divisitj urbium moenia disiecta fanaque deserta refecit, 
civitatibus leges libertaiemque reddidit: ex mazimo beUo tanium 
otium totae insvlae condliavit uthic conditor urbium earum, non 
iUi qui initio deduxeranty videretur'^ (Nepos, Timol. 3, 1). In the 
words of the funeral proclamation, quoted above, he had founded, 
or in the version of Diodorus, re-founded (dwtx(<ras), the great- 

^ See Dittenberger's note, Orientis Graeci InscripHoneSy 492. Examples are 
too numerous to need citation. One literary example well illustrates its tech- 
nical use: Lucian, Macroh. 13 calls Mithridates 6 irpo<rayop€vOdi KTl<mt%. 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 371 

est of the mined cities. Furthermore, to a certain extent he 
really deserved the title of "founder." The Sicilian cities had 
been so depopulated that to secure immediate development he 
summoned from Greece large numbers of new inhabitants who 
came to the island in much the spirit of colonists. He enabled 
Sicily to get a fresh start. To no one of the time could xTi<rr^pa 
more appropriately apply than to Timoleon. 

K- at the end of the line might be the initial of KaL Following 
this might be restored ao)Trjpa or eOepykra^. The former was ap- 
plied to Brasidas by the people of Amphipolis (Thuc. V, 11, 1). 
The latter would just fill out the line. Each is often found paired 
with KTiaTTis in the later honorary inscriptions. 

Line 4. xp^crajucj'a is of doubtful import. The words of the 
next line tell of a freedom which must have followed upon a con- 
dition of servitude. This word may have been used with dovXeiq,, 
or the like, in the sense of "having experienced.*' Compare the 
words of Nepos, TimoL 1, 1: "a Syractcsanis . . . iam inve- 
teratam servitvtem depeUeret totamque Siciliam, mvUos annos hello 
vexatam a barbarisque oppressam, suo adventu in pristinum re- 
stitueretJ' This form in the singular might depend on a word 
like 2u€Xlo. If an iota be added, it might depend on Tr6\ei. or 
the like. 

Line 5. My restoration k'Xevdtpias kirkfia, plausible in itself,^ 
is another phrase that links this pedestal peculiarly to Timoleon. 
*'E\€vd€pLa for the Sicilian cities is the keynote of all the accounts 
of his exploit: Diodor. XVI, 65, 9, xatrcu' 5^ SucXioy liXcu^^poxrt. 
82, 3, &<rT€ T^s fUv *EXX77v(5as ir6X€t$ air&aas k\€vSkpas €lvai. 82, 4, 
Toifs k\€vd€po)dkvTas XvpaKoaLovs kvoirict, koBSKov bk vkvras robs icard 
Tiiv vrjaov rvp&wovs j^i^oXoyfjaas Kal t^ls tt^Xcis IXcu^epcberas ktK. Plut. 
Titnol. 10, avvekevSepovv riiv ZwceXlav. 22, iipx^v k'XtvStplas voLrjaSLfjxvoi 
PefiaiOTaTTjv t6 KijpvyfJ^OL ical rfjv iifikpav kKtUnjv. 24, PofiXd^upos 6 Tt- 
lioKkoiv Kal ris &XXas 'k6\us k\tv6€pSHTai. See also the passages 
previously quoted. The funeral proclamation as given by Dio- 
dorus, XVI, 90, ends with the words tdrvos kyevriSrj rrfs k\€v$€piai 
rots ZwceXtwTCws. 

Here as in the preceding line the plural may be restored as well 
as the singular. 

Line 6. The few letters of this line, whether read as rkbij -laht = 
ioJbt or biihtj or even -t &5€ = ^5€, bring up the question whether 

1 Cf. Irtfialpau used with €{Hffpo<Hf ptjs, Od. XXIII, 52; W^iyi, Soph. Philocl. 
1463; tifc^lai, Soph. Oed, Col. 189. 



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372 KENDALL K, SMITH 

the inscription is not metrical. If the alpha is short, it offers 
an elegiac ending, if long, an hexameter. It is hard to con- 
ceive of a prose dedication ending with any of the demonstratives 
which suggest themselves here. And I know of no verb or any- 
probable noun with local sufl^ to assure us that we are dealing 
with prose. As we look back over the preceding lines, we can see 
that the third, fourth, and fifth easily fit into hexameters. The 
first might, but only with a harsh diaeresis, and certainly the res- 
torations I have suggested are not dactylic. The question seems 
to be settled, at least for the first two lines, by voXeiilojv in the 
second line. To work this into dactylic measure would require a 
harsh synizesis which is found, I believe, only in the case of proper 
names, e,g. 'AcricXairuot' and UvBLwv,^ Possibly, the fact is that 
the first two lines are prose and the remainder verse. The 
simple formula of dedication may have been followed by a lauda- 
tory epigram. 

So many lines of restoration offer themselves that I have re- 
frained from committing myself to any one. Even without res- 
toration the historical interest of the stone can be appreciated. 
I have set forth the arguments which convince me that it is the 
pedestal for a statue of Timoleon erected either by the Sicilians 
or the mercenaries who served under him in commemoration of 
his famous Sicilian enterprise. 

76 (Inv. 205. Fig. 16). A pedestal of dark blue limestone with joint-eur- 
faoe at left. H. 0.275 m., W. 1.18 m., Th. 0.541 m. Found in 1902 on the 



Figure 16. — Inscription from Corinth: No. 76. 

1 F. D. Allen, * Greek Versification in Inscriptions/ Papers of the American 
School at Athens, IV, p. 104. 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 373 

ancient Greek roadway leading from the Lechaeum Road to the small apsidal 
Greek temple. In the inmiediate neighborhood many tiny inscribed frag- 
ments of blue limestone have been recovered, most of them too small for sepa- 
rate publication and not sufficiently similar to come from one pedestal whether 
this one or some other. Only one of them is sufficiently hke this inscription to 
be published with it, No. 77. Their number and character make it appear 
probable that the street was bordered by a row of statues set on similar dark 
blue pedestals erected at intervals throughout the city's history. The impor- 
tance of the street is thereby indicated. Even this largest pedestal is badly 
damaged. As may be seen from the accompanying drawing (Fig. 17) as well 



Figure 17. — ^Top of No. 76. 

as from the photograph, five-sixths of the top is gone; only two patches of the 
original top surface are left, one between the cuttings for the feet of a statue at 
the centre, the other in the back left-hand corner. The inscribed face also 
has been so completely wrecked that, when found, only four and a half letters 
were left. To-day as the photograph shows, only two and a half remain. So 
easily does this stone chip. 

The letters of the inscription are small, 0.014 m. in height, a size often re- 
peated in the tiny fragments found near at hand. Cut with accuracy and sharp- 
ness between ruled alignment h'nes which are clearly visible, they are letters 
of the finest type of the fourth century B.C. When found the letters I $ P A N 
were read. Above them there is space for another line of letters, as they stand 
0.05 m. below the top. 

The cuttings in the top of the block bear witness to the former existence of a 
group of at least two human figures on this pedestal. One of life-size was 
standing at the centre with both feet planted firmly, the right turned more to 
the side and slightly in advance of the left. Of the other figure only one foot- 
socket is preserved. There is also a large semi-circular cutting near the left 
edge of the stone. The weathering of the front face has produced near the 
bottom a line clearly indicating the depth to which our stone was set into a 
lower block, viz. 0.017 m. On the back the big boss by means of which the 
pedestal was handled when being set in place still remains. 

77 (Inv. 206. Fig. 18 a). A tiny fragment of dark blue limestone like the 
preceding. No. 76, near which it was found in 1902. H. 0.035 m., W. 0.178 m., 
Th. 0.145 m. It bears the letters A^ and then the vertical hasta of another. 
In height, 0.014 m., and style of cutting these letters are precisely the same as 
those seen on No. 76. This small piece may have been broken out of the first 



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374 



KENDALL K. SMITH 



line. That it comes from some first line is proved by the finished face, how- 
ever small, 0.02 m. above the letters. But, while there is room, it cannot be 
fitted to No. 76 anywhere. A point of disagreement is that this fragment does 
not exhibit the alignment rulings found on the large stone. 

Thkasippos 

78 (Inv. 207. Fig. 18, b). Fragment from the upper left-hand corner of a 
pedestal of dark blue limestone. Foimd in 1902 in the same place as Nos. 76 
and 77. H. 0.128 m., W. 0.24 m., Th. 0.068 m. The original left face is pie- 
served. It is perfectly smooth. A bit of the top ^o remains, 0.023 m. above 



A B c 

Figure 18. — Inscriptions from Corinth: Nos. 77, 78, 79. 

the letters. Nothing remains to indicate the original height, width, or thickness 
of the stone. The letters of the inscription have the same height as those of 
Nos. 76 and 77, but they are cut by an even more expert hand and compare 
favorably with the finest Attic work. There is just enough difference in this 
respect to prevent our associating this stone with the two preceding as frag- 
ments of one pedestal. Other considerations also stand in the way. Unlike 
No. 76, this stone has a smooth, not a worked contact face at the left. Nor 
can this come from the block which adjoined No. 76 at the left (unless No. 76, 
though it formed the second line, was not begun at the left edge), for this line 
stands 0.023 m. below the top of the stone, while the letters of No. 76 are 0.05 
m. below. We are forced, therefore, to treat this independently of the two 
preceding. 

The inscription contains but the one word QpatTlTirov. The 
genitive may be explained in different ways. It is not the 
father's name, since it is the first word; there was no block ad- 
joining at the left and it is altogether improbable that we are to 
assume the existence of a stone above containing the opening of 
the inscription. Nor is it the beginning of a metrical inscription, 
unless this was in rare iambic form. The name cannot properly 
begin a hexameter. But it may be the name of the person whose 
statue stood on this pedestal, — a possessive form usually em- 
ployed in more imposing monuments than this, — or it may be the 
dedicator's name as in the votive inscription, Ditt. SyU,^ 130 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 375 

(Panticapaeum)y ^aiviTirov ii[pa$rifia vrkp ToO] dLU\4>o\) kt\. Of 
these two possibilities the first may be regarded as more likely. 
The pedestal would then have contained but one line giving in 
the genitive, instead of in the more common nominative, the 
.name of the person honored. It thus resembles No. 74. 

79 (Inv. 433. Fig. 18, c). Fragment of blue limestone. H. 0.088 m., W. 
0.05 m., Th. 0.085 m. Found in 1907 in the filling of No. 15 of the Northwest 
Shops. The letters of the inscription in form and arrangement {stoichedon) 
belong to the fourth century b.c. H. of letters: line 1, 0.016 m., line 2, 0.02 m. 

Kallistheneb bt Eusthenes 

80 (Inv. 337. Fig. 19). A poroa block foimd in 1903 in the foundations of a 
terrace wall, built during the Roman restoration of Corinth, between the Pro- 



FiouRE 19. — Inscription from Corinth: No. 80. 

pylaea an4 the Northwest Stoa. H. 0.347 m., W. 0.917 m., Th. 0.756 m. A 
worked contact face at the right indicates, as the inscription itself does, that 
this is but one of two stones that originally composed the front of a pedestal. 

The inscription begins exactly half-way between the ends of the block, and 
we may assume that the first line ended in approximately the same position on 
the second block. The second Hne is set symmetrically under the first. It 
apparently contained some twelve letters less. H. of letters 0.025-03 m . Date : 
late fourth century b.c. 

KaWurSkyris 'A[ ] 

'EifaSkvrils kTdriae.] 

Line 1. Kallisthenes is otherwise unknown. The A following 
presumably began his father's name. The spacing betw^een the 
words is seen also on the Lysippus pedestals at Corinth (A J. A. 
VII, 1903, pp. 29-30, Nos. 4, 5. Cf . also No. 81 , a). This feature 



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376 KENDALL K. SMITH 

is more to be expected at Corinth, as at other places, in inscrip- 
tions of the Roman age; e.g. Nos. 25, 88. 

Line 2. On the assumption of absolute symmetry, possibly 
unfounded, I have restored kirdriae instead of the equally avail- 
able kiroiri<T€. With the last letter of Eusthenes's name the six 
letters of kTr6r,<T€ balance the seven letters of his name on the 
present block better than kiroiriat would. The same considera- 
tion is an objection to the restoration iivkdTjKt although the simi- 
larity between the names might mean that Eusthenes, as a rela- 
tive, dedicated the monument. At the same time so common an 
ending as -aSevris need not force us to throw away the more 
natural restoration kv&rj<^€. Eusthenes comes before us, there- 
fore, as a new name in the realm of Greek sculpture. 

A Sculptor 

81. Two fragments of dark blue limestone (Fig. 20, a): a (Inv. 286), exact 
place of finding unknown but probably in the neighborhood of h; H. 0.065 m., 
W. 0.27 m., Th. 0.18 m.; broken on all sides except top and front; 6 (Inv. 237), 
found in 1902 in the Roman filling near the south end of the Basilica; H. 0.217 
m., W. 0.16 m., Th. 0.15 m.; broken on all sides except bottom and front. 

The photograph makes no pretense at giving the former relative 
positions of the two fragments. It brings them close together to 
show how exactly alike they are in grain and in finish on the 
surface. The letters also are of the same size and style. On 



A B 

Figure 20. — Inscriptions from Corinth: Nos. 81, 83. 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 



377 



the basis of these likenesses I have called them fragments of one 
inscription. 

a. The first letter may be E or S. The second is M. The 
spacing (if the other fragment may be used for comparison) sug- 
gests that they are respectively final and initial letters. 

6. H. of letters, in upper line, 0.021 m., in lower line, 0.014 m., 
excepting the much smaller 0. 

flrpaf 

k7r]oL7ia€. 

The form of the letters dates the inscription in the late fourth 
or early third century B.C. 

Kaphisoteles by Ariston 
82 (Inv. 245. Fig. 21). Pedestal of white marble, broken off behind at the 
left and on top at the right. H. 0.149 m., W. 0.637 m., Th. 0.517 m. Found 




Figure 21. — Inscription from Corinth: No. 82. 

in 1902 in the easternmost of the Northwest Shops. Height of letters: lines 
1-2, 0.015-0.021 m.; line 3, 0.013-0.016 m. The characters belong to the 
period (near the end of the third century b.c. presumably), when finials were 
beginning to be consciously attached, vertical upright strokes used in M, and 
a flattened ellipse in <^. At the same time |c and i, show forms reminiscent of 
the writing in the fourth century B.C. 
The top is cut for the fastenings of 
the feet of a bronze statue (Fig. 22). 

The inscription informs us 
that this statue represented a 
certain Ka^ta-or^Xijs, son of 
TifMadkvTjSy and was the work of 
an otherwise unknown sculptor, 

Ka<t>i(TOTk\ri[s] 

'AipiaTOJV kTTolriaf. 




Figure 22.--Top op No. 82. 



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378 KENDALL K. SMITH 

The only survivals of the local dialect are found in the d of the 
first name and the uncontracted genitive ending -eos of the 
second. 

A Chian sculptor named Ariston worked in Rhodes in the 
Hellenistic period/ but we have no means of identifying the 
Corinthian sculptor with him. It can only be said that the signa- 
ture of Lysippus (Nos. 4 and 5) suggests that in Ck>rinth omis- 
sion of the ethnic is no evidence of local origin. Still, the fame 
of a Lysippus might permit him to sign in a form denied to Ariston 
of Chios. 

The pose of Ariston's bronze can be determined roughly from 
the cuttings in the pedestal. It seems to have been one of poise 
on both feet, the right leg bearing more of the weight, the left set 
at the side and slightly forward. 

AnaXAGORAS (?) SON OP POLTSTRATOS (?) 

83 (Inv. 204. Fig. 20, b). Fragment of a pedestal of dark blue limestone 
found in 1902 in the same place as No. 81 : the lower part of the Roman filling 
of the court between the Basilica and the Agora. H. 0.22 m., W. 0.30 m., Th. 
0.255 m. This is its original height. Portions of both top and bottom are 
preserved. On all other sides we possess only fractured surfaces. At the 
bottom is seen the difference in weathering due to the setting of this block into 
a lower one. The few letters preserved are 0.025 m. high (0 "0.015 m.). 
They are a good example of the transition from wedge-cuttings to apices. 
The latter are seen at the bottom of P in the first line. 

Using the contemporary stone No. 82 as an example we may 
restore as two names, e,g, 

llo\v\(TTp6LTq[v] 

A ScUtPTOB 

84 (Inv. 221. Fig. 31, a). Small fragment of dark blue limestone, found in 
1902 in the lower part of the Roman' filling of the court between the Basilica 
and the Agora. The lettering is poorly done. Height of letters, upper, 0.024 
m., lower, 0.008 m. 

- - I S - - 

- — ]$ iiro[li;<r€.] 

^ Acad, Royale dea Sciences et des Lettrea de Danemark. BuU. de VannSe 1907, 
p. 23. 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 379 

C. luLius Spartiaticus 

85 (Inv. 178. Fig. 23). Pedestal of yellowish (Acro-Corinth) limestone, 
found in 1902 in a late wall in the southern part of the Basilica. The top is fin- 
ished to receive an upper stone. The back and the bottom are entirely broken 
away. We have only the original width, 0.445 m. The other dimensions at 
present are: H. 0.267 m., Th.'^0.35 m. H. of letters: line 1, 0.045 m.; line 
2, 0.037 m.; line 3, 0.038 m 



Taiov 'Io6Xtov 

XirapTLariKSv' 

]dok\ris 

— — ov — - - 

[^vkOriKt] 

or 

[&vk<rTrj<Te] 

Figure 23. — Inscription from Corinth: 
No. 85. 

Line 1. The stonecutter has crowded the final letters and made 
his last elliptical. The upper angle of the final N is preserved. 

Line 2. The word is indented and set symmetrically under 
the first line. Of the final N once more only the upper angle is 
preserved. 

Line 3. The restoration most obvious is [* Ay a]doK\ris. The ob- 
jection to it is the dubious one of symmetry. Arguing from the 
preceding line we infer that this word is centred. It ends appar- 
ently just short of the last letter in the preceding line. It ought 
to begin similarly under the second letter, TT. The restoration 
of three letters, as proposed, demands more space than this allows. 
Hence, on this ground, the rarer UvdoKXrjs might be preferred. 
Against UvdoKKfjs may be raised the objection that its spreading 
Y would have left a trace on the stone before 0. So also the P 
of 'OpBoKKrjs ought to project its curving line into this same space. 
With these objections brfore me I refrain from proposing any of 
these three names. Perhaps another can be foimd which will 
satisfy all the conditions. The temptation to restore *A7o^oicX^$, 
despite the violated symmetry, is made more alluring by the 
fact that we know of an Athenian ALovixnos 'AyaSoKkkovs in 150 
B.C. (Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. No. 36.) See following note. 

Line 4. Only N under seems certain. Before this may be 
read an Q or 0. Beyond I have seen at times 1 0, at other times 

5 



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380 KENDALL K. SMITH 

only Y. The name Aiowaiov comes to mind and would fit the 
space. 

The second person is presimiably the dedicator of the statue of 
Spartiaticus. 

A Corinthian statue of C. Julius Spartiaticus adds one more 
testimonial to the well-established reputation of this Laconian in 
the province of Achaea in the days of the Emperor Tiberius. 
Other statues stood in Athens {I.G. Ill, 805) and in Epidaurus 
(/.(?. IV, 1469). From the Epidaurian pedestal we learn his 
father's name; from the Athenian the high priestly offices that he 
held. Musonius refers to him (ap. Stobaeus, Floril. XL, 9, p. 
750, 16 Heuse) as a man of immense wealth. He lost his wealth 
when he was banished, not later than the time of Nero. 

BBs father, C. lulius Lacon, and his uncle, C. lulius Dexi- 
machus, were also prominent in their day. But the most dis- 
tinguished member of the family was the grandfather, C. lulius 
Eurycles. In the early days of the reign of Augustus he was the 
most influential man in Greece and endeared himself to the people 
of Corinth in particular by building for them magnificent marble 
baths. These probably stood in the neighborhood of the spot 
where his grandson's pedestal has been discovered.^ The family 
name C. lulius was adopted by Eiuycles when he obtained Roman 
citizenship. 

Herakles 

86 (Inv. 240. Fig. 24, a) . Fragment of a cylindrical pedestal of poros, orna- 
mented with mouldings and once covered with a white, limy stucco. H. 0.305 
m., W. 0.28 m., Th. 0.245 m. Broken on all sides. Original faces preserved 
only in front and at top. Original diameter (estimated) 1.14 m. Found in 
1902 east of the Early Roman terrace wall east of the Northwest Shops. 

The inscription, cut deeply through the stuccoed surface into the poros, 
stands on the broad, flat central moulding. The letters have a height of 0.036- 
0.042 m.; the variation in measurements being due in part to the weather- 
ing and widening of the channels. Their heavy finials, the limy stucco, and 
the elaborate mouldings are our only clue to the date. It may be of the first 
century a.d. 

*KpaK\rj[s 

At Corinth statues of Herakles were erected as early as the 
days of "Daedalus'* according to Pausanias, II, 4, 5. 

1 Paus. II, 3, 5. See also Pauly-Wissowa, a.v. Eurycles; B.S.A. XII, 1905- 
06, p. 468, No. 23; Weil, Ath. MiU. VI, 1881, pp. 10 flf.; Paton, Trans. Amer, 
PkOol, Assoc, XXVI, 1895, pp. 30 fif. 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 381 

87 (Inv. 170. Fig. 24, b) . The left end of a poros building-block. H. 0.282 
m., W. 0.225 m., Th. 0.136 m. There is no record of its discovery. Brokenjat 
bottom and right. A portion of the original top is preserved. At the left isja 



A B 

Figure 24. — Inscriptions from Corinth: Nos. 86, 87. 

contact face. On the front are traces of a thin stucco. * The single letter £ is 
of monumental size, being 0.093 m. in height. The break at the right follows 
the curve of a second letter which is probably 0; [dv]4^[i7x«] may be con- 
jectured. It is clearly from the dedication of some Corinthian building. 

An Athenian Sculptor 

88 (Inv. 251. Fig. 25, a). Broken slab of white marble, probably the 
veneer of a pedestal of cheap local stone. Found in 1902 near the centre of 
the orchestra of the partially excavated theatre. H. 0.313 m., W. 0.25 m., 
Th. 0.05 m. Broken on all sides, leaving only at the bottom a small piece of 
the original edge. A narrow dowel-hole (0.04 m. high) is found at the bottom 
of the present left side. 

dedica] V I [T] 
[ ]$ 'Mtipolos kToitL 

The inscription is bi-lingual. The only Greek possibility for 
the upper line is M. But if we tried to restore one letter, the 
proportions would be monstrous. We must have two letters of 
Latin, V and one of the letters beginning with an upright. I have 
suggested I and then T. 

The surviving portion of the Greek sculptor's signature, in- 
scribed in letters 0.017 m. high between ruled lines, tells us that 
he was an Athenian, of perhaps the first century a.d. 



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382 



KENDALL K, SMITH 
Cn. Corneuus Pulcher 



89 (Inv. 358 and 262). Two contiguous fragments of the upper part of a 
pedestal identical in all respects with No. 24 {A. J. A. VII, 1903, p. 49). Frag- 
ment a, found in 1903 in front of shops 12 and 13 on the Lechaeum Road, 



A B 

Figure 25. — Inscriptions from Corinth: Nos. 88, 91. 

measures H. 0.255 m., W. 0.363 m., Th. 0.14 m.; fragment 6, found in]1902 in 
shop 15 about one metre above the level of the floor, measures H. 0.14 m., 
W. 0.30 m., Th. 0.073 m. The splitting of the stone into its present halves 
must have been facilitated by a Roman clamp-cutting which has obliterated 
the central letters. 

The full text of the inscription and a commentary have been 
given in Poweirs article already cited. The two lines contained 
in our fragments read as follows: 
T\v. YLoffvifKiov Tt/3. KopKT/Xtoi; no6[Xxpou v\i,6v <l>a/3ta(t) Jlovkxpov 

T^s 7r6Xea)$ 'Kopi,vBUov TTfVTaeTripiKdv iL[y(avo0kT]riv KaiaapeUap *l<rdfjL[UaVf 
ikpxi^pka- -] 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 383 

The discovery of this stone gives us now a pair of larger pedestals 
corresponding to the smaller pair published by. Powell as Nos. 25 
and 26. Pulcher's honors apparently never came singly.^ 

Hadrian (?) 
90 a and b (Inv. 429 and 440. Fig. 26). Two broken slabs of white marble, 
the former (o) found in the fill of 
No. 14 of the Northwest Shops, the 
latter (6) found just above the late 
Roman pavement, south of shop 13. 
Although there is no point of con- 
tact between them, the fact that 
they belong to the same pedestal 
may be safely conjectured from 
their proportions and the quality of 
the marble as well as from the size 
of the letters and the style of the 
engraving. Both diminish in thick- 
ness from the bottom to the top. 
Their dimensions are as follows: (a) 
H. 0.265 m., W. 0.240 m., Th. 0.055 
m.; (6) H. 0.280 m., W. 0.250 m., 
Th. 0.076 m. The letters vary in 
size from line to line: (a) L. 1, 0.052 
m., L. 2, 0.045 m., L. 3, 0.04 m.; (6) 
L. 1, 0.035 m., L. 2, 0.035 m., L. 3, 
0.027-« m., L. 4, the letters are 
larger again, ca. 0.04 m., as in line 
three of fragment a. On both frag- 
ments the ruled alignment lines are 
clearly seen. 

The following restoration 
probably gives the approxi- 
mate wording of the original. 
It cannot pretend to be more 
exact than that. The formu- 
lae used in dedications of 
statues of Hadrian, despite 
their general uniformity, are 

too varied, and there are too ^ ^^ , ^ 

.... ^ , Figure 26. — Inscription from Cor- 

many uncertainties connected inth: No. 90. 

with these fragments them- 
selves {e.g. lengths of Unes, and size of letters in the omitted line 
or lines) to admit of certain restoration. For comparison, how- 
» Cf. also I.G. 1 V, 795 (Troezen). 



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384 KENDALL K. SMITH 

ever, see especially I.G. IV, 1406 (Epidaurus) and I.G. XII, 5, 

674 (Syros). 

a [A{rroKp]6LTopa [Kalaapa,] 

[dwv Tpa]tai^o[D UapSucov] 

[vidVf d€ov N4p]oi;a [u^v6i/J 

[Tpcuapdv ^A6pLav6v Zefiaardv,] 
b [dpxt€p^a ukryiaToVy] ^naplxi-Kti^] 

[k^ovaias t6 I,] dirarov t6 y'[T6v] 

[acaTTJpa koI €]b€pykT7jv r^Js 7r6Xea)s, 
['H Kopi]pei[(av ir6Xts]. 

In fragment a at the left the break has followed the oblique 
cutting of the A and the vertical cutting of the I in lines 1 and 2 
respectively. 

In fragment 6, above the first line AHM, can be seen the foot 
of a vertical shaft and the curve of an 0, =N0 of AAPIANON 
(?). After the AHM- the lower ends of the oblique strokes of 
A and the vertical of P are quite plain. At the beginning of the 
second line the base of the T is preserved before -IIATON. 

[*H Kopi]y^t[coi^ TToXis] is a restoration of the last line which suits 
the few broken letters still showing and just fills out the space. 
Cf: /.(?. V, 2, 139 (Tegea). 

Hadrian's special benefaction to Corinth was an aqueduct that 
brought into the city water from the Stymphalian Lake in Ar- 
cadia, seventeen miles away. Some traces of this aqueduct have 
been observed in the western part of the Corinthian plateau. 

A statue may well have been erected in honor of Hadrian 
soon after his visit to the city. Following von Rohden in Pauly- 
Wissowa, s,v. ' Aelius, No. 64', I have considered the date of this 
visit to be 126 a.d. and have restored the year of his tribunicia 
potestas accordingly, i.e. ^napx^'icrj^ k^ovaias t6 L. The stone 
might have established the date beyond question if only two 
more letters had been preserved at the left of the second line in 
fragment 6. 

91. Two fragments of white marble veneer (Fig. 25, b): a (Inv. 355), found 
May 22, 1903, in a trench dug to determine the dimensions of the theatre; 6 
(Inv. 362), foimd in the same place two weeks later. Their dimensions are a, 
H. 0.267 m., W. 0.107 m., Th. 0.016 m.; 6, H. 0.212 m., W. 0.12 m., Th. 0.016 
m. Proof of their belonging together is abundant. Both fragments have the 
tame thickness, the same smoothly polished backs, and the same kind of corro- 
sion on the front face. The letters, also, are just alike in form and sise. 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 385 

Height, in a, line 1, 0.04 m., lines 2-A, about 0.037 m.; in &, 0.037-0.039 m. 
The photograph indicates the probable relation between the two fragments so 
far as it can be worked out from the grain of the marble and the lines of break- 
age. As they have no points of contact, they cannot be brought any nearer 
together. 

a 



(OS 

- - ar — — 

— V€iK — 

o or ^ai' or fi 
b 

- — av — — 

K€t 

- ap[a(?) - 



For future reference it may be worth while to record the other 
traces of letters that appear less clearly in the photograph. 

Line 1. On the edge of the stone above m can be seen the 
horizontal of a A or a 2), then the finial of a vertical hasta, prob- 
ably I, and the left-hand finial of an A or a A. 

Line 3. On the left edge a vertical hasta; on the right edge a 
vertical hasta with a sUght inclination to the right. 

Line 5. At the tip of fragment b is the base of a vertical hasta 
which might belong to a M in this line or to a letter following N. 

Line 7. At the left of EEI is the tip of a high horizontal 
hasta suggesting r, E, or 2. At the right the curving break out- 
lines 9, 0, or Q. 

Line 8. After P read A or A. 

92 (Inv. 441. Fig. 27 a). Fragment of a marble slab found in 1907 ^ few 
inches above the late Roman pavement in the northwest portion of the Agora. 
Broken on all sides. Back roughly tooled. H. 0.11 m., W. 0.19 m., Th. 0.058 
m. The letters are about 0.039 m. high, and at the top of the upper line are 
worn away as if they had been much walked on. 

— — as • <r — — 

— — oy fu - — 

The first letter is certainly A. Between the two sigmas there 
ia a pimctuation mark. Beyond the second X is the vertical hasta 
of a letter which cannot be read. In the second line the second 
oblique stroke of the Y is on the edge of the break. 



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386 



KENDALL K. SMITH 



93 (Inv. 350. Fig. 28, a). Small rectangular pedestal of white marble, 
raised on low square feet at the comers. All surfaces original excepting at 

right where the entire 
end has been broken ofif. 
Present dimensions: H. 
0.1035 m. (including 
feet), 0.0925 m. (exclud- 
ing feet), W. 0.173 m., 
Th. 0.19 m. Original 
width (estimated) 0.241 
m. In the top a square 
cutting (one side 0.095 
m.) 0.04 m. deep, con- 
tains a dowel hole at the 
back cut 0.017 m. deep« 
still. This block was 
found in 1903 between 
the West Shops and the 
Church of St. John. 
The inscription is cut in disproportionately large letters: H. 0.023-0.025 m. 

'AvTioxl . . ] 

A Benefactor 

94 (Inv. 353. Fig. 27, b). Fragment from the lower right-hand corner of a 
marble slab the greatest thickness of which is at the centre, diminishing almost 



Figure 27. — Inscriptions from Corinth: 
Nos. 92, 94. 



A B 

Figure 28. — Inscriptions from Corinth: Nos. 93, 95. 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 387 

to a sharp edge at top and bottom. This fact undoubtedly means that orig- 
inally the slab was only a little higher than at present. Its dimensions now 
are, H. 0.246 m., W. 0.215 m., Th. 0.07 m. It was found in 1903 in the theatre 
area. It is broken on all sides except the right, although at the bottom only 
the moulding has been lost. This moulding is simple at the side and double at 
the bottom. At the right it is 0.045 m. wide. It does not actually project 
from the plane of the inscribed surface except in the raised part of the bottom 
band. The effect of relief is given by bevelling the inscribed surface close to 
the moulding. Cf. No. 66. 

The letters, cut in the Roman style, are of two sizes. In lines 1 and 4 they 
are 0.025 m. high; in the intermediate lines 0.022 m. The cursive influence 
appears in the single letter <a. The other letters are all late square capitals 
elaborated with finials formed on Roman models. Dots are used for punctua- 
tion in lines 2 and 4. 

(T]c^. 

[i]ov vldsj 

iTo irepl 

. . , kK Ta>]v l8Lu)v 
. . . &vkdrjK€]v, 

The fragment evidently belongs to that large class of Graeco- 
Roman tablets which record the public liberality of the private 
citizens. Compare I.G. Ill, 1, 68, 71, 398; IV, 442. Possibly it 
gave the name of the restorer of the theatre. 

The treatment of the back suggests that it was fastened, not to 
a brick or marble wall but to some kind of soft stone, — undoubt- 
edly the poros over which at Corinth the marble veneer was so 
often placed. 

Another Benefactor 

95 (Inv. 321. Fig. 28, b). A fragment of white marble, the finding-place of 
which is unrecorded. The right edge is original. The inscribed face is spotted 
as if burnt. H. 0.23 m., W. 0.194 m., Th. 0.08 m. H. of letters, 0.023 m. 

[ ]€ls ai}TOvs 

[ ]€It' a(TToi)%, 

[ ]os t6v iavT[S)v] 

[€h€pykT'qv{})] 

Line 1. Before c there is apparently a vertical hasta with 
finial at bottom. E cept for this I should be tempted to restore 
&p€Trjs tv€K€v Kal cvvottts 7^5 €t$ iavTOVS €It€ ^kvovs €It' daTohs, 

Line 2. Before iLarovs can be seen a combination of strokes 
which may be read either as a poorly made n or more probably 
as an I and T run together. Preceding this the wearing of the 



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388 



KENDALL K, SMITH 



stone indicates a probable G or C. Possibly the word-division 
given in the transliteration is wrong and -eiras or -<riras toOs is 
to be read. 

Line 3. A possible restoration would .be [ii fiovXif Kal 6 6fin]os 

96 (Inv. 314. Fig. 29, a). A fragment of white marble foimd in the early 
excavations on the site of Ck>rinth, but there is no record of the exact spot or 
date. Part of the original right edge is preserved. It is broken on all other 
sides. H. 0.027 m., W. 0.22 m., Th. 0.073 m. The letters have a height of 
0.036-0.038 m., excepting the tall capital B, which is 0.044 m. high. Red 
coloring matter is found in all the letters. 

[ ]l!^^vjiv 

[Trfi tQ)v 'Kopi,vBi\(av BouX^ * 
- - - - -]r 6 ut6s ' 
[at or J/] • 

The punctuation marks are of two kinds, perhaps intended 
merely as variants of one type. This type is not common accord- 
ing to Larfeld, I, p. 230. It is to be noticed that no mark appears 
before 0ov\^ or ut6s. 

Lucius 

97 (Inv. 388. Fig. 29, b). A broken slab of marble veneer found in 1905 at 
the fountain of Peirene. H. 0.31 m., W. 0.23 m., Th. (at top) 0.03-0.034 m.; 
(at bottom) 0.023-0.027 m. The greatest thickness is at the right. The letters 
decrease in height line by line: 1, 0.065 m. (the initial A is 0.076 m.); 2, 0.055- 
0.057 m. ; 3, 0.051 m. ; 4 cannot be measured but the letters are still smaller. A 



A B 

Figure 29. — Inscriptions from Corinth: Nos. 96, 97. 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 



389 



peculiar feature of the lettering is the thickening of some finials and of all hori- 
zontal strokes. Notice particularly f, the seventh letter in line 3. 

Ao{}Ki\ ov ] 

AovkLov [ vldv AiTt]- 

<rTpaTrjyd[v 1 

Kcit (TTpaT[qy6v ] 



Line 1. The break follows the vertical shaft of the I. 

Line 2. No part of the upper oblique stroke of the Y appears 
on the broken edge; but the break follows its line. 

Line 3. The outer curve of the can be seen on the broken 
edge. 

Line 4. The last two letters, A and T, have left slight but 
unmistakable traces. The former is known by the two oblique 
lines which do not quite meet at the apex; the latter by the thick 
tip of its high horizontal stroke which, though not visible in the 
photograph, can be made out on the stone itself. 

Portico of the Fullers (?) 

98 a and b (Fig. 30, a). Two fragments of marble veneer which are shown 
to belong to the same inscription by their similarity in thickness, color and 
grain of the marble, and shape and size of the letters. They have no point of 
contact. 

a (Inv. 264), the left-hand of the two pieces in the photograph, was found in 
1902 in the Northwest Stoa. It is broken on all sides. H. 0.234 m., W. 0.11 




A B 

Figure 30. — Inscriptions from Corinth: Nob. 98, 102. 



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390 KENDALL K. SMITH 

m., Th. 0.042-0.045 m. The greatest thickness is at the left. The letters 
preserved are in two lines. The upper appears to have been the first line of 
the inscription. Above it the fragment is preserved for 0.07 m. and no letters 
are to be seen. The size of the letters in this line confirms this view. They 
are 0.098 m., or nearly four inches high. 

h (Inv. 339). The place of finding is not recorded. H. 0.17 m., W. 0.102 m., 
Th. 0.03W).047 m., with the greatest thickness at the left. While at first 
glance the marble appears bluer than that of a, the bluer tone can be seen in 
the lower part of a. The letters are of exactly the same style but are smaller. 
Their height is 0.065-0.07 m. This would mean that fragment h belonged, to 
one of the lower lines of the inscription. 

a 
[ ST]pA KN [A^EQN] 

[ 0- or € ] I t[p ] 

" h 

[ 1k€6[€(?)] 

[a]r 

a. The letter before A in the first line is or 9; after K the 
oblique stroke that would make an N is seen starting from the 
vertical. Ultimately more evidence may accumulate to change 
the name of the Northwest Shops to that of The Fullers' Portico. 
We are perhaps not warranted in doing so on the basis of this 
restoration. 

The letters of the second Une are cut in much wider channels. 
Only I and T are sure readings; preceding them is possibly a C or 
an 6; after them is B or P. Considerable red coloring matter 
is still left in the grooves. 

6. On the upper edge of the stone appear the finials of the letters 
in the line above, now lost. In our first line G seems more prob- 
able than O after A . Of the next line a probable T and a possible 
A or A preceding it may be read. 

IV 

Sepulchral Inscriptions 

SOSIBIA OF HeRAEA 

99 (Inv. 400. Fig. 31, b). A fragment from the top of a small white marble 
stele broken at the right. Foimd in 1907 in the first torrent-bed west of Hagia 
Paraskevi, some metres south of the ancient quarry, and presumably from some 
ancient cemetery outside the walls of the city towards Sicyon. H. 0.073 m., 
W. 0.153 m., Th. 0.049 m. The photograph' shows the tops of some of the 

» This fragment also appears on top of No. 82 (Fig. 21). 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 391 

letters in the third line but nothing can be made of them. The preserved 
letters are not uniform, 2, for example, is not cut twice the same way. Their 
height is 0.01-0.012 m. The type of the 2 and the finials suggest a date near 
the opening of the second cen- 
tury B.C. 

Zco<rtj3( [as] . 
'Hpat(r<ra5 



*Hpata'<ras I take to be the 
genitive of the late femi- 
nine adjective form for 
'Hpats, corresponding to 
the masculine "Rpaeits, for 
'Hpat€6s, and indicating So- 
sibia to be a {4i^, from one 
of the several towns bear- 

B 

ing the name Heraea. 
Compare No. 7 = /.G. IV, 
397, [U]€va\Kld(}i\[^]\€taalas, 
a grave-stone of about the 
same date. 

"To Mother" 

100 (Inv. 171. Fig. 31, c). 

Fragment of the top of a white c 

marble grave-stone foimd in 1902 

east of the "scarped" rock, 

southwest of the museum, and 

north of the Basilica. H. 0.082 

m., W. 0.138 m., Th. 0.10 m. 

The neat, if somewhat irregular. Figure 31. — Inscriptions from Corinth: 

letters have finials. This fact, Nos. 84, 99, 100. 

with the shape of the M and the 

^ in particular, suggests the middle of the second century b.c. as the date of 

the inscription. Cf. the letters of No. 65. H. of letters, 0.013 m. (P 0.015 

m., * over 0.025 m.). 

lj]riTpl Ta\aiv[ai 

.]fjUi)v iJLop<t>av .... 

"Farewell" 

101 (Inv. 381. Fig. 32, a). A fragment of the base of a sepulchral monu- 
ment, foimd in 1904, probably south of St. John's Church. It is broken on all 
sides but preserves its original height and right front edge. H. 0.105 m., W. 
0.305 m., Th. 0.247 m. On the left broken edge is preserved the segment of a 



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392 KENDALL K. SMITH 

former circular depression in the top, 0.05 m. deep and having a (calculated) 
diameter of ca, 0.124 m. Between this depression and the right front corner 
the top of the stone has a circular roughening of the surface, ca. 0.11 m. in diame- 
ter, which may also have to do 
with the object that once rested 
on our stone. The letters, 0.05 
A m. high, are cut in an elegant 

Roman style of the first or sec- 
ond century a.d. between ruled 
alignment lines. 

[ X]atp€. 

B 

It may be conjectured, 
on the assumption that the 
depression was in the cen- 
tre of the block, that on 
this stone the word Xaipe 
stood alone. The proper 
name would then have 
been placed on some other 

stone in the memorial. 
Figure 32. — Inscriptions from Corinth: 

Nos. 101, 11, 28-29. 102 (Inv. 335. Fig. 30, b). 

The upper left-hand comer of a 
marble slab framed by mouldings which suggest a portrait relief. The same 
mouldings are also roughly suggested on the back. H. 0.18 m., W. 0.177 m., 
Th. 0.064 m. The letters are cut on the flat outer moulding. H. of letters 
0.035 m. The place where the stone was found is not recorded. 

Kat[?] 

The fourth letter is doubtful. or C seems the most Ukely, 
but G or 9 will have to be restored if the horizontal stroke at the 
centre of the curve is a genuine ancient cutting. This is possible; 
but to me the stroke does not appear to be as deep as the others 
and seems, therefore, accidental. 

Notes on the Inscriptions Published by Powell 
IN A J. A. VII, 1903, pp. 26-71. 

3. This archaic inscription actually has an upsilon with 
straight, not curving, sides and a curving not an angular, sigma. 

4. The sigmas are not of a date contemporary with Lysippus 
(cf. No. 5), nor is the indistinctness of the letters due to the con- 
dition of the stone so much as to the lightness of the cutting. 
The inscription belongs to the late third century B.C. 



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GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM CORINTH 393 

8. See page 346. 

11. A new fragment (Inv. 304, Fig. 32, b) has been found 
which fits to the older piece at the left and gives us two more 
letters, T and S. 

A{?)v<ridae[n or p ] 

12. See page 353. 
16. See page 347. 

28 and 29 appear to be fragments of the same inscription. 
Powell describes 28 as being of "hard limestone'' and 29 as of 
blue limestone. They are both of blue limestone, and their 
letters have the same size and shapes. In 28 above the 
T.IOYA-, as can be seen in the accompanying photograph 
(Fig; 32, c), are found traces of another Une of letters, CO 
and A or A apparently; so the fragment cannot be "broken 
from the corner of a block." No. 29 is more probably from the top 
line. The surface above the letters recedes as if to make the 
neck of a bust or herm. Such a form is not hkely in this mate- 
rial, but the receding surface indicates that here no letters are to 
be found. In this same fragment (29) under the A can be seen 
the top of a letter not noticed by Powell. 

31. Many of the letters of the erased inscription are legible, 
proving that it was Latin. 

55. The letters belong to the classical period, not to the late 
date suggested by its place in the series. 

57 and 58 are fragments of the same inscription. 

Kendall K. Smith. 

Bbown University, 
Pboyidence, Rhode Island. 



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jard^ologtcal 
Jnsftitute of 
jamerita 



TWO CAROLINGIAN IVORIES 



Among the Pre-Gothic ivories in the Pierpont Morgan Col- 
lection, presented to the Metropolitan Museum in 1917, are two 
fine Carolingian plaques of the ninth century, which originally 
ornamented the covers of a book. As far as I have been able to 
ascertain, the ivories have never been pubUshed. 

That the plaques, when they were carved in the ninth century, 
were designed for book-covers is certain. On the backs of the 
ivories are carvings several centuries earlier in date. These will 
be noticed later in more detail, but the fact is mentioned now as 
indicating that the plaques, when re-used in the Carolingian 
period, were intended from the first to be applied, as otherwise, 
the older carvings, which are incomplete in design, would un- 
doubtedly have been erased. 

The measurements of the Morgan plaques vary sUghtly. On 
the smaller of the two,^ measuring 5 inches in height by 3} inches 
in width. Our Lord is represented seated on a throne, behind 
which stand St. Peter and St. Paul (Fig. 1) . This scene is framed 
by a border of acanthus ornament. The Virgin holding the 
Christ Child is represented on the companion plaque,* which 
measures 5f inches in height by 3 J inches in width (Fig. 2) . Two 
angels, standing behind the throne, correspond to the Apostles 
on the other plaque. The acanthus ornament is somewhat dif- 
ferent in design. 

The plaques are carved in quite low relief, but with consid- 
erable plastic effect. An exaggerated impression of flatness is 
given by the photographs, in which the rubbing suffered by the 
ivories is more apparent than in the originals. The style in 
general is pictorial, and shows a dependence on manuscript 
illumination. 

Close analogies in style and composition exist between the 
Morgan plaques and two ivories mounted on the modern covers 
of a Gospel' in the Bibliothfeque Nationale, Paris. Christ 

1 Accession No. 17.190.41 

» Accession No. 17.190.39 

« Ck>d. lat. 323 (Expose 265). 

American Journal of Archaeology, Second Series. Journal of the QOA 

Archaeological Inatitute of America, Vol. XXIII (1919), No. 4. '^y^ 



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TWO CAROLINGIAN IVORIES 395 

Enthroned is represented on one plaque; He gives a book to Paul 
who stands on His right, and keys to Peter, who stands on His 
left. Between the Apostles is a symbolic figure of Oceanus. 
Two angels complete the upper part of the composition. Except 
for the position of the hands, the Christ is very similar to that of 
the Morgan plaque, especially in the arrangement of the drapery. 
The second Paris plaque represents the Virgin Enthroned with 
the Child; two adoring angels appear above the back of the 
throne. The Morgan plaque with the same subject differs in 



ITNt MTROrOUTM AUSCUM 



Figure 1. — Christ enthroned; Carolingian Ivory Plaque: Metro- 
politan Museum. 
6 



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396 JOSEPH BRECK 

the pose of the angels, which are here shown only as busts, and in 
the form of the throne, but the Virgin and Child are practically 
identical in pose and costume with the Paris example.^lThe 



Figure 2. — The Virgin and Child enthroned; Carolingian Ivory 
Plaque: Metropolitan Museum. 

similarity in technique is obvious. I have no doubt that both 
the Paris and the Morgan plaques came from the same ateUer, if 
not from the same hand. 

Goldschmidt, in his valuable work on Carolingian ivories,^ 

1 A. Goldschmidt, Die Elfenbeinskulpturen, etc. Vol. I, No. 71, a, b, Plate 
XXVIII. 



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TWO CAROLINGIAN IVORIES 397 

publishes the Paris plaques and describes them as '* Mitte des IX 
Jahrhunderts. Abzweigung der Liuthardgruppe/' associating 
with them two similar plaques of the same date in the Victoria 
and Albert Museum.^ These ivories, Goldschmidt points out, 
are related in style to both the '^Liuthard'' and "Metz" groups. 
The same observation may be made of the Morgan ivories. 

The Paris plaques have much in common, styUstically, with 
the illuminations in the Gospel, on the covers of which they are 
now appUed. It is quite likely that the manuscript and the 
ivories have the same provenance; which, presumably, is also the 
same for the plaques in the Victoria and Albert Museum and in 
the Pierpont Morgan Collection. The illuminations in the Paris 
Gospel may be associated with the so-called School of Corbie, but 
unfortunately, the location of this school is uncertain. The Paris 
Gospel is assigned by W. Kohler to the middle of the ninth cen- 
tury. This date we may safely adopt for the ivories of the group. 
As to provenance, however, although the Rhenish provinces may 
be suggested as the probable place of origin, the problem still 
awaits solution. 

The carving on the back of the Morgan plaque with Christ 
Enthroned (Fig. 3) is incomplete at the top and bottom; the 
design on the back of the other plaque (Fig 4) is incomplete at the 
top only. It is possible that both ivories, when originally carved, 
formed part of one large panel, but it is more likely, since we find 
on one plaque a balanced design and on the other an arrangement 
decidedly informal in character, that parts of two panels were 
utilized by the CaroUngian carver. Both panels, however, are 
alike in style, and probably ornamented a box or some other 
piece of furniture. 

The carving suggests at once Coptic work of the sixth and 
seventh centuries, not only in technique but also in the choice of 
niotives. The vine decoration and scenes of men and animals 
are not uncommon in the wood, bone, and ivory carvings of 
Coptic Egypt. Exact parallels of the birds on the Morgan 
plaques may be found, for example, on the ivory No. 7115 in 
Strzygowski's^ Catalogue of the Cairo Museum. This piece' is 
attributed to the fifth or sixth century; it may well be earUer than 
the Morgan plaques, since the male figure represented on it is 

iNos. 253.67 and 254.67. Goldschmidt, op. cU, Nos. 69 and 70, Plate 

xxvin. 

* J. Strzygowski, Koptische Kunst, No. 7115. 



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398 JOSEPH BRECK 

vastly superior to the crudely blocked-out hunter of the New 
York ivories. The vine motive is found on a large group of 
Coptic bone carvings in the Kaiser Friedrich Museum, Berlin, 



Figure 3. — Back of Plaque, Figure 1; probably Coptic, VI-VII 

Centuries. 



attributed to the seventh century.^ Another ivory (Cat. No. 
616) in the same Museum, related to this group, shows two birds 
flanking a date-palm, a composition recalling the design on one 
of the Morgan plaques. 

*0. Wulff, Beschreibung der Bildwerke der ChrisUichen Epochen. I. AU- 
chrisUiche Bildwerke, pp. 144 ff. 



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TWO CAROLINGIAN IVORIES 399 

It is pointed out in the Catalogue of the Berlin Museum^ that 
the palm tree motive and the vine decoration just noted on the 
Berlin carvings were derived by Coptic Egypt from Syria. The 



FiGUBB 4. — Back op Plaque, Figure 2; probably Coptic, VI-VII 

Centuries. 



prominence given to these motives in the carving of the Morgan 
plaques, to say nothing of such unusual features in Coptic art as 
the fabulous winged animal and the hunter, with a slain animal 
over his shoulder, who seizes the antlers of a stag, makes one 

^ See also Strzygowski, J&. Preuss, Kunsta. 1904, pp. 342 ff. 



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400 JOSEPH BRECK 

hesitate to assign the ivories in question to Egypt without refer- 
ring to the possibility of a Syrian origin. At the same time, I 
think stylistic evidence warrants us in describing the earher 
carving on the Morgan plaques as probably Coptic, under Syrian 
influence, of the sixth or seventh century. 

Joseph Breck. 
The Metropoutan Museum of Art. 
New York, N. Y. 



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THE OBLONG CASKETS OF THE BYZANTINE PERIOD 



A GROUP of caskets in bone or ivory, varying in length, width, 
and height, but of oblong shape, forms a very interesting branch 
of the work of the carvers of the Byzantine period. The source 
can be clearly traced, for the Mycenaeans used such caskets, 
and the Romans followed the Greeks in their make and use, 
though the circular type (pyxis) was more popular than the ob- 
long shape. The Christians in turn adopted and adapted the 
pagan examples, but they used the pyxis for exclusively religious 
purposes. Examples of this branch of the carver's craft are com- 
mon to all countries, and were very generally in use during the 
periods preceding the Renaissance; but by far the most inter- 
esting and largest group, made up of fifty or more caskets and as 
many single panels, came from the hands of Byzantine carvers 
and their immediate successors. 

In construction, a wooden core or dme, formed the base upon 
which the panels were fastened by means of pegs, and the ivory 
was often stained, painted, or gilded, so that the finished product 
presented a very sumptuous appearance. The lids were arranged 
when flat to sUde or open upon hinges; or as truncated pyramids, 
always hinged. Among the known examples covers of the latter 
shape are somewhat more numerous, but the two styles seem to 
have been equally popular. 

In decoration one feature is almost uniformly present; the 
panels, whether long and narrow, or almost square, are framed 
by borders made up of a series of rosettes enclosed in circles, and 
in the triangular spaces above and below the point of contact of 
the circles, arrow heads are placed. Monotony is avoided by 
slight variations in the shape of the rosettes, changes in the 
depth of the cutting, and, in a few cases, the alternating of 
medallion-heads with the rosettes. The use of the medallion- 
heads may be directly due to the influence of the silversmiths, 
who used them as ornamental borders for platters, etc. The 
stereotyped character of the principal band has a decided inter- 
est, for, unless used by Byzantine carvers or those influenced by 
them, we do not find it popular in the West. In the East the 

American Journal of Archaeology. Second Series. Journal of the ^^1 

Archaeological Institute of America, Vol. XXIII (1919), No. 4. ^^^ 



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402 PHILA CALDER NYE 

rosette designs are persistent, seemingly derived from the lotus 
pattern of eariy Egypt. We find rosettes on the ramp at Per- 
sepolis, and later the Copts used them enclosed in circles, very 
like the design so popular with the makers of the caskets. Many 
Persian vases repeat the motive, and it was not uncommon in 
other parts of the East. In the West it is rare; the Torcello 
pluteus and a doorway at Toscanella are the only examples which 
I can cite at present of its appearance there. With but few 
exceptions the borderings seem to have been made in long strips 
without regard to the possibiUty of fitting the pieces together so 
as to match. When the rosette-medallion borders were used, 
there seems generally to have been more care exercised in fitting 
the border to the given space. In the Veroli casket, and in one 
of the Morgan panels the heads of some of the panel figures are 
identical with those of the border. Such instances, however, are 
rare. In the case of the supplementary borders, we find them 
generally made to fit, so that one infers that they were provided 
by the maker of the casket. 

The panels in the main are small, almost square, with one or 
possibly two figures in each; some are oblong with two or more 
figures, others long and narrow, with the figures forming con- 
tinuous bands. These last, used sparingly, seem as a rule to have 
been planned to fit the core, or perhaps the core was made to 
accommodate them, for in the making, all the parts suggest 
greater care than is seen in many of those which show the small 



Figure 1. — ^The Cranenburg Casket: Metropolitan Museum. 



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OBLONG CASKETS OF THE BYZANTINE PERIOD 403 

panels. When the truncated pyramid forms the Ud, it is not 
unusual to find trapezoidal panels fitted to the spaces. Human 
and animal forms are used as subjects, and when both oQCur on 
the same casket, the human figures are apt to appear on the Ud. 
The favorite single figure is a warlike one, sometimes mounted, 
but generally on foot, in an attitude of defense or action. 
Heracles follows the warrior as a close contestant in popularity, 
although but few of his deeds are recorded. The long panels 
show groups of dancers, scenes from the hippodrome, comedies, 
myths, etc. When sacred subjects are treated, the Byzantine 
tradition is followed; Adam and Eve work together, fashioning 
tools or gathering the grain; Abel is shown with stones resting on 
head and thigh. 

It is hard to say whether the careless placing of the metal locks 
and clamps can also be laid to the general disregard shown by 
the artisans whose business it was to cover the core with the 
material at hand, or whether we must conclude that they are 
later additions placed there for security and strength. The fact 
remains that very few of the caskets of this class show a definite 
plan for lock and clamps. In this way they differ from the truly 
oriental examples, where careful consideration of these spaces is 
apparent. It may be remarked also that this consideration 
extends to the use of the borders by the eastern ivory workers. 

The date of production is a much discussed and puzzUng ques- 
tion. Venturis argues for the fourth or fifth century, but he 
stands almost, if not quite alone, as the authorities in the main 
give the range from the ninth to the thirteenth century. The 
place of origin is another point in question. DarceP calls the 
secular caskets Italo-Byzantine, because the best examples were 
found in Italy, and in his judgment show both Italian and 
oriental influences. Schneider* thinks that they come partly 
from a studio furnished with an old sample-book, and partly 
from Byzantium. Graeven* admits the sample-book and thinks 
that the carvers also copied old silver models; he also argues that 
the inspiration for the scenes is found in the illuminations of 
manuscripts, and cites the Vienna Genesis, the Joshua Rotolus, 
the Codex Rossanensis, etc. 

1 Venturi, Storia delVArte Italianay I, p. 514. 
* Darcel, La collection Basilewsky Paris, 1884. 
» Schneider, Serta Hartdiana p. 279. 
< Graeven, Jh. Preuss, KunsU, III, 1897, p. 23. 



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404 PHILA CALDER NYE 

We have a unique opportunity for further study of the subject 
in the examples gathered together in the Morgan collection. 
With the exception of the Hermitage, this is larger and shows 
more varied styles than any other collection known to me at 
present. Four of the caskets and six of the panels belong to this 
Byzantine series, and with their aid it seems possible to make 
one more step in the direction of an answer to these questions of 
date and place. Using these examples as a starting-point for 
classification, we find that they fall into distinct groups; one 
headed by the Cranenburg casket (Fig. 1) with a sub-division 
growing out of the introduction of animal figures on the Hoent- 



Figure 2. — "Joshua" Panel: Metropolitan Museum. 

schel casket (Fig. 6); a second group forms under the Pulsky 
(Figs. 8, 9) and Oppenheim (Fig. 7) panels; and a third is well 
represented by the small but perfect sacred casket (Fig. 10). As 
nearly as it is possible to make a definite statement, with only 
photographs, other reproductions, and descriptions to judge from, 
with but f.ew exceptions all the known examples follow one or 
the other of these lines. 

Generally speaking, the styles can best be classed by the treat- 
ment of the figures. They are either slender, 'fully modelled, 
with a good deal of swing, and a definite sense of action; or the 
forms are full, scantily modelled, quiet, and stiff or unnatural in 
the attempted portrayal of Ufe and motion. Graeven,^ in an 

iL'Arte, 1899, pp. 297 fif. 



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OBLONG CASKETS OF THE BYZANTINE PERIOD 405 

article published twenty years ago, arrived at the conclusion that 
this was not due to a difference in point of time, but to a definite 
plan for the purpose of distinguishing the sacred from the secular 
subjects. I shall consider this point in connection with the study 
of the Joshua panels of the Morgan collection. 

By far the most finished work is found in the group headed by 
the Cranenburg casket (Fig. 1) which in spite of the small panels, 



FiGXjRB 3. — ''Joshua" Panel: Metropolitan Museum. 

is closely allied in style with the one from Veroli in the Victoria 
and Albert Museum.^ This latter, showing a uniformity of exe« 
cution and style in both panels and borders quite unique in the 
history of the whole group, is decidedly the finest example known 
to us, and it is quite possible that it may have served as the in- 
spiration to the casket makers as long as the demand for them 
lasted. Similar in figure treatment, though the carving is not so 
fine, is the one from Cividale,^ showing a dancing figure which is a 
copy of one on the cover of the VeroU. In the Correr fragment^ 
and the casket from Pirano,* now at Vienna, we see frank copies 

1 C. Scaccia-Scarafoni, L'Ariey 1913, pp. 301 ff. 

Dalton, Catalogue of FUzmlliam Museum^ p. 95. 

Venturi, op. cU, I, p. 403, fig. 367. 
« Venturi, Le Gall. Naz. Italiane, III, p. 262. 
» Id. lUd. Ill, p. 268. 
* Graeven, Jh. Kunsth. Samm, XX, 1899, p. 5. 



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406 PHILA CALDER NYE 

by clumsy hands of portions of the VeroU; but the gay little putti 
have become unwieldy huntsmen in meaningless postures, and 
the panthers have been given hoofs. Yet in spite of the in- 
feriority of the work the evident intent to copy, the sense of 
motion, and the style of the cutting place them rather close to the 
model. 

The group is large, and includes the important Joshua panels 
(Figs. 2, 3, 4) of the Morgan collection. They show the rarely 



Figure 4. — "Joshua'' Panel: Metropolitan Museum. 

used rosette-medallion border (seen on about seven caskets and 
on no other panels, if one can judge from reproductions), and the 
subject treated is sacred. This seems to be an exception to 
Graeven^s theory that there were different schemes of treatment 
for sacred and secular subjects. As these panels are very similar 
to one in the Victoria and Albert Museum,^ it appears to me that 
Graevan^s theory on this point is scarcely tenable. The casket 
I designate as ^^No. 3'^ (Fig. 5) in the collection falls in this group, 
and there is almost a replica in the collection Dutuit in Paris. 
The casket in the Cluny, one of the Hermitage examples, others 
at La Cava, Palermo, and elsewhere, are all apparently closely 
connected. The group is capable of subdivision perhaps, as the 
1 Dalton, Byzantine Art and Archaeology^ figs. 9, 130, 132. 



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OBLONG CASKETS OF THE BYZANTINE PERIOD 407 

whirling figures of the Veroli are often absent (the Cranenburg 
has none) or are scarcely indicated. But the style of the cutting 
with the figures in almost high relief, sometimes partially free, 
the exaggerated muscles, the round faces, knobby treatment of 
the hair, and much modelling show them to be closely related. 

Many of the caskets and panels which show zoomorphic 
decorations, often in combination with human figures, seem in 
the main to fall in this same period. The casket from the Hoent- 
schel collection (Fig. 6) is a very good illustration of the group, 
which includes the Rohde Hawkins panels, and others. The use 
of zoomorphs is directly due to oriental influence, and is present 
throughout the history of Byzantine art. At times on the 
caskets they seem almost direct copies, even in the method of 
handling, of those used by the oriental carvers. We see again 
the peacocks confronting each other with the ''Horn'' tree between 
them, familiar to us in other works from the hands of Byzantine 
artists. 

With the Pulsky (Figs. 8, 9) and Oppenheim panels (Fig. 7) 
another style is apparent. This can best be illustrated by a 
comparison of the Oppenheim panel with one of the Joshua 
panels (Fig. 4) in the same collection, as both possibly represent 
the same subject, the execution of the King of Ai. The Joshua 
panel is a typical example of the Veroli class, that from the Op- 
penheim collection equally good as an illustration of its type — 



Figure 5. — Morgan Casket, No. 3: Metropolitan Museum. 



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408 PHILA CALDER NYE 

that of the more stocky heavy figures, showing little if any model- 
ling. Two inferences can be drawn from this comparison; that 
Graeven was mistaken in his theory of the quiet treatment for 
reUgious subjects, and that the utter change in handling marks 
another period of work. In looking for parallels for this new 
element, we find that in every case known to us the subject is 
sacred, and the apparent connecting link between this group and 



Figure 6. — The Hoentschel Casket: Metropolitan Museum. 

the first one is the source of inspiration. The two stories of the 
execution then, create a point of divergence, so that we work 
away from the first group rather than towards it. The same 
seems to be the case with some of the small panels on the Darm- 
stadt sacred casket,' where the seated figures are plainly bor- 
rowed from Arezzo, Cividale, and other examples, but are 
treated in accordance with the new standards set for the carvers' 
use. Figures are heavy, built on a large awkward scale, badly 
» Graeven, UArle, 1899, pp. 297-301. 



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OBLONG CASKETS OF THE BYZANTINE PERIOD 409 

proportioned; draperies cling stiffly to the figures with none of 
the swing and rhythm seen in those of the first group. As 
names are inscribed beside the figures there is no questioning the 
representation. 

To the group must be added the Pulsky panels showing Adam 
and Eve at labor (Figs. 8, 9) seen again in the Bethune panels/ 
as well as in those at Fabri- 
ano and Darmstadt. These 
Morgan panels afford an 
excellent opportunity for 
studying the method of 
treatment, especially in re- 
gard to articulation, pro- 
portion, and rendering of 
hands and feet. The same, 
characteristics are seen in 
the British Museum and 
Berlin panels of the Joseph 
series, the Pesaro panels, 
and others. 

Smallest of all the caskets, 

but glowing with color, is 

the one showing on the lid 

a seated figure of Christ ^ - .-, ^ ,. 

\ Figure 7. — The Oppenhbim Panel: 

flanked by half-figures of METROPOLrrAN Museum. 

saints and angels (Fig. 10). 

Sides and ends show half-figures of the apostles, each enclosed in 
a circle formed of vine tendrils with conventionalized leaves filling 
in the resultant triangular spaces; the name of each apostle 
appears beside him in Greek letters. Here the familiar rosette 
border is lacking, but the arrangement of the figures in the con- 
necting circles is still strongly suggestive of that popular style of 
decoration. Similar examples of such caskets are found in the 
fragments at Bologna, Ravenna, and other museums. A variant 
on this style, with the rosette border but showing the half-figures 
placed in arched panels, appears in the sacred casket of the 
Museo Nazionale of Florence,^ which, however, shows its connec- 
tion in the handling of the figures. 

1 Graeven, L'ArU, 1899, p. 297. 
* Graeven, L'ArUy 1899, p. 307. 
Venturi, Storia deW Arte Italiana, II, p. 590. 



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410 PHILA CALDER NYE 

The rosette borderings vary greatly in size and style, depth of 
cutting, and the decoration of the resultant triangular spaces. 
There seems at present no way of classifying these, though they 



Figure 8. — A Pulsky Panel: Metropolitan Museum. 

were in general use throughout the period, and their absence 
makes instant impression. 

The similarity of the scenes represented on the caskets with 
those in various Greek manuscripts raises the question as to 
whether or not the illuminators were a source of inspiration to the 



Figure 9. — ^A Pulsky Panel: Metropolitan Museum. 



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OBLONG CASKETS OF THE BYZANTINE PERIOD 411 

carvers. Uncertainty as to dates for the manuscripts makes us 
hesitate in dealing with this side of the subject. Paris 510 with 
its definite date (IX century) is, unfortunately, insufficiently 
illustrated for purposes of comparison. Other considerations, 
however, such as one which has been brought forward by Dalton,^ 
may be of importance. In his study of details he shows that one 
of the horsemen on the Cividale casket is provided with stirrups, 
which were not introduced into the West before the sixth century, 



Figure 10. — ^The Sacred Casket: Metropolitan Museum. 

though in use a little earUer in the East. The same authority, 
in his study of the Morgan plate,^ states that the style of fibula 
shown in one of the scenes (Saul giving audience to David) was 
not used after the sixth century. In the ivories which I have 
been able to examine, this fibula is missing, which again is against 
the earUer origin for the caskets. While these details indicate a 
date later than the sixth century, the caskets (or at least those 
with sacred scenes) would seem to have been made after, rather 
than before the Iconoclastic period.* The curiously careless 

1 Byzantine Art and Archaeologyf p. 218. 

' Burl, Mag. X, p. 361. The Morgan plate bears no evidence of being con- 
temporary with the caskets, although it possibly resembles in some respects 
the work on the chair of Maximianus. 

• Diehl, UArt hyzantin, pp. 347-348, 614, attributes the fondness for pagan 
scenes generally to the Iconoclastic period, in which he places the Veroli casket. 
7 



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412 PHILA CALDER NYE 

rendering of the myths, the recurrent figure of Heracles, the Byzan- 
tine tradition in the handUng of all sacred subjects, — all suggest 
a later and an eastern origin. Those caskets which show the 
most vigorous action and are executed in high relief with some 
parts free, are the earliest. This class, known as the Veroli 
type, may be studied in the Joshua panels of the Morgan collec- 
tion. Probably executed in the early ninth century, they seem 
to have furnished the style and model for later works. From these 
one passes by gradations of vigor and depth of carving through 
the whole group, reaching finally the flat figures which look as if 
they might have been carved from another sheet of ivory and 
fastened in place. They are so far away from the Veroli in 
technique and style that they must have been fashioned a full 
century or more later. The most radical change is seen in those 
caskets and panels which show the low relief and scantily modelled 
forms of the Pulsky and Oppenheim panels. Yet throughout 
the entire series there is a connecting thread. The Darmstadt 
sacred casket in its small panels retains compositions of an earlier 
age, but the style of modelling has changed and inscriptions are 
now considered necessary to interpret the subjects. Such atten- 
tion to traditional style in spite of change in handling seems to 
point to a single source; a place where East met West and South. 
The orientals had always displayed a fondness for boxes in which 
to keep treasures, and the demand was no less in the West, so that 
the carvers in a cosmopolitan city were able to supply them more 
readily and in greater numbers than any others. If that is so, 
what more likely than a constant fashioning of panels and 
borders of all styles which could be made up quickly as orders 
were given? If this is a tenable hypothesis, one can account for 
many points of likeness which certainly prevail, and also for the 
constant use of the Heracles motive, as the dwellers in Con- 
stantinople still had the great bronze of Lysippus before their 
eyes.^ 

With the Morgan ivories here at hand for study, it is my hope 
that the comparisons I have drawn may help some other investi- 
gator to reach even more definite conclusions. 

Phila Calder Nye. 
Princeton, New Jersey. 
December, 1918. 

^ This statue is imitated on a casket at Xanten, according to Dalton, By^ 
zaniine Art and Archaeology^ p. 216. 



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flrcfiatologtcal 
Jtuttitttte 
of flmerita 

THE PALACE OF ODYSSEUS 
A J. A. XXIII, pp. 288-311. 

Since the article on the Palace of Odysseus was in the press I 
have received two letters which indicate that it may be queried 
how Telemachus happened to have his spear in readiness (0 433, 
cf . p. 299, note 1), inasmuch as all the weapons had been removed 
from the hall on the evening before. The poet has taken partic- 
ular pains to make this clear. The Suitors do not bring their 
spears to the palace. But Telemachus, from the time when he 
leaves the hut of the swineherd on the morning before the day of 
the Slaughter (p 4), never suflFers his spear to be far out of his 
reach. He rests it against one of the columns of the porch when 
he enters the palace to greet his mother (p 29), and takes it again 
when he goes to the agora to bring home Theoclymenus (p 62). 
After the removal of the arms he takes his own spear to his thal- 
amus, for the next morning it is there when he arises from his 
couch (u 127). Finally, when he left the hall to go to the agora 
(u 145), after asking Eurycleia about the hospitality shown the 
Beggar, the poet tells us that he had his spear with him. The 
hearer would naturally infer, therefore, that when he returned for 
the banquet, he brought the spear into the hall and placed it in 
the spear-rack, near his thronos; poet and listener knew — even 
if Telemachus did not — that he would need the spear before the 
evening was over. Whether there was a spear-rack in the vesti- 
bule as well as in the hall cannot be determined ; it seems probable 
that there was not, but that the spear was merely allowed to rest 
against a colunm of the porch when its owner intended to remain 
within only a few moments (p 29, cf. 46-52). 

The reading K^KopvByJtvov (p. 299, note 1) should not have 
been assigned to Miss Stawell. Professor Arthur Piatt in the 
Journal of Philology y XXIV, 1896, p. 41, mentions this reading. 

On page 310, note 1 reads : '* There would naturally have been 
window-like openings on the courtyard to give light and air to the 
hyperoon." This should read, ''on the courtyard and the vesti" 
bvle.'' Professor Baur's suggestion concerned the omitted phrase. 

Samuel E. Bassett. 
Uotvbrsity op Vermont, 
Burlington, Vermont. 

American Journal of Archaeology. Second Series. Journal of the AtQ 

Archaeological Institute of America, Vol. XXIII (1919), No. 4. ^^^ 



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Itlt 

JanuarT-Jiine 

ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCUSSIONS^ 

SUMMARIES OF ORIGINAL ARTICLES CHIEFLY IN 
CURRENT PUBLICATIONS 

William N. Bates, Editor 
220, St. Maries Square, Philadelphia, Pa. 



GENERAL AND MISCELLANEOUS 

The Oiigm of the Alj^habet — ^The Greek alphabet is closely connected with 
the Phoenician, which, however, was not its only source. There are ten 
letters, for example, which are the same in the western alphabets of Caria and 
Spain, in Runic, and in the eastern group of Thamudite, Sabaean, and Nabath- 
aean yet unknown in Phoenician. Similarly there are nine letters in Runic 
which do not exist in the Greek or Latin alphabets. In the alphabets of Caria 
and Spain there are thirty-two letters alike, or fifty-six in all and their values 
are known. Parallels for all of them may be foimd in the marks on potsherds 
of different dates in Egypt. At Thebes numerous flakes of limestone with 
hieratic writing have be^i found dating between 1500 and 1200 B.C. and 
among these are a few inscribed with signs. The longer alphabet such as waa 
used in Spain and Caria was derived from these Egyptian signs, but this was 
later superseded by the short alphabet of the Greeks which came from the- 
same source. (W. M. Flindbbs Petrib, The Origin [of the Alphabet, pp. 1-7, 
reprinted from Sdentia, XXIV, 1918.) 

Portraits of Greek and Roman Generals.— In Jh. Kl. Alt. XLI, 1918, pp. 
369-388 (18 figs.) B. Saxter discusses the development of Greek portraiture aa 
shown in the extant marble heads of Greek generals. He takes up in turn the 
portraits of Miltiades (?), Cimon (?), Pericles, Xanthippus (?), Alcibiades, 
Archidamus III, two heads of Pellichus (?), and an unidentified head in Rome. 
In a similar way he discusses portraits of Pompey, Caesar, Antony, Agrippa, 
Caligula, Trajan, Hadrian, Commodus, and Alexander Severus. 

Pontus, Bithynia, and the Bosporus.— -In B.S.A. XXII, sessions 1916-1917; 
1917-1918, pp. 1-22, is an article by M. Rostovtsbv, translated from the 
Russian Historical Journal 1, 1917, pp. 111-130. In it the economic and social 
connections between the different settlements on the coasts of the Black Sea 
are discussed. The conditions before the time of the Roman Empire are briefly 
treated, more attention being paid to the Roman period, especially to the rela- 

1 The departments of Archaeologioal News and Discussions and of Bibliography of Archaec- 
logioal Books are conducted by Professor Bates, Editor-in-charge, assisted by Professor C. N. 
Brown, Miss Mart H. BncKmoHAU, Dr. T. A. Busnobr, Mr. L. D. Cabkbt, Professor 
Harold N. Fowler, Professor Harold R. Hastings, Professor Elmsr T. Merrill, Professor 
Lewis B. Paton, Professor A. S. Pease, Professor S. B. Platner, Professor John C. Rolfb, 
Dr. John Shaplet, Professor A. L. Wheeler, and the Editors, espeoially Professor 
Marqvand. 

No attempt is made to include in this nimiber of the Jot7RNal material published after 
June 80. 1919. 

For an explanation of the abbreviations, see pp. 99-100. 

415 



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416 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

tions existing between the imperial procurators (of whom Pliny was one) and 
the proconsuls. 

Glass Coin Weigjits.— In Num. Chron, XVin, 1918, pp. 111-116 W. M. 
Flinders Pbtbib discusses glass coin weights, chiefly those in the possession 
of University College, London. They show how the Greek monograms of 
Roman date are to be read, that is, the main letters are given prominence and 
the genitive is always spelled out. In the Arabic series several important his- 
torical names occur. Great care was taken to make the weights exact. The 
kharrubah varied from 3.017 to 3.116 grains from 714 to 750 a.d., and from 
2.973 to 2.983 between 750 and 780. This would give an uncia of 441 grains 
reduced to 429, a known variant of the uncia in Egypt. The usual weight of 
the fals is 24 and 30 kharrubahSf or 4 and 5 scrupula, and these equal 72 and 
90 grains, or the Byzantine soUdus and the double dirhem. In the eighth 
century the weights were remarkably accurate, e.g., three half dinar weights 
of Jhe year 780 weigh 32.662, 32.665 and 32.667 grains, or within one two- 
himdredth of a grain of one another. The pubhcation of a catalogue of the 
weights is promised. 

The Celts in the Light of Recent Discoveries. — In C. R. Acad. Inac. 1918, pp. 
262-270 L. JoxTUN points out that during the seventh, sixth, and fifth centuries 
B.C. the Celts, who had created the Hallstatt civilization, possessed a great 
empire extending from the Baltic to the Pillars of Herctdee. It was an aristo- 
cratic and mib'tary orgam'zation not imlike that of the Medes. The Hallstatt 
civilization gave way to that of La T^ne in the last part of the fifth century, and 
in the fourth century the Celtic empire ceased to exist. There were, however, 
^wo dominant tribes, the Grauls and the Belgians; other parts had become in- 
dependent. In the fourth and third centunes the excess of population and 
pressure from the Germans caused the migrations to Northern Italy and the 
Balkan pem'nsula. From the second century on the history of Gaul is known 
from literary sources. 

H The Use of Woad in Antiquity.— In R, St. Anc. XXI, 1919, pp. 4^-57, J. 
and Ch. Cottb discuss the use of woad {Isaiis iinctoriaj L.) in antiquity. 
Traces of it were found in the aeneolithic strata of the cave of Adaouste, and 
it is known to have been used extensively in northern and western Europe from 
an early period. In Caesar's time the warriors of Britain tattooed themselves 
with it. The plant grows wild in western Europe, and exists in several varieties 
in southern Europe and Asia Minor. It was much used for dyeing garments in 
southern Gaul. Woad was employed by the Romans as a substitute for the 
more expensive indigo, and was called by them glastrum or glastum and vitrum. 
It was known by the Greeks as Vraru. The fact that the plant could be used 
as a dye was apparently discovered by the Aryans in very remote times. 

Archaeological Discoveries in 191 7. — In Class. Joum. XIV, 1919, pp. 250- 
257, G. H. Chase reviews the results of archaeological discovery in 1917. 

The Pei-Yu.— In R. Arch., fifth series, VlII, 1918, pp. 272-285 (3 figs.), 
G. G1E8ELER discusses the Pei-Yu, or jades suspended from the belt, princely 
ornaments which were suppressed in 409 B.C., the seventeenth year of the 
Emperor Wei-li. Their form symbolized the movements of heavenly bodies. 



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Egypt] ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCUSSIONS, 1919 417 

EGYPT 

The Date of the Amama Letters. — It is usually assumed that after the great 
series of campaigns undertaken by Thutmose III Palestine and Egypt remained 
quietly under the suzerainty of Egypt until the later years of Amenhotep IV, 
80 that all the letters which refer to disturbed conditions in Palestine are to 
be assigned to the reign of the latter monarch. In S. Bibl. Arch, XL, 1918, 
pp. 100-103, E. W. HoLLiNGWOBTH shows that evidence exists to prove that 
the later years of Thutmose IV were troubled by a great revolt in S3nria backed 
by the king of Naharina, .that the Egyptian possessions there were all but lost 
in the early years of Amenhotep III, and that they were regained before his 
tenth year by the skill of his great minister Amenhotep, son of Hap. 

Sacramental Ideas in Ancient Egypt. — In S. Bibl. Arch. XL, 1918, pp. 57-66, 
86-91, A. M. Blackman shows that lustrations in ancient Egypt are closely 
connected with the Heliopolitan sun-cult. A striking feature of Eg3rptian 
religious texts is the way in which they associate purity and cleanliness with 
the Sun-god. The purification which the texts describe was apparently a 
daily matutinal one, preceding the god's appearance above the eastern horizon. 
The idea that the Sun-god bathed every morning before he appeared in the 
eastern sky, brought ablutions and rebirth into close connection. Since ihe 
king was regarded as the embodiment of Horus, he was also regarded as the 
embodiment of the Sun-god. Before he could ascend to heaven the dead 
Pharaoh, like his divine prototype, had to undergo purification. Possibly 
the Egyptians believed, or hoped, that while the ablutions were being executed 
over the corpse by priests, the divinities whom the priest impersonated were 
simultaneously carrying out the same services for the deceased in the other 
world. Purificatory ceremonies were also undergone by the living Pharaoh. 
As prospective Pharaoh he was washed in infancy by the Sun-god. As actual 
Pharaoh he was washed again during the coronation ceremony, just before 
the diadems were placed upon his head. The object of these lustrations was 
to strengthen and confirm the connection that was supposed to exist between 
the living Pharaoh and the Sun-god. The living Pharaoh was believed to be 
reborn, like the Sun-god whose embodiment he was, through the medium of 
water. 

Egyptian Antiquities in New York.— In B. Metr. Mtui. XIV, 1919, pp. 144- 
147 (2 figs.) H. E. W(inlock) comments on several Egyptian antiquities 
in the Metropolitan Museum. 1. The two pieces of relief published ibid. 
March, 1917, may have come from Zagazig, and should perhaps be dated in the 
third dynasty. 2. A fragmentary inscription of King Neterbau from Koptos 
shows that he reduced the domain of the governor general whose power was 
becoming dangerous, fr6m twenty-two to seven nomes; and another inscrip- 
tion shows that this was still its size three centuries later. 3. Attention is also 
called to a fragment of an architect's plan. 

Statuettes of Egyptian Gods. — ^In the Quarterly BuUetin of the New York 
Historical Society III, 1919, pp. 41-51 (6 figs.) Mrs. Carolinb Ransom 
WiLUAMB calls attention to a collection of 320 statuettes of Egyptian deities 
recently placed Upon exhibition by the New York Historical Society. They 
are of bronze, stone, wood, faience, glass, pottery, and a few of silver. A small 
figure of Bes is of gold, and another of electrum; there is an ivory Thoth, and 



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418 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

a small Horus of hematite veined with red jasper. The best of the bronie 

figures have details inlaid with gold, silver, or electrum. The gods repre- 
sented are typical figures of the Egyp- 
tian pantheon. 

A Bronze Statuette in its Oiigiaai 
Mould. — ^In the Qtuaierly BvUetin of 
the New York Historical Society, III, 
1919, pp. 3-7 (6 figs.) Mrs. Cabolinb 
Ransom Williams publishes a bronze 
figure of Horus still in its original mould 
(Fig. 1). The ancient workman had 
set it aside when he discovered from 
the head that the casting was a failure. 
In preparing the figure for exhibition 
it was found to be necessary to remove 
the mould as far as the armpits in 
order to preserve the bronze. This 
statuette is said to have been foimd 
at Sakkara and is probably um'que. 

The Detroit Collection of Egyptian 
Antiquities. — In the Bulletin of the 
Detroit Museum of Art, XIII, 1919, 
pp. 37-38 (fig.) C. C. gives a brief 

Figure 1. — Bronze Statuette in account of the collection of Eg3rptian 

ITS Mould. antiquities recently installed in new 

quarters in the Museum. It includes 

sarcophagi, pottery, utensils of stone, ushebtis, amulets, scarabs, etc. 

BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA 

The Reign of Rim-Sin of Larsa.— In S. Bibl, Arch. XL, 1918, pp. 131-134, S. 
Langdon reviews the recent docimientary evidence in regard to the reign of 
Rim-Sin and reaches the conclusion that he remained on the throne of Larsa as 
vassal both of Hammurabi and of Samsuiluna, and was permitted to issue his 
own date-formulae in the period Hammurabi 31 to Samsuiluna 12, when he 
again rebelled and was finally disposed of. These suppositions, which seem 
inevitable on the basis of contemporary documents, force us to believe that 
Rim-Sin ruled eighty-five years. This is the certain, but apparently incredible, 
conclusion that we reach, if we accept the validity of the figures in the Yale 
date-hst. 

The Deification of Kings in Ancient Babylonia.— In S. Bibl Lit, XL, 1918, 
pp. 45-56, 69-85, S. Langdon publishes three hymns used in the cult of 
deified kings of the dynasty of Ur, namely Ur-Engur, Dungi, Bur-Sin, and Gimil- 
Sin. The testimony of these hymns is confirmed by tablets which record the 
offering of sacrifices in honor of these deceased kings. 

The Sacred Tree in Assyrian Art.— In S. Bibl Arch. XL, 1918, pp. 111-112, 
(2 figs.), Miss C. Garlick explains the conventional sacred tree of Assyrian art 
as representing a male-flowered palm growing in the midst of a grove of female- 
flowered palms, all festooned together for the festival with loops and ends of 
drapery, in origin a necessity for the climbing of the trees, but now merely an 



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Babylonia, etc.] ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCUSSIONS, 1919 419 

adornment. The winged figure who stands by the tree is a priestly ministrant 
who sprinkles the pollen upon the female flowers out of a satchel which he holds 
in his left hand. He wears a bird headdress and wings because he symbolizes 
the wind, whose work he is doing. 

A Prayer used by Shamash-shum-ukin, Viceroy of Babylon. — Most of the 
Babylonian prayers of atonement contained a formula: '1, someone, son of 
someone, whose god is someone, whose goddess is someone. '' In the recitation 
of these prayers the suppliant inserted his own name, that of his father, and, 
presumably, the names of his god and goddess. Three cases are already known 
in which the formula is filled up with the appropriate name. To these S. 
Langdon {S, Bibl. Arch. XL, 1918, pp. 104-110; pi.), now adds a fourth, a 
tablet in the British Museum with a prayer to Sin, the Moon-god, filled in with 
the name of Shamash-shum-ukin, the brother of Ashurbanipal. It seems to 
indicate that out of a series of prayers the priests demanded the recital of only 
one prayer and dispensed with the primitive magical accessories. This implies 
a high plane of religious development and a serious reduction of the ritualistic 
service. 

A Religious Foundation of Ashurbanipal. — In S. Bibl. Arch. XL, 1918, pp. 
117-125, C. H. W. Johns reports a tablet of the British Museum which nar- 
rates how Sargon, King of Assyria, made an endowment for the temple of Sin, 
consisting of an estate including an orchard and a field. Subsequently the 
king changed his mind and converted the estate to his own use. Ashurbanipal 
later found the dedicatory tablet of Sargon and restored the endowment to its 
original purpose. Apparently he was moved to this act by the conviction that 
Sargon's revocation of his original decree had led to the displeasure of Sin. 
Neither Sargon, Sennacherib, nor Esarhaddon ''died in his bed." So far as we 
know the pious Ashurbanipal did. 

Sumerian and Babylonian Texts. — ^Under the title Selected Sumerian and 
Babylonian Texts Dr. Henry Frederick Lutz publishes as the second part of 
the first volume of the PublicaUans of the Babylonian Section of the Museum of 
the University of Pennsylvania 139 tablets now in Philadelphia. Ninety-five 
are letters, seven have to do with a Simierian code of laws, others are hymns, 
prayers and incantations, and a few school exercises. All of the letters in the 
Museum have now been published except a few very fragmentary tablets of 
the Cassite period. [Publications of the Babylonian Section of the Museum 
of the Umversity of Pennsylvania, Vol. I, Pt. 2: Selected Sumerian and Baby- 
lonian Texts. By Henry Frederick Lutz. Philadelphia, 1919, University 
Museum. Pp. 16-133; pis. 48-14L 4 to.] 

The Relation of Tibetan to Sumerian.— In S. Bibl. Arch. XL, 1918, pp. 95- 
100, C. J. Ball reports a communication from A. Fonahn of the University 
of Christiania giving a long list of identical words in Tibetan and Sumerian. 
He also calls attention to the similar use in both languages of postpositions 
instead of prepositions. These facts seem to indicate that Sumerian is even 
nearer to Tibetan than to Chinese, with which many similarities have already 
been noted. 

The Origin <rf the Babylonian Sign BAR or MAS.— In J. A. 0. S. XXXIX, 
1919, pp. 91-99, J. B. NiEB investigates the origin of the sign BAR or MAS, 
which in archaic Babylonian has the form of a cross. The principal meanings 
{otMAS are, "clear, pure, first, chief, twin"; for BAR, "decide, divide, half. 



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420 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXm,.1919 

bind, surround, side." Other meanings which have been considered secondary 
are ^'fire, magic, conjurer." The sign is originally a picture of the fire-sticks 
with which the primitive magician kindled the sacred flame. Thus the mean- 
ings "fire, magic, and conjurer" are primitive and all the other meanings are 
secondary. 

The Babylonian Measures of Capacity. — In S. Bihl. Arch. XL, 191i8, pp. 
136-140, C. H. W. Johns siunmarixes the present state of knowledge on the 
subject of the Babylonian measures of capacity. The unit was the measiure 
called ha J usually written with the sign KA^ answering to the Hebrew kdb. 
Its content may be taken as roughly half a litre. The next larger measure was 
indicated by the sign BA R, which was read ban in Sumerian, and satum ( « Heb. 
seah) in Babylonian. This measure might contain 5, 6, 10, or even 12 KA. 
The PA contained two BAR; the AS, three BAR; the aS-u, four BAR; the 
A^'Zu, five BA R; and the UR, thirty BAR. Thus it appears that the ratio 
of the higher measures from the BAR to the UR was fixed and that only the 
relation of these to the KA was variable. It is doubtful whether the KA or the 
BAR varied in capacity. On the whole it is probable that the KA remained 
stationary since a practically constant number of KA is allowed per diem for 
n^n and for beasts. 

SYRIA AND PALESTINE 

The Moabite Sanctuary of Beth Peor.— In R, Hut Rd. LXXVI, 1917, 
pp. 241-261 M. Vernbs undertakes to show that it was at the Moabite 
sanctuary of Beth Peor that Moses received the law and gave it to the Israelites. 

ASIA MINOR 

Coinage of Chios. — In Num, Chron. 1918, pp. 1-79 (2 pis.), J. Mavrooob- 
DATO prints the fifth and last of his articles on the chronological arrangement 
of the coins of Chios, covering the period from the reign of Augustus to 268 

A.D. 

GREECE 
SCULPTURE 

An Unknown Replica of the Athena Parthenos.— In R. St.Anc. XXI, 1919, pp. 
20-26 (pi.) W. Deonna publishes an unknown replica of the Athena Parthenos 
recently acquired by the museum at Geneva (Fig. 2). It is of terracotta and 
bears a rather close resemblance to the Varvakion statuette. It cannot, how- 
ever, be a modem copy of it as the Varvakion statuette was discovered in 1880 
and the terracotta figurine has been in the possession of the family from whom 
it was acquired since about 1870. The history of its discovery has been lost, 
but it was probably unearthed in Switzerland. The head of the Nike in the 
hand of the goddess is preserved, and the colimm beneath the hand is repre- 
sented. On the base is the word A0HNA. The writer discusses the genuine* 
ness of the figurine and decides in its favor. 

A Bust from the Metroum of the Piraeus.— In M, Soc, Ant, Fr. LXXV, 
1916-1918, pp. 91-129 (fig.). E. Michon discusses a bust of Melitine, priestess 
of the Metroum at the Piraeus, acquired by the Louvre in 1914. It was 
excavated in 1855 by Col. Vassoigne who was then occup3dng Piraeus with 
French troops. The bust dates from the second half of the second century 



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Greece] ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCUSSIONS, 1919 421 

A.D. It is intact, but has no great artistic excellence. On the base is an 
inscription which was published in C. I. L, III, 1, No. 94, but with shght inac- 
curacies. Thus there are seven lines, not five; and the first c of Melitine is 
written 6 not E. 

VASBS 
The Pre-Mycenaean Pottery of the Mainland. — In B. S. A. XXII, sessions 
1916-1917; 1917-1918, pp. 175-189 (6 pis.), A. J. B. Wace and C. W. Blegen 
construct a chronological series of early pottery in the Peloponnese and East- 
Central Greece, based upon the excavations of recent years. "Early Helladic," 
"Middle Helladic," and "Late Helladic" are new terms employed to designate 
the wares and periods hitherto called "Urfimis," "Minyan and Matt paint," 
and "Mycenaean." Early Helladic Group I, monochrome, hand-made, some- 
times with incised patterns, some jugs, sauce-boats, etc., with slip; contem- 
porary with Early Minoan I and II. Early Helladic Group II, glazed hand- 
made ware, contemporary with Early Minoan II and III. Early Helladic, 
Group III, glazed pattern ware, hand-made, sometimes light-on-dark painting 
(time, Early Minoan III, Middle Minoan I). Early Helladic, Group IV, plain, 
undecorated ware, and Group V, large stone jars. The Middle and Late 
Helladic periods produced (1) Minyan Ware and (2) Mattpainted Ware. 
Minyan Ware includes (I) True or Grey Minyan, contemporary with Middle 
Minoan II; (II) Argive Minyan, of about the same date; (III) Yellow Minyan, 
contemporary with Middle Minoan III and the earliest shaft graves; (IV) 



Figure 2. — A Copy of the Athena Parthenos. 



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422 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

Ephyraean Ware, a late phase of Yellow Minyan, contemporary with the end 
of Late Minoan I and Late Minoan II. Mattpainted Ware is divided into 
three groups, extending from the time of Middle Minoan I to the beginning of 
Late Minoan I. The first group is hand-made, the second sometimes wheel- 
made, the third always wheel-made. All these classes and groups are described 
and illustrated, and a table of chronological relations between Crete, the 
Cyclades, and the mainland is given. 

Attic Red-figured Vases in American Museums. — The Harvard University 
Press has published for Mr. J. D. Beazlet a work on the red-figured vases 
in American museums. The author takes up in turn the painter of the vases 
bearing the name of Andocides, the Meno amphora, early archaic vases, the 
''ripe archaic,'' the late archaic painters, the early free style, the "Achilles 
painter'' and his group, Polygnotus, the ''Lycaon painter," small vases of the 
free period, and the "ripe free style." He discusses the painters of the dif- 
ferent periods and gives lists of vases which he thinks should be attributed to 
them. [Attic Red-figured Vases in American Museums. By J. D. Beazlet. 
Cambridge, 1918, Harvard University Press. 236 pp.; 132 figs. 4 to. $7.] 

A Handbook of Greek Vase Painting. — Miss Mart A. B. Herford, 
Assistant Lecturer in Classics in the University of Manchester, has published 
a handbook of Greek vase painting. After a discussion of the methods of 
manufacture and the shapes and uses of Greek vases the author takes up in 
historical sequence the vases of Crete and the Cyclades, Geometric and Orien- 
talizing wares, vases of the black and red-figured styles, and finally vase paint- 
ing in Italy under Attic influence. An account is given of the characteristics 
of the principal painters and some of their finest works are reproduced. The 
book does not aim to be an exhaustive treatise, but rather a general exposition 
of the subject. [A Handbook of Greek Vase Painting. By Mart A. B. 
Herford. Manchester, 1919, University Press; London, New York, etc., 
Longmans, Green and Company. 121pp.; 12 pis. ; 21 figs. 8vo. $3.75 net.] 

History of the Study of Greek Vase Painting. — In Proceedings of the Ameri- 
can Philosophical Society f LVII, 1918, pp. 649-668, Stephen Bleeker Luce 
gives the history of the study of Greek Vase Painting from the end of the 
seventeenth century until the present time. All important general treatises 
on the subject are mentioned, as well as many other publications. A list of 
museums containing Greek vases is appended. 

The Endymion Myth in Greek Vase Painting.— In Rend. Ace. Lincei, XXVII, 
1918, pp. 33-43, P. DucATi argues that the myih of Endymion, though known 
to Sappho (so the scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, IV, 57) was not made use 
of in Greek art until Hellenistic times. He controverts earlier interpretations 
of the Blacas crater and of the Attic vase published by FurtwSngler and 
lEleichhold (Series 3, fig. 16, p. 36, n. 8) believing that the figures of Helios 
and Selene are there used as in the east pediment of the Parthenon. In the 
Apulian vase from Ruvo (Collezione Jatta; Annali deW Institulo, 1878, 
pp. 41-61, tav. G) he denies that the two bands or zones should be considered 
as treating one and the same subject, and explains the so-called Selene and 
Endymion as Aphrodite and Adonis. 

The Dog in Greek Vase Painting.— In Classical Weekly, XII, 1919, pp. 
209-213 Helen M. Johnson describes the dogs depicted in Minoan and 
Mycenaean art and comments upon the various species which appear in Greek 
vase painting. 



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Grbbcb] archaeological DISCUSSIONS, 1919 423 

INSCRIPTIONS 

Notes on Inscriptions.— In Mn&mosyne, XLVII, 1919, pp. 66-72 G. 
VoLLORATF discusses five Greek inscriptions. 1. An unpublished inscrip- 
tion on bronze in his own possession he reads: [$a]pxM^s ircvroxto-xtXias 
TpioKoalai T&niiiiovTa , oh\iiv *Upas' Tpiatcoalai . 4. . . . The second part he 
reads xAj^a* [5opxm]Aj hcardf rkatrepas. This inscription was probably written 
at Zancle or Rhegium in the sixth century b.c, and evidently formed part of 
the accounts of a grain merchant. 2. In the inscription found near Aegae in 
Aeolis and published by S. Reinach {R. St. Gr. 1891, pp. 268 flF.) he punctuates 
after HfrY](apol(n in line 9, and then continues h 'OX^/iTjy Iptov, Stti m i(, fiif 
tpy&^tae<u, 3. In Milety III, p. 177, No. 33, e, 4 for olw^^Xa^ he reads 
(&Po06Xa|*. 4. In Dittenberger, SyU^. No. 832, line 5 for Arui6i'ucos 'Fixfov he 
reads Ai7/i^ua>$ *Pi<m>v. 5. Ibid. No. 844, lines 6 f. instead of /xii Viatraop rdv 
Sifo he reads /xi) fXeuraop itkup hho. 

ABoustrophedon Inscription from Gortyn. — In Rend. Ace. Lincei, XXVII, 
1918, pp. 207-220 (fig.), D. Comparetti publishes for the first time an 
archaic boustrophedon inscription found near the small entrance in the east 
wall of the Odeum of Gortyn. The writing is identical with that on the last 
block of the northern wall, with which it agrees in the use of H = »? and of the 
spiral beta. The left side of the stone is broken away and owing to the bou- 
strophedon manner of writing the lacunae are twice as great as would be the 
case in an ordinary inscription. These are supplied by Comparetti on the 
theory that the inscription deals with the witnesses that must be present at the 
division of inherited property, and with the oaths there taken He believes that 
it is in the nature of a supplement to the law governing inheritance in Col. V of 
the well-known long inscription of Gortyn, or perhaps an earher version of this 
part, which is, in the long inscription, stated more summarily. 

Lead Tablets from Selinus.— In Rend. Ace. Linceiy XXVII, 1918, pp. 193- 
206 (4 figs.), D. Comparetti treats of four inscribed lead plates, found 
near the sanctuary of Demeter Malophoros at Selinus, and of a similar one from 
Cumae, already published by Paribeni ( Not. Scav. 1903, p. 171 ; discussed by 
Buecheler, Rh. Mua. LVIII, 1903, p. 624). These contain devotionesy of the so- 
called ' 'judicial type,'' the imprecation being that the tongue of the opposing 
litigant, as also of his supporters may be twisted (dTccrrpa/xAt^a) and his words 
made ineffective (kr* dreXelai). Instead of the usual Karadw we find here used 
the word hvypiufM or simply ypAxtxa (elsewhere xar ay piuftu)). On dialectic and 
epigraphic grounds these may be placed in the fifth century, b.c. 

The Decree d 401-400 in regard to the Metics.— In R. St. Gr. XXX, 1917, 
pp. 384r408 P. Cloch£ discusses the Athenian decree of the year 401-400 b.c. 
conferring roXtrc/a on the metics who accompanied the exiled democrats in 
their return from Phyle and took part in the battle at Munychia against the 
Thirty. He estimates their number at about three hundred. 

The Date of the Portico of Philo at Eleusis.— In R. St. Gr. XXXI, 1918, pp. 
207-220, G. Glotz shows that the inscription relating to the construction of 
the Portico of Philo at Eleusis (/. G. II, 834 c) was probably cut in June or July 
332 B.C. The statement of Vitruvius (VII, Pref. 17) that Philo built it while 
Demetrius of Phalerum was in power, i.e.^ between 317 and 307 b.c. can only 
mean that it was completed at that time. 



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424 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXUI, 1919 

A Long Lost Inscription.— In R. St. Gr. XXXI, 1918, pp. 91-100 T. Rbinach 
shows that a fragmentary inscription in the Biblioteca Bertoliana of Vicenza is 
part of the second copy of C, I. A, III, 5 of which three copies are known to 
have been cut. Fourmont saw and copied this fragment in Athens in 1730, but 
it has been lost for nuiny years. It is now known to have been in the collection 
of Pietro Zaguri at Venice at the beginning of the nineteenth century and to 
have gone to Vicensa in 1811. 

A Delphic Decree in Honor of the Thurians.— In R. St. Anc. XXI, 1919, pp. 
77-90 E. BouBGUET discusses the decree of the Delphians granting xpotiarrda 
to the people of Thurii (see B.C. H. XX, 1896, pp. 678-686). He restores 
11. 13-15 irpo[Ata]|vri}/ay ir[pd 'Ir]|aXui>rai' [rdi^llra}!' in place of Dittenberger's 
irlpo]aXuaTav li6v]T<av. There were no such officers as TpoaXiMToi at Delphi. 
In 11. 15-18 he proposes TapaylTL]\vov[s] Skov [*iral|(XX)[<^Xoi;]f €Im«HI Oovptocs as 
giving the sense but perhaps not the words of the original. He suggests 344-3 
B.C. as the date of the decree and of the archonship of Thebagoras. 

Documents from MyUsa.— In B. S. A. XXII, sessions 1916-1917; 1917- 
1918, pp. 190-215, W. H. Buckler publishes, or reprints with supplements, 
restorations, and comments, the series of dociunents from Mylasa and the 
neighboring Olymos, which relate to the management of the landed investments 
of Carian temples in the first century b.c. Most of the texts were published 
. by Waddington (L. B. W, III, 323-416); others have appeared in periodicals. 
Leases might be made to an individual acting as agent for one of the four 
avyykyuai which composed the demos of Olymos. This individual was probaUy 
always rafilas of the avyykytia and might act as its surety (tyyvot). Leases 
might be assigned, but then the original lessee continued to pay the nominal 
rent of one drachma. Rent might, as a privilege, be paid in produce. The rent 
was guaranteed by sureties, who might be one person or several. Awry^<^« 
signifies the acceptance of suretyship. 

The Decree of Bargylia in Honor of Posidonius.— In R. St. Anc. XXI, 1919, 
pp. 1-19 M. HoLLEAUx discusses the long inscription in three parts copied by 
C. Blondel at Bargyha in 1873 and pubhshed by P. Foucart in 1903 (M. Aead. 
Insc. XXXVII, pp. 327 f., 334 f.). He corrects and restores the text in a 
number of places. The decree is important historically because of the light it 
throws on the war of Aristonicus. 

A Greek Titie.— In R. Arch., fifth series, VIII, 1918, pp. 221-238, Mauricb 
HoLLEAUX discusses fourteen inscriptions containing the title aTparny^ 
iwBinraroif which can be at least approximately dated; three containing the 
same title, the date of which is uncertain; two in which the title is doubtfully- 
restored; a fragment of Memnon {Fr. Hist. Gr. Ill, frg. 26, p. 539) and a decree 
of the P^ienians (Insckr. v. Priene, 109, 1. 120), in which the title occurs by- 
mistake; and the letter of the Parians preserved by Josephus (Ant. lud. XVI, 
10, 8, 213-216). The reading in the manuscripts of Josephus is arpa-niydt 
fhraroi. The article is an introduction to a forthcoming study of the true 
meaning of this title aTparnydi dvOinraroi. 

Notes on Inscriptions of Imperial Date.— In R. St. Or. XXXI, 1918, pp. 221- 
240 P. Graindor discusses several Greek inscriptions dating from imperial 
Roman times. 1. He shows that there were two archons named Philopappus. 
The first was the son of Antiochus IV of Commagene and held office some time 
between 75 and 91 a.d.; the second, who lived at a later time, died in office and 



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was succeeded by a certain Laelianus. 2. The two fragments 7. G, III, 7 and 
55 belong to the same stele which was a decree in honor of Hadrian. 3. 7. G, 
in, 132 and 132a belong together. The inscription, which is a dedication to 
Asclepius and Hygieia, dates from the end of the second or the beginning of the 
third century a.d. 4. Dittenberger's dating of 7. G. Ill, 1012 in the time of 
the Antonines is shown to be too late. It should be between the beginning 
of the first century and the reign of Claudius. 

The Epitaph of Apronia of Salona.— In C. R. Acad. Insc. 1918, pp. 308- 
310, C. Clermont-Gannbau suggests a new reading for the tenth line of the 
Greek epitaph of Apronia found at Sophia, Bulgaria, i.e. (c) 0m6(/h) (for eiffiolpu), 
'kxfxavla. 

Epigraphic Bulletin.— In R. St, Gr. XXX, 1917, pp. 409-425, P. Roussbl 
and G. Nicole publish a bulletin of Greek inscriptions, including brief notices 
of inscriptions published in German and Austrian periodicals. 

COINS 

Die-positions in Ancient Coinage. — ^J. MAVRoaoRDATo confirms the sugges- 
tion of Mr. Milne made in Num. Chron. 1917, pp. 315-16, that in the ancient 
process of coinage the S3nnmetrical position of the two dies was not secured by 
hinging them together, as had hitherto been supposed, but by marking the 
upper one in some way (Num. Chran. 1918, pp. 131-2). 

The Value oi the Chalcos of Delphi— In R. St. Gr. XXXI, 1918, pp. 88-90, 
G. Glotz shows that the chalcos of Delphi had the value of one twelfth of an 
obol as at Delos, Orchomenus in Boeotia, Corcyra, etc. and not of one eighth as 
had been supposed. In the Delphian inscription published in B.C. tf. 1902, 
pp. 53-i54, 1. 13 Uari must be restored, not rpuav. 

GENERAL AND MISCELLANEOUS 

Italian Contributions to the Study of Greek Archaeology. — In Aiene e Roma 
XXn, 1919, pp. 15-^, B. Pace surveys the contributions of Italians to our 
knowledge of the archaeology of Greece. He gives an account of the work of 
the early travelers Cyriac of Ancona in the fifteenth century, Urbano Valeriano 
Bolzani, Giovanni Bembo, Benedetto Ramberti, Francesco Barozzi, Bernardino 
D'Amico, and Antonio Possevino in the sixteenth, and Comelio Magni in the 
seventeenth. The last mentioned has left important records of the monuments 
of Greece. In the seventeenth century many antiquities were brought to 
Venice and other Italian cities from Greece and Crete. In the eighteenth cen- 
tury Giovan Filippo Mariti, for eight years consul of Tuscany at Lamaka, 
Cyprus, explored Cyprus, Palestine, and Syria and published an account of his 
travels in nine voliunes, 1769-1776. Archaeology had an important part in 
this work. Domenico Sestini, nimiismatist and archaeologist, at one time direc- 
tor of the museum at Catania and later honorary professor at the University of 
Pisa, was in the Orient from 1777 to 1792 and visited all of Asia Minor, Mesopo- 
tamia, the Aegean, and the Balkan peninsula. He copied many inscriptions 
and published important accounts of Constantinople, Cyzicus, Nicea, Ephesus, 
Tralles, Pergamon, Aphrodisia, etc. Italian artists also contributed to the 
archaeological work of others. Thus Borra accompanied Wood and Dawkins 
to Palmyra and Baalbek, Pomardi made most of the drawings for Dodwell, 
Lusieri assisted Lord Elgin, etc. In the early part of the nineteenth century 



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426 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

Luigi Settala made discoveries at Carthage, and Gen. Camillo Borgia de Velletri 
in Tunisia. The Genoese naturalist Paolo della Cella, who traveled in Tripolis 
and Cyrenaica, also described antiquities; and Count Carlo Vidua di Con- 
aano in 1819-1820 traveled all over the Turkish empire and copied many in- 
scriptions. More recent names are those of Biliotti, famous for his work in 
Rhodes, and Cesnola, who worked in Cyprus. Brief mention is also made of 
Antonio Salinas, Luigi Adriano Milani, Gherardo Ghirardini, Federico Halb- 
herr, and others. In 1910 the Italian Institute of Archaeology was established 
in Athens under the directorship of Dr. Pemier. 

The Alleged Kingship of the Olympic Victor.— In B, S. A. XXII, sessions 
1916-1917; 1917-1918, pp. 85-106, E. Norman Gardiner finds that there is 
no ground for the theory that the Olympic contest was a contest for the throne 
or that the victor was regarded as a King. No early connection between the 
worship of Hera and that of Zeus at Olympia is proved. Olympia is connected 
with the north and west, not with the Aegean. The worship of Zeus reached 
Olympia from Dodona before it reached Crete, and there is no trace of connec- 
tion between Olympia and Crete until the close of the eighth century. The 
worship of Hera came from Argos at a later date than the worship of Zeus. 
The origin of the games is not necessarily religious at all. Games were natu- 
rally held at festivals, for those were the only times of peace and leisure. 

The Campaign and Battle of Mantineia in 418 B. C— In B. S, A. XXII, ses- 
sions 1916-1917; 1917-1918, pp. 61-84 (pL), W. J. Woodhousb discusses 
the evidence relating to the campaign of 418 B.C. and the battle of Mantineia, 
with the result that King Agis appears as a brilliant leader, not as a victor 
merely through good fortune and the fighting qualities of his troops. The 
account given by Thucydides, like that given of the battle of Plataea by 
Herodotus, is inspired by hostility to Sparta. 

The Gordian Knot— In R, St. Gr. XXXI, 1918, pp. 39-82, 141-184 (19 figs.) 
W. Dbonna argues that the Gordian knot which Alexander cut was a mystic 
knot which had belonged to Zeus before it became associated with Gordius. 
It was made from a sacred plant which was probably connected with the cosmic 
tree. The chariot to which the knot was attached was solar, as was the eagje 
which alighted on the yoke of the chariot. A knot or knotted ornament which 
is described as being without beginning or end is found as far back as Babylo- 
nian times. It was represented by a character which resembles a figure ei^t 
lying on its side, the mathematical sign for the infinite. The Gordian knot was 
a cosmic knot without beginning or end. In cutting it and so fulfilling the 
oracle which promised the sovereignty of Asia to the man who solved the prob- 
lem Alexander was posing as a celestial deity. 

The Knots used by the Greeks.— In Eranos XVI, 1916, pp. 51-81 (2 pis.; 
8 figs.), H. Ohrvall discusses at length the different kinds of knots used in 
antiquity and attempts to identify some of their Greek names. In this con- 
nection he studies especially Oribasius. 

The Narcissus in Homer and in Sophocles. — ^In R. Arch., fifth series, VIII, 
1918, pp. 301-316, Salomon Reinach discusses the references to the narcissus 
in the Homeric Hynm to Demeter, in Sophocles' Oedipus at CoUmuSy and else- 
where. He finds that there was an early form of the m3rth of Persephone 
(Cora) in which she was not carried off in his chariot by Pluto, but fell into a 
fissiu-e which was marked by a gigantic narcissus. Demeter lighted two 



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Italy] ARCHAEOLOOICAL DISCUSSIONS, 1919 427 

torches to seek her daughter, not on earth, but under the earth. The great 
goddesses crowned with narcissus (Oed. Ccl. 684; read iier^y^v Btiav, not tityk\tup 
0€aip, though the latter is the reading of the Laurentian MS.) are the Eumen- 
ides, not Demeter and Cora. The word y&fmaaos is not Greek, and its connec- 
tion with v6Lpicri is an error of popular etymology. 

Strabo and Demetrius of Scepsis.— In BJS.A. XXII, sessions 1916-1917; 
1917-1918, pp^ 23-47 (pi.), Walter Leat discusses the relations of Strabo to 
the interesting scholar Demetrius of Scepsis. He finds that Strabo derived all 
his information about the Troad from Demetrius. His blunders are misun- 
derstandings. Several of these, involving questions concerning the geography 
of the Troad, are discussed. 

Strabo V, iiL— In B. S. A, XXII, sessions 1916-1917; 1917-1918, pp. 48-50, 
A. W. Van Buren corrects the text of Strabo's description of Rome at two 

points. In V, iii, 8, the words ^ircp UporperkaraTov hr^ 5' alydpois 

icard^vrof should be transferred to a position between ri^u Bkop and T\rj<Tiop a 

few lines above. In V, iii, 10, the passage koI 'AXkrpiov inr6 ^VtatiaJUap 

AxoffrSura is to be regarded as a revision by Strabo, an alternative for Tap* Ijv 
6 Aetpit .... Kal Miyrohppas a few lines below. 

ITALY 
VASES 

The Names of Roman Potters.— In Eranos, XVI, 1916, pp. 161-180, H. 
GuMBfERUS discusses the makers' names found on Roman pottery of different 
types. 

INSCRIPTIONS 

The Stele of tiie Roman Forum.— In CI. Phil. XIV, 1919, pp. 87-88, T. 
Frank, on the basis of geological data furnished by Commendatore Verri, 
traces the tufa of the stele of the Forum to the region north of the Cremera 
rather than to that of the Alban volcanic action, and concludes that the in- 
scription dates from before 509 B.C., and is a relic of the Etruscan occupation 
of Rome. 

The Colunma Rostrata of DuiUus.— In CI. PhU, XIV, 1919, pp. 74-82, T. 
Frank advances the theory that an original tufa inscription of 260 B.C. 
on the coliunn of Duilius was restored about 150 B.C. in certain places where it 
was illegible, and that this restoration was done in the orthography of the day. 
The whole was then copied on marble in the early empire. The inconsistencies 
in the spelling of the inscription would be thus explainable. 

An Emendation to tiie Monumentum Ancyranum. — Sir. J. E. Sandys sup- 
ports from numismatic evidence the view of the late Sir John Evans that in 
Mon. Ancyr. (§ 32) the imperfect name of the second of the two British kings 
who sought the protection of Augustus should be read as TINCOMMIVS* 
Mr. Rice Holmes {Ancient Britaiiiy p. 365) is wrong in saying that all three 
sons of Commius used the title REX, but possibly right in finding a common 
object for the i^peal to Augustus made by Tinoommiu asnd Dumnobellaunus. 
{Num. Chron. 1918, pp. 97-110; pi.) 

A Latin Inscription in Cologne. — ^Apropos of the publication of a bronze 
stele inscribed with the words tUere fdix digne merito (B. Arch. C. T. 1918, 
S 



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428 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXni, 1919 

pp. ix ff.) C. Clebmont-Gannbatt points out (C R. Acad. Insc, 1918, pp. 
250-260) that the bronze inscription in Cologne (C. /. L, XUI, 229) has been 
incorrectly interpreted. He reads it hego acribo sine mi{ki) manum. 

The Latin Tablet of Tolsism. — ^In 1917 there was found at Groot-Tolsum in 
Friesland a wax tablet recording in Latin the purchase of an ox (see Vollgraff , 
Mnemosyne f XLV, 1917, pp. 341-352). It resembles other tablets found at 
Pompeii and elsewhere, but is earlier than any of them. In R, St Anc. XXI, 
1919, pp. 91-96 U. P. BoissBVAiN edits and translates it, with a conmientary. 
Vollgrak dated it in 116 a.d., but it should be placed in 16, 18, 21, 22, or 26 
A.D. when the names of the consules suffecti are not known. 

COINS 

Roman Monetary Sy8tem.^In Num, Ckron. 1918, pp. 155-186, E. A. 
Sydenham publishes the first of a series of articles in which he purposes to 
trace the growth of the Roman monetary system from its inception (about 
335 B.C.) down to the final stage reached in the fourth century a.d. The 
present article was intended to serve as an introduction to that by the late 
Canon Beanlands, which follows it in the same number of the Chronicle. 
During the first period (335-286 b.c.) the coinage was contending with that of 
other Italian communities, and developing from a local into a national coinage. 
The standard was at first that of the Osco-Latin libra (273 grms.) ; but the 
coins tended to diminish in weight> which diminution became especially 
noticeable about 312 b.c, at which date the uncia was temporarily dropped 
from the coinage. The coins of 312 are distinguishable from those of the 
earlier period by the prow on the reverse being turned to the left. The metal 
used in all is a yellow bronze (copper, tin, lead), not different in appearance 
from the later orichalcum. There was no silver coined in Roman mints, but 
in exchange the relative value of silver to bronze appears to have been reckoned 
as 120 : 1 (as against Ridgeway's ratio of 288 : 1). 

The second period (286-268 B.C.) is ushered in by the semi-libral reduc- 
tion, all coins being cut down to one half their original weight. The uncia 
reappears; the semiunda and quartttncia are introduced; and henceforth 
the smaller pieces from the sextans downward are struck instead of cast. The 
Osco-Latin standard was retained for the semi-libral cu, but the fractions were 
all coined on the neo-Roman hbral standard (327 grms.). The as is thus only 
ten unciae in weight, and the intervening fractional coins are multiples of the 
uncia. The tendency to reduce the actual weight of the coins continued 
chaotically, as in the first period, but there was no such thing as a recognized 
triental or quadrantal reduction. 

The third period (268-217 B.C.) is marked at its opening by the reduction 
of the as to one sixth of a libra (neo-Roman standard), and of the lesser denomi- 
nations in proportion. Silver coinage was introduced, and the old relation of 
value between silver and bronze thus maintained, despite the reduction in 
weight of the bronze coins. 

At the beginning of the fourth period, which lasted from 217 to 88 B.C., 
the weight of the as was further reduced to an tincia, but the denarius was to 
exchange for 16 asses, except in the payment of soldiers' wages, and its weight 
to be no longer four, but only three and one half, scripuLa of silver. The 
relation of silver to bronze was 110 : 1. 



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Italy] ARCHAEOLOOICAL DISCUSSIONS, 1919 429 

At the opening of the fifth period (88-82 B.C.) the weight of the as was 
reduced to half an uncUi, and the relation of silver to bronze became 55 : 1. 
Within a few years the regular issue of bronze coins from the Roman mint 
ceased imtil Augustus reorganized the coinage (20-15 B.C.). 

But meanwhile half a dozen sporadic issues of bronze coins (46-20 B.C.) 
in various places paved the way for the Augustan reform, and introduced the 
use of oruJialcum (copper and zinc with a trifle of lead) and of nearly pure 
copper in coinage. Augustus proceeded to coin the sestertius and dupondiu» 
in arichaicum and the as and qiuxdrans in copper. The value of orichalcum in 
relation to copper was 1}:1; and a bimetallic principle was introduced into 
Roman coinage. The normal weights of the new coins appear to have been 
(in scriptda) sestertius, 24; dupondius, 12; fls, 10; quadrans, 2}. 

Origin of the Augustan Sestertius. — The late canon Abthur Beanlands 
es8a3red to answer in an ingenious article {Num. Chron. 1918, pp. 187-204) a 
nimiber of puzzling questions regarding the nature and causes of the Augustan 
reforms in coinage, and the reasons why it was not more permanent, and was 
finally abandoned at about the end of the third centiury. It attempted to 
arrest the depreciation in value of the as, and to stabilize money values, by 
"an experiment in trimetallism,'' whereby the relative value of copper to silver 
should be maintained by the intervention of the coins of orichalcum, a metal of 
then imknown constitution, good appearance and durability, and sufficient 
rarity. It also aimed to make the Roman a satisfactory world-coinage. The 
experiment was well-devised, and would probably have been successful, had 
the government not ruined it by continued degradation of the denarius, 
Messrs. Sydenham and S. W. Bmith record their dissect from certain condu- 
sions of the article. 

Roman Legionary Coinage of Severus and Gallienus. — An article by C. 
Oman {Num. Ckron. 1918, pp. 80-96; pi.) does much to clarify knowledge of 
the nimibering and history of the Roman legions, and especially sets right 
many errors due to blunders in the descriptions in Cohen of coins of the later 
Roman emperors commemorating the legions. Fourteen of Cohen's legionary 
types are thus got rid of. Incidentally the author remarks that Cohen's esti- 
mate of prices has no real relation to the rarity of the individual coins. 

The Origin of tiie Libra. — In Rend. Ace. Lincei, XXVII, 1918, pp. 3-22, 
Giuuo Db Petra, in discussing the oriental or Babylonian origin of the 
Roman libra, with its characteristic prevalence of the numbers 12 and 24, goes 
into the general question of the origin of the use of gold and silver aa money, 
the weights of various staters and minae, and traces the coiu*se of these 
imits, variously modified, through Lydia and Etruria to Rome. 

GENERAL AND MISCELLANEOUS 

The Subterranean Basilica near the Porta Maggiore. — In C. R. Acad. Insc. 
1918, pp. 272-275 F. Ctjmont describes the underground basilica found almost 
intact near the Porta Maggiore {A. J. A. XXIII, 1919, pp. 82 f.). It waa 
probably owned by the patron of the secret society which met in it. About 
200 m. away there was a burial place for slaves of the gens StaHlia, and it is 
known that about 52 a.d. Statilius Taurus, at the instigation of Agrippina, 
was accused of magicae superstitiones (Tac. Ann. XII, 69). The reference is 
probably to the rites performed in this building. Cumont conjectures that 



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430 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXHI, 1919 

the society was a neo-P3rthagorean association. See also C. Ricci, Rend. 
Ace. Lincei, XXVII, 1918, pp. 23-24. 

The Position of the Altar of Census.— In B. Soc. Ant. Fr. 1917, pp. 165-168 
<2 figs.) J. Formig£ points out that at one end of the circus at Aries there is 
a horseshoe-shaped base decorated with sculptures, and in the circus at Dougga 
in Tunisia a similar base bearing inscriptions. A vault below served as a sup- 
port for small obelisks. In this base was a horseshoe-shaped room with the 
curve facing the curved end of the circus. It was entered by a door in the flat 
side which faced the spina. This peculiar feature was probably introduced in 
imitation of the circus in Rome, and the altar of Consus, Formig^ thinks, was' 
placed in this room. It was thus easily accessible and at the same time pro- 
tected from injury from the racing horses and chariots. 

The Origin of tiie Roman Forum. — In Class. Joum. XIV, 1918, pp. 433-440, 
N. W. DEWrrr suggests on etymological, historical, and religious grounds, that 
the Roman Forum was originally the private courtyard of the king, entered 
through the Janus gate. (See also A. J. A. XXIII, 1919, p. 72.) 

The Porticos of the Forum Holitorium. — In B. Com. Rom. XLV, 1917, pp. 
168-192 R. Lanciani discusses the topography of the porticos of the Forum 
Holitorium and related questions. 

The Gates of the Aurelian Wall.— In B. Com. Rom. XLV, 1917, pp. 193-217 
L. Mariani gives an account of the recent changes in the gates of the Aurelian 
wall made necessary by the growth of traffic. The Porta Lateranense was 
enlarged by the addition of four simple arches newly broken into the wall. 
The Porta Maggiore was restored to its former sise by the reopening of two 
ancient arches. Remains of paintings were found on the walls and vaults of 
both of these. One set depicted garlands, vases, birds, etc., the other scenes 
from the Pelops-Oenomaus mjrth arranged in zones. This last group covered 
an earlier decoration of masks, festoons, etc. The paintings were probably 
made when the arches had already been closed and converted into rooms of 
some caupona. Besides opening up the side arches the administration also 
removed the modem ''diaphragms'' which reduced the size of the central 
arches, as well as some adjacent structures. The exterior of the Porta San 
Lorenzo was left in the shape it had acquired in the Middle Ages, the interior 
was restored as much as possible to its Augustan form. The base of what was 
probably a Republican aedicula, remains of a mediaeval chapel with bits of 
paintings of the tenth century, parts of walls, a well, etc., were discovered in the 
course of the work. The Porta Pinciana was repaired where necessary but not 
changed. 

Domitian's Villa in tiie Alban Hills.— The article on 'Ancient Villas of the 
Alban Hills before the Occupation by Domitian' published by G. Lugu in 
B. Com. Rom. for 1914 is followed ibid. XLV, 1917, pp. 29-78 by the same 
author's essay on The Villa of Domitian on the Alban Hills. Part 1. General 
Topography.' He treats of the situation of the various parts of this massa 
Caesariana^ its plan, the probable architect, its relation to the Arx Albana, the 
roads, aqueducts, historical memories of the place, the miUtary guard, legal 
questions connected with the inheritance of the estate, and the final fate of the 
property. Part 2, on the central structures is promised. 

The Jupiter of tiie Palatine.— In B. Com. Rom. XLV, 1917, pp. 79-^ 
PiETRO RoMANELU discusscs the cult of Jupiter on the Palatine especially in 



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Italy) ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCUSSIONS, 1919 431 

his qualities as Stator and Victor. The dedication of a precinct in both cases 
seems to be bound up with the very origin of the city. The temples date from 
the first half of the third century b.c. when a revival of the worship of old 
Roman divinities seems to have, been brought about by a desire to counteract 
the spread of Greek ctdts. The Palatine Jupiter lost his primitive character of 
sky god sooner than the Joves of the other hills because of the early growth of 
the politico-military influence of the Palatine commonwealth. 

The Rite of Driving a Nail into the Temple of Jupiter. — In M. Soc. Ant. Fr* 
LXXV, 1915-1918, pp. 43-80 J. Toutain investigates the practice of driving 
a nail into the walls of the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus at Rome on 
certain occasions. In very early times it was an Einnual practice performed by 
the (ihief magistrate upon assuming the duties of his ofiice. In the fourth 
century b.c. and later it was a piaculum resorted to only under very excep- 
tional circumstances and performed by a dictator. At Vulsinii in Etruria this 
ceremony was an annual rite. The ver sacrum at Rome appears to have had a 
similar history. 

The Cult of Aesculapius at Rome. — In Rend. Ace. Linceij XXVI, 1917, pp> 
573-580, Alfonso Bartou, discussing a passage of Pliny, relating to the 
introduction into Rome of the cult o| Aesculapius, reaches the conclusion, that 
Pliny was right in stating that the Romans when they received the cult of 
Aesculapius built a temple "outside the city," and later one in the Insula. 
There is no evidence for a cult of Aesculapius in Rome prior to 293 b.c. It is 
just as arbitrary to put the origin of the temple extra urhem before 293 as it is 
logical to connect it with the events of this year. When the serpent from 
Epidaurus was brought to Rome, a second temple was established in the Insula^ 
the site supposedly chosen by the serpent itself. Bartoli beheves that Pliny's 
words will bear the interpretation that this temple replaced the earlier one. 

The Obelisk of Domitian.— In B. Com. Rom. XLV, 1917, pp. 103-124, O. 
Makucchi publishes the fragments of the top of Domitian's obelisk on the 
Piasza Navona which are now in the Vatican. The sculptures of the top 
showing the emperor before Isis together with certain expressions of the in- 
scription on the sides seem to indicate that the obelisk was originally made for 
the temple of Isis in the Campus Martins. From this place it was later re- 
moved to the circus of Maxentius. 

The Effect of Earthquakes on Roman Buildings. — In B. Com. Rom. XLV, 
1917, pp. 3-28, R. Lanciani discusses the effects of earthquakes on the following 
Roman structiu-es: Porticus JoviarHerculia, Coliseum, San Paolo fuori le mura, 
Basilica SS. Nerei et Achillei, and the obelisks. He also points out that seismic 
disturbances played a large part in the destruction of Ostia. 

The Bronzes of Mount Idda.— In Not. Scav. XV, 1918, pp. 163-168 (3 figs.) 
A. Taramelu publishes the results of an investigation of the place of dis- 
covery of the ancient nuraghic bronzes, found on Mt. Idda, Sardinia, and 
reported in Not. Scav. for April, 1915, p. 89. 

Terracotta Funerary Masks.— In Not. Scav. XV, 1918, pp. 145-155 (8 figs.) 
A. Tabamelli describes four terracotta funerary masks (Fig. 3), one of 
which, found in the Punic necropolis of Tharros in Sardinia, has recently come 
into the possession of the Museum at Cagliari. Of the others, two are from 
Tharros and the third from S. Sperate. Their piupose was prophylactic. 



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432 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

The Decadence of Etruria.— In Rend. Ace. Lincei, XXVI, 1917, pp. 603- 
623, Abtctro Solari, in treating of the communes of Etruria, from the 
Dodecapolifi of pre-Roman times to the Novem Pagi of Pliny (III, 52) and the 



Figure 3. — Terracotta Funerary Mask: Sardinia. 

Septem Pagi of Dionysius (11^ 53) traces the decadence of Etruria in the 
decrease of its population and the disappearance of many of its communal 
centres. 

The Population of Rome in tiie Time of Constantine. — In Rend. Ace. Linceiy 
XXVI, 1917, pp. 60^7, G. Calza, in connection with the question of the 
population of Rome in the time of the Emperor Constantine, advances the 
theory that the word insvlay as used in the Regionarii, means simply ''house.'' 
He discusses the various interpretations given to this word by other scholars 
and their deductions as to the population, and concludes that, with an inhabited 
area of 9,500,000 square meters (4,000,000 additional forming streets, squares, 
etc.), the population nimibered 1,800,000, reckoning 40 inhabitants to each 
house. 

Roman Wine Casks.— In R. Hi. Anc. XX, 1918, pp. 249-252 J. Breuer 
describes six Roman wine casks discovered at different times at Vechten and 
Arentsburg, Holland. No complete stave was preserved, but the approxi- 
mate length can be determined as well as the number of staves in a cask. On 
the outer side of some of the staves are branded marks of wine dealers, and on 
the inside are sometimes found similar marks of the barrel makers. The 
height of one cask is estimated at 1.30 m. and that of another at 1.40 m. One 
contained a spigot. 

A Tomb at Magliano-Romano.— In Not. Scav. XV, 1918, pp. 123-127 (2 
figs.) P. Romanelli describes a tomb of the first or second century a.d. which 
was discovered some years ago at Magliano-Romano in Etruria, and edits a 
Roman inscription, which was incompletely and inaccurately published by 
Tomassetti (La Campagna Romana, III, p. 270). 



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France] ARCHAEOLOOICAL DISCUSSIONS, 1919 433 

SPAIN 

Antequera.— In R. ArcA., fifth series, VIII, 1918, pp. 239-271 (13 figs.)* 
PiEBBE Paris describes three tombs (dohneus) in the neighborhood of Ante- 
quera, Spain. All have been known for a long time. The largest is the 
Cueva de Menga, the hall of which is more than 25 m. in length, about 4 m. in 
width, and 6 m. in height. The roof, of immense stones, is supported by three 
monolithid roughly squared pillars. The Cueva de Viera is much smaller and 
has no pillars. The Cueva del Romeral has a circular chamber, roofed with a 
corbelled dome, all of rather small, rough stones. It has a small square burial 
chamber. All these tombs were apparently plundered in antiquity. Their 
resemblance to tombs of the eastern Mediterranean region is striking; but it 
is not clear that the neolithic age in Spain borrowed these forms from the East. 
The roimd, domed tomb seems to be a natural development from the usual 
form of dolmen. The remains of Christian and Moorish Antequera are briefly 
described, and the tale of two lovers who ended their lives by leaping from the 
Pefia de los Enamorados is told. 

FRANCE 

Prehistoric Archaeology of the Franche-Comt6. — In R, Arch,, fifth series, 
VIII, 1918, pp. 317-328, Maurice Piroutet describes and discusses various 
objects which throw light upon early civilization in Gaul. A bronze arrow* 
head found in a tomb at Refranche (Doubs) is of Greek form, intended to cause 
or increase rotary motion in the flying arrow. The tomb is of the late Hall- 
statt period. Perhaps, then, the Greeks used bronze for certain weapons 
when iron was exclusively used in Gaul. Shells of the Heliz pomaHa have 
been found under conditions which prove the existence of the creature in Gaul 
before the Roman occupation. The rotating mill is found to have been intro- 
duced into Gaul shortly before the end of the first Iron Age, doubtless through 
Hellenic influence. The continued use of stone utensils after the introduc- 
tion of metal is declared to be a myth. Fragments of two vajses of a dark, 
hard stone found at Ch&teauHsur-Salins (and others found elsewhere in France) 
are attributed to importation in Bronze Age III or the end of Bronze Age 
II. Perhaps the vases came from Egypt, where a bronze lance of European 
t3rpe has been found in a tomb of the twelfth dynasty. In a tomb of the late 
Hallstatt period at Clucy (Jura) a girdle of detached plates has been found, 
along with other objects. The girdle from Panges (C6te-d'0r) is therefore no 
longer unique. 

A Note on the God of Vidge.— In R, St. Anc, XXI, 1919, pp. 143-144 (fig.), 
W. Dbonna adduces further evidence to prove the celestial significance of 
the attributes of the god of Vi^ge. He traces a connection between the lion- 
headed serpent with rays on its head, of the gnostic amulets (which was 
derived ultimately from the Egyptian god Chnum) and the key of the god of 
Vi^ge. 

Ancient Roads in tiie Jura.— In R, St, Anc, XXI, 1919, pp. 115-137, M. 
Piroutet discusses the roads through the Jura particularly in Roman times. 

NORTHERN AFRICA 

The Archaeological Museum at Tripolis. — ^The archaeological museum of 
Tripolis possesses important collections of antiquities including mosaics, fres- 



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434 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

ooes, sculptures, architectural fragments, inscriptions, glass vessels, terracottas, 
and coins. The most important mosaic has gladiatorial combats and hunting 
scenes; another has figures of the Seasons, fish, dwarfs fighting cranes, etc. ; still 
others, more or less fragmentary, represent mythological scenes, such as 
Oedipus and the Sphinx. Among the paintings a Bacchus on horseback with 
a panther in flight is noteworthy. It was probably the work of an Alexandrian 
artist. The more important sculptures include a Victory, a tipsy Dionysus 
and satyr, a torso of Apollo of Praxitelean style, an Ephesian Artemis, a torso of 
a Venus, and a Venus pudica. (G. de Meo, 11 Progresso Itah- Americano, 
July 11, 1919.) 

Mosaics from tiie Villa di Zliten.— In Rend. Ace. Lincei^ XXVLI, 1918, pp. 
25-32 (4 figs.), L. Mariani describes a number of wall-^>aintings and mosaics 
found in the Villa di Zliten in the Tripolitana and now in the Museum of 
Tripolis. They represent, in particular, hunting and fishing scenes. One of 
the best is the youthful Bacchus riding on a panther, mentioned above. 

The Catadas River.— In R. Arch., fifth series, VIII, 1918, pp. 285-300, 
EusisBE Vassel discusses the Catadas river mentioned by Ptolemy {Geog. 
IV, iii, ed. Mttller, Vol. I, ii, 1901, p. 619). The various other forms of the 
name, and the occurrences of it in writings and maps, are noted. The name 
KaT&Sas is explained as a corruption of the name of Carthage. The "river 
Catada'' means "the river of Carthage,'' and is to be identified with the Lake 
of Tunis. The Maxvla cokmia of Pliny is identified with Rad^. 

EARLY CHRISTIAN, BYZANTINE AND MEDIAEVAL ART 
GENERAL AND MISCELLANEOUS 

A Fragmentary Relief of the Fourth Century. — ^In the Museum of Barletta 
are two interesting fragments of sculptured relief which are published by M. 
Salmi in UArU, XXI, 1919, pp. 241-246 (8 figs.). Though badly damaged 
and now of different dimensions, it can be ascertained that they originally 
formed one rehef, probably on the front of a sarcophagus. They treat one 
subject, the Healing of the Woman with the Issue of Blood. In spite of the 
Greek writing, which serves to identify the various characters of the relief, 
particulars of the technique and expression imply Roman origin. There are 
also present Byzantine features. More complete analysis places the relief in 
a class of monuments the style of which germinated, in all probability, in 
Constantinople and flourished in the fourth century. 

The Beginnings of Romanesque Sculpture. — In Gaz. B.-A. XV, 1919, 
pp. 47-60 (9 figs.) A. K. Porter discusses Emile M&le's recent review of his 
book, Lombard Architectttre (Ibid. Jan.-Mar. 1918). Among the questions 
here considered is the relationship between the sculptiu-es of "Master Nicold" 
and those of Saint-Etienne. This relationship has been recognized, but it 
seems much more reasonable that the creator of the latter sculptures was in- 
fluenced by Nicold rather than the reverse. Nicold, to be sure, was subject to 
Languedoc influences but through other sources. In his criticism M. M&le 
seems too prone to exalt the importance of France by depreciating that of Italy. 
The critic's doubt of Master Guglielmo's authorship of the sculptures of Cre- 
mona cannot be upheld, nor his late dating of the activity of that artist. The 
porch of Charlieu throws new light on the question of the origin of both Lom- 



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Christian Art] ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCUSSIONS, 1919 435 

bard sculpture and that of Languedoc. The work appears to be indigenous and 
if the date 1094 can be accepted for it, we can see here the origin of the art of 
Gu^efano and of Toulouse. 

Modes in Byzantine Music.— In B. S. A, XXII, sessions 1916-1917; 1917-< 
1918, pp. 133-156, A. J. W. TiLLYARD discusses, with examples, the modes in 
Byzantine music, their varieties, their relations to Oriental music, and the 
theories relating to them. The Oriental traits in Byzantine music are a later 
accretion, not mediaeval. The music of modem Greek folk-songs, can, it 
appears, be expressed in European notation, the scales being approximately 
like our own. 

Mediaeval Refinements and Modem Constraction. — In the Brooklyn 
Museum Quarterly, V, 1918, pp. 219-144; 11 figs. W. H. G(oodyear) shows 
how the training of the modem mason makes it impossible for him to reproduce 
the departures from formal symmetry found in mediaeval buildings. Such 
refinements as variations in the spacing of exterior arcading in Italian Roman- 
esque work, or the constmction of lines of interior arcading so that they were 
not parallel, or the deflecte4 choirs in Northern Gothic and Romsmesque 
churches, or fagades with forward inclination as at Peterborough were intro- 
duced to avoid the appearance of monotonous formalism. The individual 
mason was so trained that he could understand and follow instructions as to 
purposed deviations from normal regularity. Modem training leads to sym- 
metry, and architectural refinements such as these could be introduced into 
modem construction only with great difficulty and expense. 

The Mosques of tiie Arabs in Constantinople. — In B, S, A. XXII, sessions 
1916-1917; 1917-1918, pp. 157-174 (pi.), F. W. Hasluck discusses the 
legends and the other evidence relating to the Mosque of the Arabs {Arab 
Djami) and the Mosque of the Leaded Store (Kurshunlu Maghzen Djamisi) 
in Constantinople. The former appears to have been transformed from a 
church (of St. Paul) toward the end of the sixteenth century for the use of 
Moors who came from Spain. This explains the name of the mosque. The 
Eurshunlu Maghzen Djamisi or Yer Alti Djami (Underground Mosque) was 
perhaps first ''discovered" at about the same time as the Arab Djami. It may 
have been a secular edifice, not a church. It contains tombs of Arab saints, 
most important of which is that of Abu Sufian. The current conception of an 
"Arab" saint includes the idea of the Arab proper, a companion of the Prophet 
and champion of the Faith, and that of the negro. In some cases such "saints" 
were originally djinns, or spectral guardians of treasure, or the like. Occasion- 
ally they became Christian, as well as Moslem, saints. The prophecy of the 
Red Apple, foretelling the victory and defeat of the Turk, was applied to 
Constantinople and to Rome, perhaps also to Granada, possibly to Budapest 
and even to Rhodes. The Red Apple, variously explained, symbolizes world 
dominion. 

ITALY 

The Date of Giotto's Roman Activity. — The date 129S-1300 which is con- 
tinually given as the period of Giotto's sojourn in Rome is shown by L. Ven- 
TUBi {UArtCy XXI, 1918, pp. 229-235) to rest on fancy and on equivocations 
of seventeenth century writers. Religious, rather than historical, reasons 
determine the spurious dating; i. c, because of the interest in the seventeenth 
century in the jubilee of Boniface VIII, Giotto's activity in Rome was con- 



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436 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIU, 1919 

nected with thiat date, 1300. As a matter of fact it must have fallen after 
1305, and perhaps even as late as 1320 (the latter date is given by Jacopo 
Grimaldi), for Riccobaldo da Ferrara writing in 1305 tells of Giotto's work in 
Padua, Rimini, and Assisi, but makes no record of any elsewhere. 

Sculptures in the Duomo of Siena. — ^In his series of studies on Sieneee art 
G. DE Nicola publishes (Rasa, d'ArU, XVIII, 1918, pp. 144-153; 10 figs.) 
five sculptures in the Duomo of Siena. A Crucifixion in wood, which belongs 
to the beginning of the fourteenth century is the work of a Sienese artist but 
derived from Giovanni Pisano's type of Crucifixion. A Pieta in wood, show- 
ing German influence is assigned by a document, that apparently refers to it, 
to the early fifteenth century as the work of Alberto di Betto of Assisi. The 
monument of Cardinal Petroni, dating in the early fourteenth century, is one 
of a series of such monuments made by Tino da Camaino, an artist who was 
more architect than sculptor. The pulpit bas-relief decorated with figures of 
the four Evangelists is the work of two sculptors, Turino di Sano and Giovanni 
Turini. Finally, two putti, the work of Antonio Federighi, are companion 
pieces, originally used no doubt in a crowning motive of a funerary monument. 

Protection of Monuments.— The last number of BcU. ArU for 1918 (XII, 
pp. 185-272; 93 figs.) is devoted to accounts by G. Fogolaki, Pellbqkini, 
E. MoDiQLiANi, A. CoLASANTi, M. Onqaro, and G. Gerola of the action 
taken dining the war to protect the works of art in regions in Italy exposed 
to danger. The accounts deal principally with the monuments of Venice, 
Verona, Padua and Mantua. Many treasures were removed to Florence 
and deposited in San Salvi, in the cr3rpts of San Lorenzo, and in the Bar- 
gello. Others were stored in the Castle Sant' Angelo at Rome and still 
others were taken to Pisa. The most romantic stories are told of the removal 
of Titian's Assuihption and of the equestrian statues of Colleoni and of 
Gattamelata. 

The Cathedral of BaiL — ^From a study of the monument itself, M. Salhi 
discusses {Ross. d^ArU, XVIII, 1918, pp. 122-140; 16 figs.) the vicissitudes 
of the Romanesque Cathedral of Bari in Puglia. In its present aspect the 
Cathedral is the result of so much rebuilding that its mediaeval features are 
no longer evident in many psorts. As built by Bisanzio in the eleventh cen- 
tury, the edifice was in the form of a basilica with three naves, three apses, 
transept, and, perhaps, crypt. In the thirteenth century many decorative 
features were added, the transept enlarged, a cupola added, the apse enclosed 
in a rectilinear tribune with two campaniles. Changes since this period have 
been numerous. Older pieces that are built into newer parts date back even as 
far as the late fifth or early sixth century. This is true also of various fur- 
nishings of the Cathedral that have been preserved. 

SPAIN 

Spanish Monasteries.— In B, Soc, Eap. XXVI, 1918, pp. 241-254 (3 pis.) 
L. M. Cabello Lapiedra gives a short history and description of the Carthu- 
sian monastery of Jerez. The cornerstone was laid December 17, 1478 in the 
presence of the founder, Alvaro Obertos de Valeto, though most of the 
conglomerate structure is of later date. In spite of the considerable 
historical importance of the monument, it has been greatly neglected since 
the government declared it national property in 1856. J. d. Contreras 



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Christian Akt] ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCUSSIONS, 1919 437 

{ibid, pp. 255-264; 3 pis.) writes on the monastery of San Antonio el Real in 
Segovia. This is of the fifteenth century and shows strong Saracenic influence 
in its architectural decoration. It has important painted and sculptured 
retables of the fifteenth century. 

FRANCE 

Jub68.— In Oaz. B.-A. XIV, 1918, pp. 355-380 (9 figs.) G. SERViijREs 
discusses the origin, the architecture, the decoration and the demolition of 
jub^. While there are some analogies between ambons and jub^, these are 
less significant than most writers have believed. The ambon served the 
clergy as a place in which to approach the people; the jub6 raised a barrier 
between the clergy and the people. The jub^ in the Occident is nearly equiv- 
alent to the iconostasis in the Orient. There are two classes of jub^, those of 
stone and those of wood. The architectural members consist of a portico, a 
balustrade gallery with or without fixed desks, and one or two stairways. In 
France no jub4s of the thirteenth century remain. They were built for the 
most part only in the large cathedrals and in the principal abbeys and these 
have been the objects of the most destructive vandalism. Part of the jub6 of 
Rochester belongs to 1227, but both in England and in France there are very 
few extant examples before the fifteenth century. Most of the German jub^s 
date from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries; the low countries have impor- 
tant polychrome examples dating from the sixteenth and seventeenth. The 
long, imremitting process of the destruction of jub^ is recounted in the second 
part of the article (iWd. XV, 1919, pp. 77-100; 6 figs.). At first the destruc- 
tion had for its purpose the replacing of the old jub^ by new ones of a quality 
more suited to contemporary taste. But beginning with the seventeenth cen- 
tury the clergy waged a campaign against the monuments on the ground that 
they marred the appearance of the church, violated church rules, etc. This 
destruction was continued for one reason and another through the "Revolution 
and even into the nineteenth century. 

A French Statue of about 1300. — In Art in America^ VII, 1919, pp. 91-100 
(5 figs.) S. Rubinstein writes on a mediaeval statue of the Virgin .and Child 
recently acquired by the Metropolitan Museum. The similarity of the statue 
to the **Vierge Dor6e" of Amiens and the assumption that because it is said to 
have come from a church in Amiens it was created under the influence of Amiens 
ateliers are contested. The latter assumption is shown to be illegitimate by 
the fact that at this time not all the statues made for a definite place showed the 
style of the productions of the local ateliers. With the "Vierge Dor6e" of 
Amiens the Metropolitan statue shows much less similarity than with some of 
the figures of the portal of the Last Judgment in Bourges. Though it is later 
in date, it is artistically derived from the statuary of Bourges. 

BELGIUM 

Enamels of tiie School of Godefroid de Claire.— In Burl Mag. XXXIV, 
1919, pp. 85-92 (4 pis.) H. P. Mitchell writes on the enamel work of the 
Walloon goldsmith, Godefroid de Claire. Incidentally, the book of MM. v. 
Falke and Franberger, who have based their attributions too much on techni- 
cal and not enough on aesthetic study, is criticized. Although only two 
examples of enamel, and those badly mutilated, are definitely recorded as the 



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438 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIU, 1919 

work of Godef roid, a large group of works can reasonably be assigned to him 
and his school. The Altar Cross in the Victoria and Albert Museum is in its 
present condition a reconstruction of the fifteenth centiury. Only parts of it 
can be assigned to the school of Godefroid of the twelfth century. The Stave- 
lot triptych in the collection of J. P. Morgan is attributed to Godefroid him- 
self and is probably one of the things made by him for Abbot Wilbald. 

ENGLAND 
English Mediaeval TUes.— In Burl. Mag. XXXIII, 1918, pp. 221-225 (18 
figs.) P. H. DiTCHFiELD writes on an important branch of Grothic architecture, 
the art of the tile-maker. From important collections that have been formed 
the mode of fashioning the tiles and the patterns and devices impressed upon 
them are studied. 

RENAISSANCE ART 

ITALY 

Three Panels from the School of Pesellino. — From the collection of the late 
Mr. Robert Ross three panels, probably from a cassone, which represent scenes 
from the life of Joseph, are published by T. Bobenhib in Biai. Mag. XXXIII, 
1918, pp. 216-221 (2 pis.). Though they are not by an artist of great merit, 
they are attractive in color and literary design and are important as examples of 
the scarce works of the school of Pesellino. 

Unknown Sienese Worics. — Two paneb in the picture gallery of Bandini at 
Fiesole and there attributed to the Florentine school are among those dis- 
cussed by F. M. Perkins in Ross. d*Arte, XVIII, 1918, pp. 105-115 (12 figs.) 
and attributed to the Sienese school. These two paneb, representing saints, 
show clearly the characteristics of Ambrogio Lorenzetti and were probably 
painted during his sojourn in Florence. They may have formed a part of an 
altar piece recorded by Ghiberti, Vasari, and others. A diptych represent- 
ing the Annunciation in the same gallery, labelled ^'Sienese School,'' is more 
definitely attributed, on stylistic grounds, to Niccold di Buonaccorso. A panel 
representing the Madonna and Child in the old refectory of S. Croce, Florence, 
is assigned to the master of the Codex of S. Giorgio. It is the largest painting 
that has been attributed to him, and he carries his miniature technique into it. 
A fine painting of the Madonna in the Hendecourt collection, Paris, is clearly 
the work of Sassetta. Of the four small paneb in the Vatican attributed by the 
author some years ago (Ross. d'Arie, 1906) to Sassetta, only one, representing 
the Vision of St. Thomas Aquinas, is really by him, as further study reveab. 
The others must be placed among works by two of hb followers. A Madonna in 
a poor state of preservation, in the Spiridon collection, Paris, b the work of 
Matteo di Giovanni; and a well-preserved Madonna in a private collection b to 
be assigned to the late period of Benvenuto di Giovanni. Finally, a Madonna 
with Saints in the Lucas collection, Fiesole, is a fine example of the work of 
Giacomo Pacchiarotti. 

Nicold da Voltri. — On the basb of two signed paintings, the Madonna in S. 
Donato, Genoa, and a polyptych, the main subject of which is the Annuncia- 
tion, in the Vatican, L. Venturi makes a study in UArte, XXI, 1918, pp. 
269-276 (6 figs.) of the art of Nicol6 da Voltri. His earliest work shows some 
effect of his contact with Bamaba da Modena, but later he leaves off all the 



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Renaissance Abt] ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCUSSIONS, 1919 439 

chJ|at)9Curo of that master and takes clear relief and roiindness of form as his 
goal. This change was probably inspired by contact with Taddeo di Bartolo. 
Comparison with the two signed paintingjs jiistifies the ascription to Nicol6 of 
the Madonna in the picture gallery of Savona that was formerly attributed 
to Bamaba da Modena. 

Raphael and Michelangelo in 1513.— In LArtCy XXI, 1918, pp. 279-284 
A. Ventubi contrasts Raphael and Michelangelo in their attitude toward the 
times in which they lived. The work of the two in the year 1513, i.e. , RaphaePs 
decoration of the Stanza of Heliodonks and Michelangelo's paintings on the 
Sistine ceiling, make this contrast clear and sharp. While Raphael narrated 
with a serenity extraneous to the life of the perturbed society of the times the 
annals of divine and human science, Michelangelo portrayed a page of the 
tragic history of humanity. 

The Portraits of Leonardo. — Starting from the Turin self-portrait of Leon- 
ardo, L. Beltrami in Emporium, XUX, 1919, pp. 3-17 (18 figs.; 2 pis.) 
discusses various possible portraits of the master. These include, among 
others, drawings and paintings which are labelled as portraits of the artist, a 
fresco figure in Luini's Sposalizio at Saronno and one of the figures in Raphael's 
cartoon of the School of Athens in the Ambrosiana. But the most interesting 
are the drawings by Leonardo himself for his studies in proportion. Some of 
these are strikingly similar to the known proportions and features of the artist's 
head, and that he should have used himself as a model in his studies of propor- 
tion might be expected from certain of his written observations on the subject. 

The Manuscripts of Leonardo. — In Emporium, XLIX, 1919, pp. 59-74 (12 
figs.) PoLiFiLO writes on the vicissitudes of the manuscripts of Leonardo and of 
the prospective national edition of them. 

Andrea Mantegna.— In Rasa. d'Arte, XVIII, 1918, pp. 182-184 (fig.) G. 
Frizzoni calls attention to some historical documents in regard to the fame 
of Andrea Mantegna. The author of one of these is Agostino Taia, who in the 
Descrizione del paktzzo apostolico vaUcarto, Rome, 1750, writes with extravagant 
praise of Mantegna's paintings in the chapel of Innocent VIII. A document 
in the Libri dei decreti deW Arckivio Gomaga dealing with the payment of Man- 
tegna for certain paintings refers to his work in the Gonzaga palace and to the 
Triumph of Caesar. The highest praise is again accorded the artist. This 
document is dated 1492. 

Mantegna and his Imitators. — The ascription to Mantegna of the Judith 
and Holofemes lately at the Wilton House and now in the collection of Mr. 
C. W. Hamilton, Great Neck, N. Y., is contested by R. Schwabe in Burl. 
Mag. XXXIII, 1918, pp. 215-216 (2 pis.). Both the drawing and the types 
of the figures are considered imworthy of the high standard of Mantegna's 
certain productions. 

Gian Giacomo Barbelli.— In Emporium, XLVIII, 1918, pp. 292-304 (14 
figs.) E. GussAHJ writes on an artist of Crema of the first half of the seven- 
teenth century, Gian Giacomo Barbelli, who was highly honored in his own 
day but much neglected in later times. His prolific art, essentially decorative 
in spirit, opened into new fields, quite diflferent from those of the sixteenth 
century. 

Giovanni Bonconsigli.— In Boll. Arte, XII, 1918, pp. 70-80 (11 figs.) A. 
FoBATTi writes on some unpublished paintings by Giovanni Bonconsigli. After 



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440 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

a brief sojourn in Padua, the artist came to Venice, where he was under the 
influence of Giovanni Bellini and Montagna. His subjection to Montagna is 
especially clear in his work, though he softens the harsh severity of that mas- 
ter's forms with color technique derived from Bellini. But Montagna was also 
influenced by the younger artist, as is demonstrated by the comparison of 
Bonconsigli's St. Catherine in the Duomo of Montagnana and Montagna's 
Mary Magdalene in S. Corona at Vicenza. The former shows the spontaneity 
of a young master, while the latter manifests the mannerism of a quattrooentist. 

The Fogg and Jarves Collections.— In Les Arts, No. 172, 1918, pp. 17-24 
(9 figs.) A. Alexandre writes on two American collections, one in the Fogg 
Museum, Cambridge, the other the Jarves collection at New Haven. No 
critical discussion of attributions is entered into; the intention of the article 
is to laud the spirit of true aesthetic appreciation in which these collections 
have been formed and are now managed. 

Italian Pictures in the New York Historical Society. — A few examples of 
early Italian painting in the New York Historical Society, which are important 
in helping to clarify the characteristics of certain artistic personalities, are 
discussed by R. Offner in Art in America, VII, 1919, pp. 14^161 (4 figs.). 
The right wing of a diptych, representing The Last Judgment, is clearly by 
Bernardo Daddi and should be dated about 1340. It is strongly influenced by 
Giotto and is one of the most beautifully conceived paintings of the period 



Figure 4. — The Death of Act aeon: Italian Majolica. 



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Renaissance Abt] ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCUSSIONS, 1919 441 

following that master's death. A small painting of the Virgin, Saints, and 
Angels is of very mixed derivation. But analysis proves that its painter was a 
provincial Florentine, probably in Orcagna's shop, who had at an earlier time 
worked in Daddies studio. It is probably to be dated about 1355-60. An 
example of the Sienese school, a small Crucifixion, must have been painted by a 
follower of Bartolo de Fredi who shows traces of Fei's influence. Its date 
would be around 1400. 

Nicold di Giacomc— In UArU, XXI, 1918, pp. 227-228 L. Frati writes on 
the inheritance of the Bolognese miniature painter, Nicold di Giacomo. His 
principal wealth was represented by a house in the parish of S. Procolo. Some 
of the more important pieces of furniture in this are listed. 

Majolica Pavement in Neapolitan Churches. — In Faema, V, 1917, pp. 67-70 
(2 figs.) O. Rebuff AT gives the results of his chemical analysis of fifteenth and 
sixteenth century majolica pavements in churches of Naples. This anal3rsis 
puts an end to disputes as to the provenance of the pavements, formerly based 
upon the technical decorative character of the work. Faentine origin is ex- 
cluded and it is shown that for these pavements clay of uniform type and of 
almost the same composition was used. The majolica was probably all made of 
clay from the same pit, and that Neapolitan. 

Italian MajoUca.— In Burl Mag, XXXIV, 1919, pp. 125-131 (2 pis.) B. 
Rackham publishes two important pieces of Italian majolica in provincial 
museums. One of these, at the Holbume Museum, Bath, is a large dish 
painted with the subject of the Death of Actaeon, (Fig. 4). Though certain 
details show that the painter must have been acquainted with a well-known 
Florentine print of the middle of the fifteenth century, it is the first-hand quality 
of the dish that makes it important and shows that before 1500 majolica paint- 
ers were wont to draw something from their own imagination. The second 
example is a large devotional roundel in the Manchester Art Gallery, dated 
1550. It bears the distinct characteristics of Casa Firota majolica. 

Pieces of Majolica Pavement in tiie Faenza Museum. — In Faenza, VI, 1918, 
pp. 50-56 (8 figs.) G. Ballardini discusses some Spanish pavement majolica 
in the International Museum of Ceramics at Faenza. He publishes and de- 
scribes several examples from the Vatican most of which were made, accord- 
ing to documentary evidence, at Valencia about 1494 for the Borgia apartments 
in the Vatican. 

Majolica of Castel Durante. — In Faemaj V, 1917, pp. 71-82 E. Liburdi 
reviews The Three Books of the Potter's Art by Piccolpasso of Durante. Written 
in 1548, this is the earliest complete treatise on pottery and is of great fiterary 
and technical value. The art is followed through all its stages : the instruments 
necessary for the work are described, the selection and provenance of the best 
clay and the manner of treating it, the recipes for obtaining various colors, the 
kinds of designs used, and so forth. An important part of the book is the dis- 
cussion of the procedure in different ateliers in Italy. Here we learn of the 
existence of potteries in localities where work in this art has hitherto been 
unknown. The text is augmented by 180 figures representing vases, plates, 
instruments, and so forth, excellently executed. lUd. VI, 1918, pp. 57-61 
the same writer adds notes on the problematic origin of the book. 

The Room of the Zodiac— In Ross. d'Arte, XVIII, 1918, pp. 165-181 (15 
figs.) P. MoRETTA writes on the sola deUo zodiaco in the Palazzo d'Arco in 



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442 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXni, 1919 

Mantua. Beneath a frieze the walls are divided by painted pilasters into 12 
compartments, each of which deals with one of the signs of the zodiac. Some 
of the scenes are rather abstruse, but it seems that they follow two general 
schemes, or a double tradition: the classical tradition of m3rths referring to the 
signs of the zodiac and the mediaeval tradition referring to the occupation of 
men in the months sacred to the signs. Neither in the archives of Mantua nor 
in those of the Arco family is there any document that gives a clue to the 
author of the frescoes. But the lack of free space in the designs and the abun- 
dance of details and of classical reminiscences would place them in the first half 
of the sixteenth century. Further study of the work suggests the school of 
Lorenzo Costa, and this conjecture is sustained by the fact that Costa was work- 
ing in Mantua in the early years of the cinquecento. 

Bernardino Zaccagni.— In BoU. ArU, XII, 1918, pp. 85-168 (36 figs.) 
M. Salmi publishes documents and discusses the work of Bernardino Zaccagnii 
an architect of the Renaissance in Parma. Overshadowed by Correggio, the 
decorator of some of his buildings, his name had been quite forgotten through 
the centuries imtil recently it was brought to light by Ireneo Affo. Some of 
Zaccagni's more important works in Parma are represented by S. Benedetto 
(1498-1502), the church of Pedrignano (1509), some work on the hospital (1500), 
S. Giovanni Evangelista (1510-1524?), and the Steccata. It is Romanesque 
art that the artist seeks to revive in his work; but he did not, as Brunelleschi, 
find in that art by which he was inspired the source of new, original forms. He 
did not create a school. But he had sufficient force in himself to present an 
important development of architecture of the Renaissance in Parma. 

The Fontana Brothers. — ^Because of the very meager records concerning the 
private life of Domenico Fontana, documents published by A. Cametti in 
BoU. Arte, XII, 1918, pp. 170-184 are of interest. These concern the division 
of property between Giovanni, Domenico, and Marsilio Fontana. 

The Rhymes of Francesco Xanto Avelli. — In Faemaj VI, 1918, pp. 11-15 
G. ViTALETTi illustrates the poetical essays of Avelli, who came from his native 
town of Rovigo to Urbino to work in ceramics. While his rhymes are common- 
place, far below the standard of his work in ceramic art, the woric is at least 
worth noticing for the data it gives concerning its author, notes relating to his 
biography, and sidelights on his character. 

The Chapel of Santa Corona.--In Ross. d'Arte, XVIII, 1918, pp. 157-164 
(4 figs.) L. Beltrami writes on the Chapel of Santa Corona in the Church of 
Santa Maria delle Grazie in Milan and the pala made for its altar by Titian. 
The walls of the chapel were decorated by Graudenzio Ferrari with scenes from 
the Passion. Of Titian's altar painting, which was taken from the church 
among the spoils of Napoleon and is now in the Louvre, there are two other 
versions. One of these, an oil sketch by Titian, which is in the picture gallery 
of Monaco, is finer than the finished work itself. The other version is a copy 
of the pala. It is now in Santa Maria delle Grazie and was probably made 
about 1652 when it seemed likely that the pala might be taken away to the 
Escorial. 

A Quattrocento Relief. — A relief of the Madonna and Child by the Master of 
the Marble Madonnas in the collection of Enrico Caruso (Fig. 5) is discussed by 
S. Rubinstein in AH in America, VII, 1919, pp. 104-110 (pL). The master, 
as yet nameless, whose works have only recently been distinguished from those 



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Renaissance Art] ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCUSSIONS, 1919 443 

of RosseUino and Mino da Fiesole shows, upon more sympathetic study, ad« 
mirable qualities. The m(>st striking feature of his creations is their joyous 
animation. 

Collections of Antique Drug Vases.— In Faema, VI, 1918, p. 16 (pi.) F. 
NiccoLAi calls attention to an interesting collection of fifteenth century vases 



Figure 5. — Relief by the Master of the Marble Madonnas. 

From Art in America. 

in the Savi pharmacy of Borgo San Lorenzo in Mugello. On the interior are 
traces of drugs, which betray their original use. Either adroitly concealed by 
the ornamentation or plainly visible are labels of the particular contents of 
each. Wide variety is shown in the shape and decoration of the vessels. Most 
are tricolored with interlaced floral, arabesque, and volute designs. From the 
complex character of the work it is concluded that the bases are not of Faentine 
but of Florentine fabrication, highly perfected. G. Reooli (Ibid. p. 62; fig.) 
calls attention to a similar collection of vases of somewhat later date at the 
Muini pharmacy of Modigliana. 

SPAIN 

El Qreco's Style.— In B. Soc. Esp. XXVI, 1918, pp. 229-240 (6 figs.) L. 
Venturi traces the formation of the style of El Greco. The painting of 
9 



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444 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIU, 1919 

Paradise in an Italian private collection is attributed to El Greco's Roman 
period and is used, along with other works, to iUustrate the artist's derivation. 
His style is fundamentally Italian. In Venice he got the basis for his coloring, 
while Correggio in Parma and, particularly, Michelangelo in Rome gave the 
inspiration for his characteristic forms. The arrangement of compositions is 



Figure 6. — Paintings by Mayner and de Aquilis: Alhambra. 



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Renaissance Art] ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCUSSIONS, 1919 445 

to be traced in some measure to Dtirer; for the rest it follows El Greco's native 
Greek, or Byzantine, tendency. 

The Plaza Mayor at Madrid.— In B. Soc. Esp, XXVII, 1919, pp. 36-54 
(6 pis.; fig.) the Conde de Polentinos collects the historical material and old 
representations that bear on the varying aspects of the Plaza Mayor at Madrid 
from the Renaissance through the eighteenth century and gives an accoimt of 
the great conflagration that did most to alter its appearance. 

A Spanish Chasuble of the Early Renaissance. — In Art in America^ VII, 1919, 
pp. 55-63 (3 figs.) C. A. W. Vogeler publishes a Spanish chasuble acquired in 
1916 by the City Art Museum of St. Louis. The cutting of the garment and 
the Late Gothic workmanship and design of the orphreys indicate that the 
work belongs to the most productive period of the manufacture of cloths of 
gold at Toledo, t. e. 1480-1520. All but one of the six panels into which the 
orphreys are divided represent scenes from the life of Christ. 

Raphaelesque Decoration in the Alhambra. — In B, Soc. Esp. XXVII, 1919, 
pp. 20-35 (2 pis.) M. Gomez Moreno discusses the decorative paintings by 
Alejandro Mayner and Julio de Aquilis in the queen's apartments of the 
Alhambra palace (Fig. 6). The work, done toward the middle of the sixteenth 
centiuy, reveals close dependence on Raphaelesque motives of antique deriva- 
tion such as were used for the Vatican loggia and the Villa Famesina. 

FRANCE 

The Louvre.-— In Les Aria, No. 170, 1918, pp. 1-19 (18 figs.) P^ladan 
writes on the popularity of primitive and Renaissance Italian painting in 
modern collections and of the delinquency of the Louvre in that Respect. 
While two of the more recently established museums — that of London,' founded 
in 1824, and that of Berlin, in 1815 — ^have, respectively, 302 and 280 primi- 
tives, Paris has oidy 258. A list is appended of the important Italian masters 
who are not represented in the Louvre. 

The Retable of Rogier in the Louvre. — In R. Arch., fifth series, VIII, 1918, 
pp. 351-353, Ch. Bruston discusses anew the letters (and their meaning) 
which occur in the painting by Roger Van der Weyden in the Louvre, the 
bell at Domeringen, the ring of Ulger, etc., which were discussed and inter- 
preted Und. VII, 1918, pp. 50-75 (cf. A. J. A. XXIII, 1919, p. 188). 

BELGIUM AND HOLLAND 

A Madonna by Van Dyck.— In Art in America, VII, 1919, pp. 103-104 (pi.) 
F. J. Mather, Jr. desci-ibes a Madonna and Child (Fig. 7) recently acquired 
by Mr. Henry Goldman of New York. While it bears much similarity to the 
work of Rubens, its colors mark it clearly as a Van Dyck. It lacks, fortunately, 
the over-emphasis and sugariness of most of the latter's religious pictures and 
is a most happy rendition of the contrast between pensive Mother and ardent 
Child. The Madonna is an idealized portrait of Isabella Brant, Rubens' first 
wife; the Child is as unmistakably Nicholas Rubens. The age of the Child 
dates the painting in the year 1621. 

Rembrandt's Monk Reading.— BurZ. Mag. XXXIV, 1919, p. 125 (pi.) T. 
BoRENius publishes Rembrandt's painting of a Monk Reading, with the 
special purpose of making accessible a good reproduction of the work. This 
painting, done in 1661, together with other closely contemporary representa- 



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446 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY [Vol. XXIII, 1919 

tions of monks by Rembrandt affords an argument in support of the master's 
hypothetical visit to Belgium at this time. 

Two Portrait Heads by Claesz Pietersz Berchem. — Although a large share 
of the work of the seventeenth century Dutch painter, Berchem, consists of 



Figure 7. — Madonna and Child: Van Dyck. 

From Art in Amtriea. ^ 

Italian pastoral scenes, he is the author of some figure subjects of note. Among 
the latter two portrait heads of St. Peter, one in the collection of Dr. John E. 
StiUwell, New York, the other in the Art Institute, Chicago, are published by 
G. F. MuLLER in AH in America, VII, 1919, pp. 69-84 (2 figs.). The one in 
Dr. Stillwell's collection is among the artist's earliest works. The second 
represents a later period, when Berchem came under the influence of Rembrandt. 



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American Abch.] ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCUSSIONS, 1919 447 

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY 
GENERAL AND MISCELLANEOUS 

Kutenai Tales. — Under the title Kvlenai Tales (Bureau of American Eth- 
nology, Bulletin 59. Washington, 1918, Government Printing Office. 387 pp. 
Svo.) Franz Boas publishes seventy-seven tales of the Kutenai Indians, 
forty-four of which were collected by the late Professor A. F. Chamberlain. 
In each case the Kutenai text and an English translation are printed side 
by side. Kutenai-English and English-Kutenai vocabularies complete the 
volume. 

Seneca Fiction. — ^J. N. B. Hewitt has published, with an introduction, an 
important collection of 138 stories of the Seneca Indians. Of these 107 were 
collected by the late Jeremiah Curtin in 1883, 1886, and 1887 and the rest by 
the editor in 1896. Two legends are given in the Seneca dialect with interlinear 
translations; the rest are in. English. Brief notes accompany the tales. 
[Seneca Fiction, Legends, and Myths, Edited by J. N. B. Hewitt. Thirty- 
second Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Washington, 
1918, Government Printing Office. 819 pp.] 

The Use of Wood among tiie Indians of Ontario. — In the Thirtieth AnnucH 
Report of the Ontario Provincial Museum 1918, pp. 25-48 (22 figs.) R. B. Orb 
gives a general account of the uses to which wood was put by the Indians of 
Ontario. 

The Central Arawaks. — During the years 1913-1916 an expedition from the 
Museum of the University of Pennsylvania under the direction of Dr. William 
Curtis Farabee explored portions of South America and made special studies 
of certain little-known Indian tribes. Dr. Fababee now publishes as his first 
volume the results of his investigations among the Arawak tribes of Northern 
Brazil and Southern British Guiana. He describes in detail the manners and 
customs of the Wapisianas, the largest tribe, gives measurements of their men 
and women as well as of the Ataroi, the Tarumas, and the Mapidians, reports 
upon their grammar and publishes Wapisiana, Ataroi, Taruma, and Mapidian 
vocabularies. [The Central Arawaks, By Wiluam Cubtis Faba?ee. Phil- 
adelphia, 1918, University Museum. 288 pp.; 36 pis.; 13 figs.; map. 4 to.] 



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* 9rc|iaeolo8ical iraftitttte of jSti 



ttttnca 

jRECEIVEi 



MAR 11 ]9]n 

AMERICAN .„,,,„, ,^„ 

PEA30DY MUhE 

JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY 

The Joitbnal of the Abchabolooical 
Institute of America 



V<rfume XXni 



ISSUED QUARTERLY 

WtTB ILUUSTBiLTIOin 

1919 

JANUARY • MARCH 



Number 1 



CONCORD. N. H. 

PUBUBSXD lOB THB. LNHTITUTB BT 

NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 
LONDON: MACMILLAN * CO.» LTD. 



Snter^d a$ weond<lau matUr April 8,t914,atth4 p^ a^Im ai Coneord, N«w Hampthire. 
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American Journal of Archaeology 

TIm Journal of tho Archaoologlcal In«tituto of Amwica 



EDITORIAL BOARD 

Edltor-lD-CaiI«r.— Db. Jamm M. Patok. 

AMOdat* Bdlton.-— Professor Gsobob H. Chasb. of Harvud University (for tho Anmioan School 
ofClatnealStudietatAihent); Professor Ax«lan Mabottamd, of Prinoeton Univeniity (/br 
Mediaeval and ifonainanM Ardtaoohgy) ; Dm, FtaoiEiox H. Stsbmb, of Harvard Univer- 
■itj (for Atnoncan Archeology); and Professor WnxiAii N. Batk*, of the Univessi^ of 
Pttinsylvania. 

Hbmorary Bdltora. — ^Professor Jambs C. Egbbbt, of Columbia University iPreoidnU oflho Intiti' 
tvie); Professor Edwabd Capps, of Princeton University {Chairman of ffu Managing Com" 
miUotoftho School at Athono); and Professor Jambs A. Montoombbt, of the Philadelphia 
Divinity School {Chaitmnn of M« Managing CommitUe of fA« SchotA in Jommthm). 



The JoxTBNAL OF THE Abohasological Instttutb OP Ambbica was establiahed 
in 1897. It oontams: 
Archaeological Papers of the Institutei in the fields of American, Christian, 

Classical, and Oriental Archaeology. 
Papers of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens. 
Papers of the American School of Oriental Reeeardi in Jerusalem. 
Summaries of Archaeological News and Discussions. 
Classified Bibliography of Archaeological Books. 
Correspondence; Notes and Notices. 



The Reports ci the Instttute, including those <A the officen of the Institute and 
of the Schools in Athens, Eome, Jerusalem, and Santa F6, and of other Gcmi- 
mittees; the Minutes of the Council; the prooeedrngs of the Qttieral Meetings; 
the Directory of the Institute, the Schools, and the affiliated Societies; and 
supplementary misoeDaneous matter are publidied in the Bulurin ov tbs 
ABCBABOLoaiCAL iNsiiTun, issued as an annual volume. The BuiXBTor ie 
■ent to members on request The annual subscription for non-memben ia 
$1.00. Address, the Archaeological Institute of America, The Ootagon, 1741 
New T(Nrk ATenue, Washington, D. C. 



Communications for the Editors may be addressed to Db. Jambs M. Paton. 608 The Strathoona, 
Cambridge, Mass. 

Material for the Department of Arehaeologioal News, Discossions, and Bibliography should ba 
addressed to Professor William N. Batbs, 220, 8t. Mark's Square, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Subaoriptions and advertisements will be received by Turn Rumforo Pbkis, Concord, N. H. ; by 
The BfaanHlan Company, 04-60 Fifth Avenue, New Torit, N. Y.; and by the Arohaeolo^oal Inati- 
tute of America, The Octagon, 1741 New Yoric Avenue, Washington, D. C. 

iMiMd qoartarly ANNUAL SUBSCRIPTION. fS.tO Slntla numbeca, $1.M 



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THE AMERICAN ACADEMY IN ROME 

Thx Amsbioan Academt m Rous, begun in 1804 as the American School 
of Architecture in Borne, waa founded in 1807 for Students of Architecture^ 
Painting, and Sculpture. In 1012, it united with the Ambbioan School op 
GLAfleiCAi. Studdbs m RoifB, retaining its title and organiaing the two 
branohee known as the School of Fins Ahib and the School ov Clabhoal 
Stoddw. 

Tbb School of Finv Abtb; Qobbam P. Stbvsnb, Director. FeOowshipe in 
Architecture, Sculpture, and Paintbg are awarded annually for a term of three 
yearsi and in Landscape Architecture every third year for a term of three 
years. The stipend of each fellowship is $1000* 

Tbb School of Clabbical Studies; Chablbb Upson Clabk, Director. 
A FeUowship for one year with a stq)end of $1000, is offered annually; a Fel- 
lowship for a term of two years, witib the same annual stipend, biennial^. 
An awards are made on competitions open to all unmarried citizens of the 
United States who comply with the regulations of the Academy. 

For further information, address the Secretary, 

C. GRANT LA FARGE, 

101 Park Avenue, New York» N. Y. 



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AMERICAN SCHOOL AT ATHENS 

Tbs American School of Classical Sttidixs at Atbxns was founded by 
the Archaeological Institute of America in 1881. In 1886 it was organised mm 
a OOTporation under the laws of the State of Massachusetts. It is in great 
measure supported by the cooperation of leading American UniversitieB and 
CoUe^es. No chargo for tuition is made to graduates of the si^>portiiig in- 
stitutions. Two Fdlowships, with a stipend of $800, are awarded on esokin- 
ination. Owing to the war the usual examinations will not be held in 1918, 
and no awards for the year 1918-1619 will be made. After the war it is ex- 
pected that the former arrangemoits will be resumed. The library of the 
School contains nearly 6000 carefully selected volumes. 

The Director of the School is Mr. B. H. Hnx. Professor Chablbb Fobstsb 
SiOTB of the University of Wisconsin will hold the annual professorship when 
conditions abroad make it practicable for him to go to Greece. 

For further information, address the Acting Chairman of the Managing 
Committee, 

Phjfessor BDWAKD DELAVAN PERRY, 

Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 



AMERICAN SCHOOL IN JERUSALEM 

Tbs Amebican School of Obibntal Rbsbabch m Jbbttbalbm was founded 
in 1900, and is affiliated with the Archaeolo^cal Institute of America. It is 
supported by a number of American Universities and Theological Seminaries 
ana by private subscriptions. The School offers to properly qualified per- 
sons ezcdlent opportumties for the study of the geomphy, archaeolo^, aiul 
history of Syria, and of the Semitic languages. So charge for tmtion is 
made to graduates of the supporting institutions; other studinits are required 
to pay a fee of 926 per annum. A Fellowship, witib a stipend of $800, is 
warded annually on examination. The Director of the Schod is Pro fess or 
William H. Wobbbll, of Hartford Theoloccal Seminary. Professor Auubbt 
T. Clat, of Yale University, is Professor of Mesopotamian Ardiaeology. It 
is expected that the School will reopen this year. Professor William J. 
HDnoD, of Auburn Theological Seminaiy, is Annual P^essor^leot d the 
Old Testament. 

For further information, address the Chairman of the Managing Committee, 
Professor JAMES A. MONTGOMERY, 

6806 Green St., Germantown, Philadelphia, P^. 

SCHOOL OF AMERICAN RESEARCH 

The School op American Abchaeoloqt was founded by the Archaeological 
Institute of America in 1907 to conduct the researches of the Institute in the 
American field, directr expeditions of the branch Societies, and afford oi^Kur- 
tunities for field work and training. In 1917 it became the School of Ahsu- 
CAN Rbsbabch, with its own charter and with enlarged functions, but without 
change in its affiliation with the Institute. 

The seat of the School is Santa F6, New Mexico, a particularly favored tepcm 
for arohaeolodoal, ethnological, and historical studv. Here it maintains omoes» 
laboratories, Ubrary, studios, a museum of archaeology^ and an art gallery. 

The School has a branch in California in connection with the San IMego 
Museum, which is under the administration of the Director of the Sohou. 
Here are maintained the anthropological laboratcnries and libraiy. The eolleo> 
tions in phjrsical anthroipology are unsurpassed. The Museum also includes 
Central American collections, a building devoted to Indian arts, and an art 
gallery. 

Students are admitted on satisfying the Director as to qualifications for iha 
work proposed. Fellowships are awarded as funds are secured for their maha* 
tenance. The School co-operates in research with universities and scientifio 
organizations, both home and foreign, and invites oorrespondenoe with reference 
to such ooUaboration. 

For further information, address the Director, 

EDGAR L. HBWETT, 

SanU F6, N. M. 



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American loU^t^al of Archaeology 

i^etonti i^tviti 

Thtt Journal of tho Archaeologicid Instituto of Amorica 



EDITORIAL BOARD 

tdttor-ln-Ghlcf .— Db. Jakis M. Patoh. 

AMOdat* Bdltora. — ^Profttsor Gbobob H. Chass, of Harvard Univentty (for A* Ameriean Stkool 
of Chuticad 8tud%e§ at Athena) ; Professor Allan Mabquawd, of Priaoeton VmvtsAty (/or 
Mediaeval and Benaieaanee Archaeology); Da. Fbeobbick H. Sibbms, of Hanraid UniTer- 
•ity (/or Amorieaa Archaedooy); and Proftteor William N. BATsa, of the Univeisi^ of 
Pftimsylvaaia. 

Honorary Editor*.— Professor Jambs C. Eqbbbt, of Columbia UmverBity (Preeident ^ the IneU^ 
tute); Professor Edwabd Cap78» of Princeton University (Chairman efthe Managing Com' 
mitUei^Oie School at Athene); and Professor Jambs A. Moktoombbt. of the Philadelphia 
Diirinity School (Chairman of the Manaoino CommiUee qf the School in Jerusalem), 



The JouBNAL OP THS Abchasological iNSTrruTB OP Ambbioa was established 
in 1897. It contains: 
Archaeological P^>era of the Institute, in the fields of American, Christian, 

Classical, and Oriental Archaeology. 
'Papers of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens. 
Papers of the American School of Oriental Research in Jerusalem. 
Summaries of Archaeological News and Discussions. 
Classified Bibliography of Ardiaeological Books. 
Correspondence; Notes and Notices. 

The Reports of the Institute, including those of the officers of the Institute and 
of the Schools in Athens, Rome, Jerusalem, and Santa F^, and of other Cc»n- 
mittees; the Minutes of the Council; the proceedings of the General Meetii^; 
the Directory of the Institute, the Schools, and the affiliated Societies; and 
supplementary miscellaneous matter are published in the Bulletin or the 
Abchabological Insttfute, issued as an annual volume. The Bulletin is 
sent to members on request. The annual subscription for non-members is 
$1.00. Address, the Archaeological Institute of America, Columbia University, 
New Yoric City. 



CoDummioatioiis for the Editors may be addressed to Da. Jambi M. Patow, SOS The Stratheona, 
(?ambridce, Mass. 

Material for the Department of Archaeological News, DiscoMione, and BibUography ahould b« 
addrened to Professor William N. Batbb. 220, St. Mark's ^quar^ Philadelphia, Pa. 

Sobecriptions and adrertieements will be reoeiTed by Thb RuMyoBD Pasea, Coneotd, N. H.; by 
The Macmillan Company, 04-46 Fifth Avenue, New York, N. Y.; and by the Arohaeologieal Inati- 
tute of America, Columbia University, New York City. 
IsMMd qiiartarly ANNUAL SUBSCRIPTION, $5.t0 Slngla nnmbara. $l,Bt 



For the Publicalions of the Archaeological Instittde of America^ see the advertistni 
pages. 



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mtm^i 



THE AMERICAN ACADEMY IN ROME 

Thb Amsbican Academt in Rome, begun in 1894 as the American School 
of Architecture in Rome, was founded in 1897 for Students of Architecture, 
Painting, and Sculpture. In 1912, it united with the Amebican School of 
Classical Stxtdibs m Romb, retaining its title and organizing the two 
branches known as the School op Fnra Abts and the School op Classical 
Studies. 

The School op Fine Abts; Gobham P. Stevens, Professor m Charge. 
Fellowships in Architecture, Sculpture, and Painting are awarded annually 
for a term of three years, and in Landscape Architecture every third year for a 
term of three years. The stipend of each fellowship is $1000. 

The School op^ Classical Stttdiss; after October 1, Professor G. L. 
Hendricsson, Professor in Charge. A Fellowship for one year with a stipend 
of $1000, is offered annually; a Fellowship for a term of two years, with the 
same annual stipend, biennially. All awards are made on competitions open 
to all unmarried citizens of the United States who comply with the regula* 
tions of the Academy. 

For further information, address the Secretary, 

C. GRANT LA FARGE, 
101 Park Arenue, New York, N. Y. 



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AMERICAN SCHOOL AT ATHENS 

Thb American School of Classical Studies at Athens was founded by 
the Archaeological Institute of America in 1881. In 1886 it was or^aiiized as 
a corporation under the laws of the 8^ ie of Massachusetts. It is in great 
measure supported by the co-operation of leading American Universities and 
Colleges. No charge for tuition is made to graduated of the supporting;^ 
institutions. Two Fellowships, the School Fellowship, with a stipend of $800 
and the Institute Fellowship, with a stipend of SIOOO, are awarded on exam^ 
ination. Owing to the war the usual examinations were not held in 1918 o. -^ 

1919, and no awards for the year 1919-1920 were made. The examinations 
in 1920 (for the fellowships in 1920-1921) will be held March 22-24, 1920. 
It is expected that the normal work of the School wiU be resumed in the 
autumn of 1920. The library of the School contains nearly 6000 carefully 
selected volumes. 

The IMrector of the School is Mr. B. H. Hill. Professor H. B. Dbwin<3 of 
Princeton University holds the annual professorship at the School in 1919- 

1920, and Professor Charles Fobbter smith of the University of Wisconsin 
wiU hold it in 1920-1921. 

For further information, address the Chairman of the Managing Com- 
mittee, 

Professor EDWARD CAPPS, 

Princeton, N. J. 

AMERICAN SCHOOL IN JERUSALEM 

The American School of Oriental Research in Jerusalem was founded 
in 1900, and is affiliated with the Archaeolo^cal Institute of America. It is 
supported by a number of American Universities and Theological Seminaries 
azid by private subscriptions. The School offers to property qualified persons 
excellent opportunites for the study of the geography, archaeolo^, and nistory 
of Syria, and of the Semitic lan^ua^es. No charge for tuition is made to 
graduates of the supporting institutions; other students are required to pay 
a fee of ^5 per annum. A Fellowship, with a stipend of $1000, is awaitied 
annually on examination. The Director of the School is I^fessor Wiluam 
H. Worrell, of Hartford Theological Seminary. Professor Albert T. Clay, 
of Yide Univ^sity, is Professor of Mesopotamian Archaeology ^Professor 
John P. Peters, of the University of the South, Lecturer; Dr. W. F. Al- 
bright, of Johns Hopkins University. Fellow. Professor Wiluam J. Hinkb, 
of Auburn Theological Seminary, is Annual Professor-elect of the Old Testa- 
ment. The School was reopened in October, 1919, and is now in session. 

For further information, address the Chairman of the Managing Committee, 
Proferor JAMES A. MONTGOMERY, 
6806 Greene St., Germantown, Philadelphia, Pa. 

SCHOOL OF AMERICAN RESEARCH 

The School of Ajmbrican Archaeology was founded by the Archaeological 
Institute of America in 1907 to conduct the researches of the Institute in Uie 
American field, direct expeditions of the branch Societies, and afford oppor- 
tunities for field work and training. In 1917 it became the School op 
Abobeican Research, with its own charter and with ^ilarged functions, but 
without change in its affiliation with the Institute. 

The seat of the School is Santa F^, New MeTcico, a particularly favored r^ion 
for archaeological, ethnological, and historical study. Here i t maintains offices, 
laboratories, ubrary, sludios, a museum of archaeology, and an art gallay. 

The School has a branch in California in connection with the San Diego 
Museum, which is under the administration of the Director of the SdK>oL 
Here are maintained the anthropological laboratories and library. The col- 
lections in phjrsical anthropology are unsurpassed. The Museum also includes 
Central American collections, a building devoted to Indian arts, and an art 
gallery. 

Students are admitted on satisfying the Director as to qualifications for 
the work proposed. Fellowships are awarded as funds are secured for their 
maintenance. The School co-operates in research with univensities and 
scientific organizations, both home and foreign, and invites correspondence 
with reference to such collaboration. 

For further information, address the Director, 

EDGAR L. HEWETT, 

Santa F^, M. M. 



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